Oceans Evolving Concepts Guy Jacques Download PDF Chapter

Oceans: Evolving Concepts Guy
Jacques
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/oceans-evolving-concepts-guy-jacques/
Oceans
SCIENCES
Oceanography and Marine Ecology, Field Director – François Lallier
Oceans
Evolving Concepts
Guy Jacques
Paul Tréguer
Herlé Mercier
First published 2020 in Great Britain and the United States by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as
permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, this publication may only be reproduced,
stored or transmitted, in any form or by any means, with the prior permission in writing of the publishers,
or in the case of reprographic reproduction in accordance with the terms and licenses issued by the
CLA. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside these terms should be sent to the publishers at the
undermentioned address:
ISTE Ltd John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

27-37 St George’s Road 111 River Street
London SW19 4EU Hoboken, NJ 07030
UK USA
www.iste.co.uk www.wiley.com
© ISTE Ltd 2020

The rights of Guy Jacques, Paul Tréguer and Herlé Mercier to be identified as the authors of this work
have been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2020933345
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN 978-1-78945-003-3
ERC code:
PE10 Earth System Science
PE10_8 Oceanography (physical, chemical, biological, geological)
LS8 Ecology, Evolution and Environmental Biology
LS8_11 Marine biology and ecology
Contents
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Chapter 1. The Challenger Expedition:

The Birth of Oceanography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1. The Challenger cruise (1872–1876) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2. From the Challenger to the “golden age” of oceanography . . . . . . . 5
Chapter 2. From Physical Oceanography to Ocean–Atmosphere

Interactions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.1. Technological advances revealing the complexity of the ocean . . . . . 10
2.1.1. Hydrological measurements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.1.2. Current measurements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.2. The international TOGA and WOCE programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2.3. Observing for short-term forecasting and climate study. . . . . . . . . . 23
2.4. Major advances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
2.5. An ocean of change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
2.6. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Chapter 3. From Chemistry to Marine Biogeochemistry . . . . . . . 43

3.1. The birth of chemical oceanography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
vi Oceans
3.2. From the chemical composition of seawater to that of plankton . . . . . 44

3.3. Chemical tracers and water mass identification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
3.4. Advancement of concepts on the pelagic ecosystem. . . . . . . . . . . . 55
3.5. Vertical nutrient inputs and coastal upwellings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
3.6. Nutrient upwelling and Southern Ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
3.7. Rise of marine biogeochemistry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
3.8. From local nutrient inputs to large-scale ocean–atmosphere
interactions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
3.9. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
Chapter 4. From Marine Biology to Biological Oceanography . . . 85

4.1. The key role of marine stations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
4.2. The beginnings of marine ecology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
4.3. A case study: a comparative approach to phyto- and zooplankton . . . 96
4.3.1. Progress in phytoplankton analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
4.3.2. History of pigment measurement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
4.3.3. Progress in zooplankton determination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
4.4. The rise of marine genomics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
4.4.1. The starting point: the search for picoplankton . . . . . . . . . . . 113
4.4.2. Marine genomics, biodiversity and biotechnology . . . . . . . . . 117
4.5. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Chapter 5. Anoxia and Chemosynthesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

5.1. Hypoxia and anoxia in the ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
5.1.1. Extension of the dioxygen minimum zone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
5.1.2. Anoxia and mineralization of organic matter . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
5.2. Eutrophication and anoxia of coastal systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
5.2.1. The case of the Baltic Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
5.2.2. “Dead zones” in coastal areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
5.3. Hydrothermal ecosystems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
5.3.1. From suspicion to discovery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
5.3.2. A wide variety of hydrothermal springs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
5.3.3. The epic of underwater devices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
5.3.4. In the deepest depths, autonomous vehicles . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
5.3.5. In deep water, continuous monitoring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
5.3.6. Biological and ecological aspects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
5.3.7. Toward laboratory experimentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
5.4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Contents vii
Chapter 6. A Warmer, More Acidified and

Less Oxygenated Ocean. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
6.1. Ocean “acidification”: process, evolution and impacts . . . . . . . . . . 159
6.1.1. From acidity to pH of seawater and carbonate chemistry . . . . . 160
6.1.2. Variations in ocean pH over geological eras . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
6.1.3. Decrease in ocean pH during the industrial era . . . . . . . . . . . 164
6.1.4. Decrease in pH and disturbances to the carbonate system . . . . . 167
6.1.5. Impact of acidification on acoustics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
6.1.6. Impact of acidification on organisms and ecosystems . . . . . . . 168
6.1.7. Impact of acidification on corals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
6.2. A less productive ocean? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
6.2.1. What are the impacts of climate change
on primary production? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
6.2.2. What are the impacts on carbon export to the deep ocean? . . . 177
6.2.3. A biological carbon pump activated by climate change? . . . . . 179
6.2.4. A deep deoxygenated ocean? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
6.2.5. What are the impacts on plankton? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
6.3. Impacts of climate change on the ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
6.3.1. Rising sea level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
6.3.2. Impact on ecosystem services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
6.4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
Chapter 7. The Ocean at High Resolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187

7.1. Reminder: the ocean on a large scale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
7.2. Tools for moving from large to small scale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
7.2.1. Satellite sensors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
7.2.2. Underwater gliders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
7.2.3. Lagrangian floats (profilers) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
7.2.4. Instrumented animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
7.3. A new vision of the ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
7.3.1. Elements of ocean physics at the meso- and submesoscale . . . . 198
7.3.2. Frontogenesis and dynamics at the submesoscale . . . . . . . . . . 200
7.3.3. High-resolution modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
7.3.4. Impact of mesoscale structures on upper trophic levels. . . . . . . 204
7.3.5. Impact of the submesoscale on ecosystem structure . . . . . . . . 205
7.3.6. Integrating submesoscale dynamics into
general circulation models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
7.3.7. Incorporating diversity into
physical–biogeochemical–ecosystem models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208
7.4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208
viii Oceans
Chapter 8. Challenges for the Ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211

8.1. Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
8.2. Combining the exploitation of biological resources and sustainable
development? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
8.3. Combining the exploitation of deep sea mineral resources
with biodiversity conservation? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
8.4. Mitigating the anthropogenic greenhouse effect
by manipulating the ocean? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
8.4.1. In the 19th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
8.4.2. A half tanker loaded with iron... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
8.4.3. Artificial fertilization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
8.4.4. Natural fertilizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
8.4.5. Geo-engineering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
8.5. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
Glossary of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
List of Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank all those who, through review, advice, the
donation of photographs, etc., have helped to produce this book, which we hope is
also a tribute to a whole generation of researchers, engineers and technicians who,
for half a century, have contributed to the emergence of the science of oceanography.
We also would like to thank Delphine Binos, Claude Courties, Philippe Cury, Marta
Estrada, Serge Garcia, Jean-Pierre Gattuso, Patrice Klein, Aline Fiala, Frank
Lartaud, Odile Levrat, Marian Melin, Marc Picheral, Philippe Pondaven, Suzanne
Razouls, Pascal Rivière, Bernard Salvat, Pierre-Marie Sarradin, Myriam Sibuet and
Olivier Thébaud.
Oceans,
by Guy JACQUES, Paul TRÉGUER and Herlé MERCIER. © ISTE Ltd 2020.
Introduction
Published in the new Sciences encyclopedia launched in 2020 by ISTE Ltd,

this book aims to introduce readers to key themes in oceanography and marine
ecology by focusing on how concepts are evolving. First, we briefly recall (see
Chapter 1) some elements of the history of oceanography, the birth of which is
conventionally dated by the expedition of the British ship Challenger (1872–1876).
The main concern of ocean physicists at that time was to understand ocean
circulation and characterize ocean water masses at the basin scale and then, through
major international programs, at the scale of the global ocean. With the creation of
new tools, physical oceanography has gradually evolved toward describing and
modeling ocean variability at different scales and studying its interactions with the
atmosphere within a context of climate change (see Chapter 2). Chemical
oceanography, also born with the voyage of the Challenger, after a phase dominated
by analytical chemistry for the determination of seawater elements and their
stoichiometry, has evolved toward biogeochemistry through the development of
concepts at the interface between physics, chemistry, biology and geology to
understand the relationships between nutrients and major ocean cycles in relation to
the atmosphere (see Chapter 3). Biological oceanography, which originated in the
19th Century in marine stations in the coastal environment, has spread to the wider
ocean, developing concepts in marine ecology, in particular to explain how pelagic
biomes work. The impact of the genomic approach is overturning traditional
concepts in marine biology, particularly with regard to biodiversity and functions
often expressed at the cellular level (see Chapter 4). About 2.4 billion years ago, the
composition of the two fluid envelopes of planet Earth underwent a drastic change,
with the “great oxidation event”, leading to significant changes in ocean chemistry
that had previously been displaced toward lower oxidation/reduction “redox”
potentials, typical of anoxic environments. The Challenger expedition had dealt a
final blow to the idea of an abiotic ocean beyond the first 500 m. In the 20th
Century, one of the major discoveries was that of hydrothermal oases in ocean
Oceans,
xii Oceans
ridges, showing that anoxia could go hand in hand with the production of organic
matter by chemosynthesis (see Chapter 5).
While the Challenger expedition marked the birth of oceanography, this

discipline has experienced, since the 1960s, a real “golden age” on a global scale
with the massive recruitment of researchers, the launch of dedicated vessels and
underwater vehicles, the emergence of international programs, technical revolutions
(bathythermograph, automatic nutrient salt analyzers, instrumented buoys,
chromatography for pigment analysis, etc.), the satellite revolution concerning a
growing number of parameters and an increasingly interdisciplinary approach. The
time is therefore right to combine these advances.
The last three chapters of this book go beyond the traditional routes of
oceanography works. First, they attempt, through an interdisciplinary approach, to
anticipate the future of a warmer, more acidified and less oxygenated ocean in the
context of climate change. This is due to anthropogenic emissions of greenhouse
gases, in particular carbon dioxide, more than a quarter of which is captured in the
ocean, but at the cost of changing the chemical balance of carbonates (see Chapter
6). They then show how our ability to observe the ocean, not only on a large scale
but also on a small scale, changes our understanding of the processes that control its
functioning, physically, chemically and biologically (see Chapter 7). Finally, we
present (see Chapter 8) three challenges the oceans face in the 21st Century:
– Can we exploit biological resources within the framework of sustainable
development?
– Is the exploitation of its deep mining resources compatible with respect for the
biodiversity of the seabed?
– Should the ocean be manipulated to better regulate climate change?
1
The Challenger Expedition: The

Birth of Oceanography
1.1. The Challenger cruise (1872–1876)
It is to Great Britain’s credit that the first major oceanographic expeditions were
organized, thus confirming its undeniable supremacy over the oceans (Rule,
Britannia!).
One name came to be highly recognized at the end of the 19th Century, the
English naturalist Charles Wyville Thomson (see Box 1.1). For many (Deacon
2001), the circumnavigation of the HMS Challenger he commanded between 1872
and 1876 marked “Year 1” of offshore oceanography. This multidisciplinary
expedition sponsored by the Royal Society of London is the most expensive ever
undertaken, at a cost of about 10 million pounds today.
It is true that Great Britain was at the height of its maritime domination and
could not bear the idea of the United States, Germany or Sweden taking the lead. Let
us examine the contributions of this circumnavigation of 68,916 miles across all
oceans to the far reaches of the Southern Ocean using sails for transit and the steam
engine at stations, especially for dredging.
This expedition with precise objectives (Corfield 2003) was out of the ordinary
due to the meticulous preparation of the ship. Eighteen months were needed to select
the old, 70-m, three-masted warship, set up laboratories and housing, winches and
oceanographic equipment to study the distribution of pelagic fauna, collect
organisms living at depth, multiply bathymetric measurements and take water
samples at all depths.
Oceans,
Oceans: Evolving Concepts, First Edition. Guy Jacques, Paul Tréguer and Herlé Mercier.
© ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
2 Oceans
The two major players in the Challenger cruise
The English naturalist Charles Wyville Thomson (1830–1882, Linlithgow), fascinated

by crinoids, true living fossils, confirmed that life is abundant and diversified up to a
depth of at least 4,500 m and that there is a deep ocean circulation. He published his
results in The Depths of the Sea (1873), the first book dealing with the great depths, which
made him the true founder of modern oceanography. He was entrusted by the British navy
with the direction of the Challenger cruise and was knighted upon his return in 1876.
Figure 1.1. Sir John Murray (©NOAA Ocean exploration and research)
John Murray (1841, Cobourg–1914, Kirkliston) (see Figure 1.1), a man capable of all
during this cruise, was responsible for the publication, at the British government’s
expense, of the 50 volumes published between 1880 and 1895. With quite a bit of humor,
Murray wrote in the introduction: “Our knowledge of the ocean was, in the strict sense,
superficial.” In 1912, he published with the Norwegian Johan Hjort The Depths of the
Ocean (1912), whose first chapter summarizes the history of oceanography from its
origins. He was also knighted in 1898.
Box 1.1. Charles Wyville Thomson and John Murray

The Challenger Expedition: The Birth of Oceanography 3
This mission was considered exceptional due to its significant number of staff.
When the Challenger left Portsmouth on December 21, 1872, it had 243 officers,
crew and scientists on board.
The head of the mission, Scotsman Wyville Thomson, was not in good health
and returned exhausted from this journey. John Murray, another Scot, in charge of
studying deep sediments, was a skillful and vigorous man. The Scot John Buchanan,
a chemist, irascible and pretentious, was the genius of DIY and invention. Henry
Moseley, a true naturalist, also an astronomer, was assisted by the German Rudolph
von Willemoes-Suhm, who died during one of the first stops. John Wild was the
expedition’s secretary and artist.
The monotony of the soundings and dredgings (see Figure 1.2) during the
Challenger’s journey (see Figure 1.3) led to a number of defections by the crew:
about 60 abandoned the voyage and about 10 died.
Figure 1.2. Dredging and sounding on board the HMS Challenger

(©NOAA Ocean exploration and research)
4 Oceans
Figure 1.3. “Around the world” trip of the Challenger

between December 21, 1872 and May 24, 1876
Still out of the ordinary, the 713 days at sea allowed 362 “stations”:
determination of depth, meteorological conditions, direction and speed of the surface
current, sampling of the surface layer of the sediment, sampling of bottom water and
measurement of its temperature. In addition to most stations, plankton sampling by
hauls of net and bottom dredging and trawling with beam trawls were carried out.
This expedition marked the beginning of oceanography because of its major

contributions to ocean knowledge:
1) It definitively put an end to the theory of the British naturalist Edward Forbes
(1843) who had stated that there could be no life beyond 400 m. Certainly, as early
as 1861, the rise of a telegraph cable immersed 1,800 m at the bottom of the
Mediterranean on which solitary corals had settled had already eroded this
hypothesis (not to mention the forgotten work of the pharmacist and naturalist from
Nice Antoine Risso in Histoire naturelle des crustacés des environs de Nice,
published in 1816);
2) Of the 7,000 species harvested, about 1,500 were new; showing the richness and
diversity of the deep environment, which Thomson (1873) translated into these terms:
It is inhabited by a fauna more rich and varied on account of the
enormous extent of the area, and with organisms in many cases
apparently even more elaborately and delicately formed and more
exquisitely beautiful, in their soft shades of coloring and the rainbow

tints of their wonderful phosphorescence, than the fauna of the well-
known belt of shallow water.
3) It specified the topography of the seabed showing a depth of more than
8,183 m in the Mariana trench (the Challenger did not have a longer cable!) and
highlighted the mid-Atlantic ridge, thus preparing the way for Alfred Wegener’s
(1912) continental drift theory;
4) It showed that sediments were formed from pelagic organisms: globigerin,
diatomaceous earth, pteropod and red mud from the deep sea;
5) It brilliantly confirmed the constancy of the relative proportions of the various
salts contained in seawater, having been previously observed in 1819 by the Swiss
Alexandre Marcet and, in 1855, by the American Matthew Fontaine Maury. We will
elaborate on this at the beginning of Chapter 3.
Carpenter’s hope to discover the mechanisms of ocean circulation was not

materializing, despite valuable information gathered on vertical profiles of
temperature, salinity and density, including confirmation that cold waters (2°C)
found near the bottom in the vicinity of Fernando de Noronha formed on the surface
and in winter in the North Atlantic. This partial success was due to the absence of a
real physicist, the poor quality of the thermometers (maximum-minimum temperature
produced by Mille-Casella, then Negretti and Zambra, and Richter and Wiese
reversing thermometers), the inadequacy of British meteorology and the lack of
knowledge of fluid mechanics at that time.
The return to Great Britain did not mark the end of the adventure. Thomson set up
a study in Edinburgh to collate the data, distribute the specimens and supervise the
publication of the results, which lasted 23 years for 50 volumes and 30,000 pages
written by many scholars under the supervision of John Murray (Thomson and Murray
1885–1895). This period was marked by quarrels between the British Museum, which
wanted to coordinate this synthesis, English researchers, who wanted exclusivity, and
the Treasury, who was reluctant to pay an ever-increasing bill.
1.2. From the Challenger to the “golden age” of oceanography
As our book shows the development of concepts essentially between 1960 and
today, we would not want to abandon the Challenger by suggesting that there was
nothing between this expedition and the “golden age” of oceanography. On the
contrary, many cruises enabled the development of concepts and methods. Georg
6 Oceans
Wüst (1964) listed about 20 oceanographic cruises between 1873 and 1960 and, with
less strict criteria, François Carré (2001) counted between 110 and 115 between 1900
and 1956 with increasing frequency after the Second World War when Germany
disappeared into the background and the United States and the USSR moved to the
foreground. These cruises remained national for political or economic reasons
(northern shipping route, fishing, whaling). Twelve countries participated in this
expansion, with only eight being present throughout the period: Argentina, Belgium,
Canada, Denmark, France (including Monaco), the Netherlands, Sweden and the
United Kingdom. The practice of oceanography by enlightened and wealthy
individuals on board their yachts (Alexandre Agassiz, John Buchanan, Albert I of
Monaco [see Figure 1.4], King Don Carlos of Portugal, the Duke of Orléans and
Jean Charcot) disappeared due to financial requirements and the institutionalization
of research.
Figure 1.4. Prince Albert I of Monaco aboard Princess Alice (©Coll. Institut
er
océanographique, Fondation Albert I , Prince of Monaco)
The first cruises, centered on hydrography, were carried out on national marine
vessels (Challenger, Gazelle, the first Vitiaz) before oceanographers had their own
units. The American ship Albatross, a steel steamship made available to the United
States Fisheries Commission in 1883, was the first specifically built for research.
With the era of generalist cruises over, it is interesting to examine the dominant
themes of this period. From 1900 to 1939, the focus was on three areas: bathymetry,
water mass structure and movements, and species inventory and distribution. From
1945 to 1956, the cruise focused on depths: geology, geophysics and biology. The
world tour of the Swedish Albatross in 1947–1948, as close as possible to the
equator, allowed, because of the Kullenberg corer, sediment samples about 20 m
thick to be taken, that is as far back as the cenozoic era. The cruises of the Danish
Galathea and the American Vema, a 70-m yacht transformed into a research vessel,
under the direction of Maurice Ewing, completed this study of large trenches.
High latitudes were beginning to fascinate because of strategic and geopolitical

issues, particularly the southern hemisphere with the Belgian cruise of Belgica and
Scotland with Scotia, England with Discovery and France with the Français and the
Pourquoi Pas? of Commander Charcot. The importance of the Southern Ocean in
the global ocean system was beginning to become apparent, hence an effort by the
British (William Scoresby and Discovery II) and Norwegians (Norvegia and
Torshavn), and later, at the end of the Second World War, the United States and the
USSR came on board. The Arctic was also not forgotten, especially following
the second International Polar Year of 1933, mainly by Russians interested in the
Northern Sea Route.
2
From Physical Oceanography to

Ocean–Atmosphere Interactions
Observing the oceans allows us to describe their state and the variability of their
physical, biogeochemical and biological components. From this knowledge,
questions emerge about the major balances underlying each of these compartments
that require theories and models to be answered.
Since the Challenger’s expedition, the need to better understand these

compartments has been the driving force behind instrumental developments that
have gradually revealed the complexity of the ocean and now provide observation
systems, both in situ and from space, that allow the oceans to be monitored.
The task is immense: to characterize the spatial variability of the ocean from a local
to a global scale and to track the temporal variability of the ocean on time scales
ranging from a few minutes (associated with turbulence and mixing) to seasons of
water mass formation to decades and centuries of natural or anthropogenic climate
variability. The weakness of climate signals in the abyssal ocean, particularly those
related to anthropogenic forcing, adds to the complexity and requires high-precision
measurements.
In this chapter dedicated to physical oceanography, we will focus on the

hydrological properties of water masses (temperature and salinity distribution as a
function of position) and on ocean currents. Biogeochemical tracers, such as
dioxygen, nutrients or chlorofluorocarbons, can also be used to track water bodies
and determine their history, but will be discussed only briefly here.
Oceans,
Oceans: Evolving Concepts, First Edition. Guy Jacques, Paul Tréguer and Herlé Mercier.
© ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
10 Oceans
2.1. Technological advances revealing the complexity of the ocean
2.1.1. Hydrological measurements
The Challenger expedition measured the temperature of water masses using

reversing thermometers; this technology was used until the early 1970s. The
accuracy was already very good (0.005°C), but the composition of seawater
remained to be determined. This expedition allowed Dittmar (1884) to analyze 77
seawater samples to determine their salt composition. He noted that while the
proportion of salts in seawater was relatively constant, the total amount of salt varied
greatly from one sample to another. He thus anticipated one of the major topics of
oceanography: determining the latitude, longitude and depth distribution of salinity.
A definition was needed to make the measures comparable. In 1902, a commission
of the ICES (International Council for the Exploration of the Sea), chaired by the
German biologist Walter Herwig, proposed a definition of ocean salinity based on
chlorinity.
During the Challenger’s expedition, seawater samples were taken using bottles
mounted along a cable, several kilometers long, to sample the layers from the
surface to the bottom. A messenger sliding along the cable caused the bottles to
close and the thermometers to turn upside down. The water collected in this way
was brought to the surface, transferred to bottles and then analyzed. As the number
of vertical sampling bottles was limited (usually about 10), profile repetitions were
necessary to sample the deepest ocean regions.
These measurements made it possible to identify the different water masses in

the ocean. Wüst (1935), using data collected during expeditions on board the
Meteor, traced the movement of water masses by noting that their core was defined
by the extremes of properties (salinity maximum for water from the Mediterranean,
for example) that can be monitored over long distances. In addition to temperature
and salinity measurements, Wüst relied on dissolved dioxygen content in water
measurements, measured using the Winkler method (1888).
Today, temperature and salinity measurements are carried out with CTDO2
(conductivity, temperature, depth, dissolved oxygen) probes that determine the
temperature and salinity of the ocean as a function of pressure with a sampling
frequency of 24 Hz and high accuracy: 1 decibar for pressure, 0.001°C for
temperature, 0.002 for salinity and 1 μmol·kg−1 for dissolved dioxygen. These
accuracies, for salinity and dioxygen, can only be obtained after calibration of these
parameters from concentration measurements in samples taken at different points on
the vertical.
From Physical Oceanography to Ocean–Atmosphere Interactions 11
In practice, it is the conductivity of the ocean that is measured and adjusted with
respect to observations and then transformed into salinity. CTDO2 probes are
mounted on frames (see Figure 2.1) equipped with sampling bottles and acoustic
Doppler current meters to measure the current profile at the same time as the
hydrological property profiles.
These advances have revealed dynamic structures such as deep western currents
that had not been identified by the Challenger’s expedition but had been identified
in those conducted by the World Ocean Circulation Experiment (WOCE) (see
Figure 2.2). The vertical resolution made it possible to highlight structures such as
density inversions, representative of double diffusion.
Figure 2.1. Chassis equipped with 28 seawater sampling bottles, a CTDO2 probe
and acoustic Doppler current meters. The bottles are closed on the upcast at depths
chosen to sample the different water masses. East Greenland Plateau at 60°N in
June 2002 (©OVIDE/Ifremer)
12 Oceans
Figure 2.2. WOCE Section A03 in the North Atlantic. For a color
version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/jacques/oceans.zip
COMMENT ON FIGURE 2.2.– Salinity (pss-78, or practical salinity scale 1978) and
dioxygen along 36°N in September–October 1993. Measurements were taken along
the route shown in the insert; the American coast is on the left and Europe on the
right. The horizontal axis corresponds to the longitude in degrees west and the
vertical axis to the depth. The scale to the right of the plots shows the
correspondence between the colors and the physical units. The maximum salinity,
centered at 1,000 m on the eastern shore, indicates the presence of Mediterranean
water. The maximum dioxygen concentrations (red and orange) indicate water
masses recently in contact with the atmosphere that originated in the Labrador Sea
and northern seas (eWOCE1; Schlitzer 2000).
2.1.2. Current measurements
Surface drifting objects, such as wrecks, have long been used to estimate surface
ocean circulation. It was in December 1883 that the U.S. Navy Hydrographic
Bureau began publishing monthly pilot charts.
1 http://www.ewoce.org/.
These maps reported, among other things, the surface drift of abandoned ships
and other identifiable debris. The trajectories of these wrecks were compiled by
Richardson (1985) (see Figure 2.3) and reveal the surface ocean circulation.
Figure 2.3. The surface drift of wrecks listed in the pilot charts between 1883
and 1902 highlights the Gulf Stream and its extension into the
North Atlantic (Richardson 1985)
Surface drifting buoys have become an important element in ocean observation.

It was the advent of satellite positioning and data collection, in particular the Argos
system, created in 1978 as part of a Franco-American cooperation, that made it
possible to deploy surface drifting buoys on a global scale (Lumpkin et al. 2017).
After numerous tests, the Surface Velocity Program (now the Global Drifter
Program), launched in 1979, includes a surface drifting buoy to which a floating
anchor several meters long is connected, positioned at a depth of 15 m. The satellite
location tracking and geographical localization system is mounted on the surface
float. Surface temperature and atmospheric pressure are measured by the surface
drifting buoy that currently uses GPS positioning.
Deep circulation and velocity of deep currents have long remained unknown.
Oceanographers assumed, by interpreting the circulation, that the velocity at the
interface between two water masses was negligible. With the idea that a drifting
object could reveal circulation, but this time at depth, John Swallow (1953)
14 Oceans
developed a float whose buoyancy was adjusted so that it drifted at a predetermined

depth. The float is positioned by acoustic means.
An initial experiment confirmed the existence of the Deep Western Boundary

Current under the Gulf Stream, as predicted by the theoretical studies of Stommel
and Arons (1959a, 1959b). The floats showed an intensified current at the bottom,
with speeds of up to 17.4 cm/sec per 2,800 m of water. A second experiment
(Swallow 1971) was conducted in 1960 off Bermuda over a period of 14 months.
The objective was to verify whether Stommel’s prediction of a deep interior
circulation of low intensity and northward direction was valid. The floats were
deployed between 2,000 and 4,000 m deep and revealed an energetic circulation
with currents of about 10 cm/sec. They were highly variable and associated with
mesoscale vortex structures. Following this first demonstration, many experiments
based on this drifting float technology were carried out, increasingly revealing the
complexity of ocean circulation (see Figure 2.4).
The discovery of these medium-scale structures, the equivalent of depressions or

anticyclones in the atmosphere, but with spatial scales 10 times smaller, came to
occupy oceanographers during the following decade when experiments such as
Mode and Polymode in 1973–1978 (The Mode group 1978) or Tourbillon (Le
Groupe Tourbillon 1983) were trying to describe them.
Figure 2.4. Trajectories of 26 Sofar floats (Langrangian SOund Fixing And Ranging)
that have drifted for more than 2 years in the North Atlantic between 600 and 800 m
deep. The trajectories reveal the almost systematic presence of medium-scale
structures with trajectories forming loops (Ollitrault and Colin de Verdière 2002a,
2002b). For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/jacques/oceans.zip
In 1978, the Seasat satellite was launched with an altimeter on board to measure
the sea surface height from space. Despite a short lifetime (100 days), the satellite
showed the feasibility of the measurement, showing a difference in sea surface height
of about 1 m across the Gulf Stream (see Figure 2.5). This demonstration paved the
way for the measurement, from space, of the dynamic topography of the ocean, and
therefore of surface geostrophic currents. The variability shown by the six passes
through the Gulf Stream demonstrated the transient nature of ocean eddies. At the
same time, satellite measurements of sea surface temperature became available.
Figure 2.5. The Gulf Stream as seen by Seasat. (a) Ground traces of the satellite's
measurements of sea surface elevation change. The position of the Gulf Stream is
indicated by the arrow. (b) Sea surface variations across the Gulf Stream for the six
tracks listed above. The difference in elevation, Δhm, across the Gulf Stream varies
from 1.15 to 1.95 m and the associated geostrophic velocity varies between 1.50 and
3.55 m⋅sec-1 (Kao and Cheney 1982)
16 Oceans
Fluid mechanics applied to oceanography
Figure 2.6. Henry Stommel in 1965 on board the Atlantis II (Wunsch 1997)
Henry “Hank” Melson Stommel (see Figure 2.6) turned to oceanography at WHOI
(Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution) from 1944 until 1959, with the Office of Naval
Research supporting his projects. He proposed theories on global ocean circulation and
Gulf Stream behavior and, in 1959, became a professor at Harvard and worked at MIT
(Massachusetts Institute of Technology) before returning to WHOI in 1963 until his
retirement.
Stommel became famous with the publication in 1948 of “The westward

intensification of wind-driven ocean currents”, one of the most widely cited articles in
physical oceanography. Based on fluid mechanics, he suggests that the rotation of the
Earth (Coriolis force) explains the strengthening of Western Boundary Currents such as
the Gulf Stream (in 1958 he published The Gulf Stream: Physical and Dynamic
Description) or the Kuroshio (“black current” in Japanese, which underlines its
oligotrophy). He also showed that this northward flow is counterbalanced by a southward
cold water current flowing under the first one. With Arnold Arons, he extended his
research to deep circulation, proposing a scheme where surface water dives into the polar
regions to feed deep currents in the western part of the basins, while the interior flow
moves toward the poles. He also developed the first thermohaline circulation models.
He was the first to carry out monthly outings for several years thanks to the wooden
oceanographic vessel Palinurus from the Bermuda Biological Station. The slope of the
plateau allowed him to quickly reach great depths and thus obtain profiles for
temperature, salinity and other chemical data. In addition to this research on general
circulation, Stommel was also interested in the classification of estuaries, turbulent
diffusion and the impacts of volcanoes on climate.
Box 2.1. Henry Stommel (1920–1992)

2.2. The international TOGA and WOCE programs
Building on these instrumental developments and emerging technologies,

oceanographers conducted two major programs in the 1990s: TOGA (Tropical
Ocean Global Atmosphere) and WOCE, which set the basis for today’s observation
systems. These two programs, which were part of the World Climate Research
Program, enabled rapid progress in the acquisition of new data to better understand
and then predict, using numerical models, the “climate” of the oceans.
The TOGA program was motivated by the arrival, in 1982–1983, of an El Niño-

Southern Oscillation (ENSO) event of exceptional intensity (see Figure 2.7). Peru,
Ecuador and the western United States experienced torrential rains causing
exceptional flooding, while Indonesia and Australia experienced record droughts.
However, scientists were late in understanding what was happening, when the El
Niño phenomenon reached its maximum intensity in December 1982 (Cane 1983).
The global impacts of ENSO have motivated many efforts to understand its origin
and forecast it; they are included in the TOGA program. With ENSO being an
interaction phenomenon between the ocean and the atmosphere, TOGA is built to
acquire a database covering both the tropical Pacific Ocean and its atmosphere. TOGA
aims to develop coupled models that understand the ocean–atmosphere interaction
mechanisms underlying ENSO and determine the predictability of the ocean–
atmosphere system in the Pacific both seasonally and interannually (McPhaden et al.
2011). One of the key elements for observing the tropical Pacific Ocean is the Atlas
buoy network, which provides meteorological, surface and subsurface oceanographic
measurements (see Figure 2.8). The first deployments of these buoys were made in
1984 and the complete network of 70 buoys covering the entire Pacific was established
in 1994 (see Figure 2.9). The network is complemented by other in situ observations
such as XBT lines (eXpendable BathyThermograph). The program benefits from the
development of ocean observation from space with the measurement of ocean surface
temperature by NOAA (National Oceanographic Atmospheric Administration)
satellites, altimeters providing access to sea surface elevation and ocean heat content,
from Topex/Poseidon, launched by CNES (French National Centre for Space
Studies) and NASA and ERS-1, launched by ESA (European Space Agency), whose
scatterometer also measures ocean surface winds. TOGA data are available in real time
(or near real time, with a delay of a few days), which allows the setup of forecast
models. Meteorological centers, such as the NCEP (National Centers for Environmental
Prediction) or the ECMWF (European Centre for Medium-range Weather Forecasts),
now routinely offer an ENSO forecast.
18 Oceans
Figure 2.7. El Niño. For a color version of this figure,

see www.iste.co.uk/jacques/oceans.zip
COMMENT ON FIGURE 2.7.– The three states of ocean–atmosphere interactions in the

equatorial Pacific. The surface temperature ranges from red (maximum) to blue
(minimum). Under “normal” conditions, winds and surface currents are directed
westward at the equator, causing cold, nutrient-rich water to upwell at the eastern
boundary of the Pacific, promoting organic production. Under El Niño conditions,
easterly winds weaken, the thermocline deepens and warm surface water invades the
eastern Pacific. In La Niña conditions, upwelling on the eastern Pacific coast intensifies.
Figure 2.8. TOGA observation system (©Eumetsat)

Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
banished after it had been put in force went away and made no
attempt to come back; but in June 1659 four who were more resolute
and determined appeared in Boston with the avowed intention of
defying the law. They were William Robinson, Marmaduke
Stevenson, Nicholas Davis, and Mary Dyer. They were arrested and
sentenced to banishment (September 12th), with the threat that they
should suffer death if they remained or returned to the colony.
Nicholas Davis and Mary Dyer “found freedom to depart; but the
other two were constrained in the love and power of the Lord not to
depart, but to stay in the jurisdiction, and to try the bloody law unto
20
death.” They withdrew to the New Hampshire settlements, but in
about four weeks returned to Boston prepared to die, and were
joined there by Mary Dyer, who had decided to share their fate. They
were arraigned before the General Court, which was then in session,
and admitting that they were the persons banished by the last Court
of Assistants, were sentenced to be hanged in a week from that time
21
(October 19th). The authorities evidently were afraid of popular
sympathy, for they gave orders for a military guard of one hundred
men to conduct them to the gallows, while another military force was
charged to watch the rest of the town, and the selectmen were
instructed to “press ten or twelve able and faithful persons every
night to watch the town and guard the prison.”
Neither side would yield: the Quakers had come back with the
declared purpose of dying for their faith and for the principle of
religious liberty; the authorities did not dare to withdraw from the
position in which they had rashly placed themselves, and the leaders
do not seem to have had any desire to do so. They felt that the
question of their authority was at stake, and that if they yielded their
power over the people would be gone. They were willing to claim for
themselves and their institutions the protection of the laws of
England, but they would not admit any appeal to those laws when
they conflicted with the colonial regulations. They claimed to own the
colony in full sovereignty, in virtue of their charter on the one hand
and their deeds from the Indians on the other, and they argued that
they had the same right to exclude obnoxious and dangerous
persons, and to destroy them if they persistently thrust themselves
upon them, that a householder has of resisting a burglar, or a
shepherd of killing the wolves that break into his sheepfold.
It is a great mistake to say that they had come to the colony from
a zeal for religious liberty. What they had come for was to be in a
place where they could order religious affairs to suit themselves. As
Besse, the Quaker historian, shrewdly remarks: “They appear not so
inconsistent with themselves as some have thought, because when
under oppression they pleaded for liberty of conscience, they
understood it not as the natural and common right of all mankind, but
22
as a peculiar privilege of the orthodox.”
The tragedy was performed on the twenty-seventh day of
October 1659; the prisoners, walking hand in hand, were brought to
the gallows by the soldiers. They were insulted in their last moments
by the bigoted Wilson, and when they tried to address the people
their voices were drowned by the beating of the drums. Robinson
and Stevenson died bravely, and Mary Dyer mounted the ladder to
meet her fate; her skirts were tied, the rope was about her neck, and
she was on the point of being “turned off,” when she was released by
the magistrates in consideration of the intercession of her son, who
had come up from Rhode Island to try to save his mother’s life. She
unwillingly accepted the grudging gift, and went back to Rhode
23
Island.
The popular feeling was so strong against the magistrates for
their severity, that they thought it best to put forth a declaration, in
which they argued that their proceedings were justified by the law of
self-defence, and by the precedent of the English laws against the
Jesuits; and they calmly stated that what they had done was only to
present the point of their sword in their own defence, that the
Quakers who had rushed upon it had become “felons de se,” and
that their former proceedings and their mercy to Mary Dyer upon the
“inconsiderable intercession” of her son “manifestly evinced that they
24
desired their lives absent rather than their death present.”
The bodies of the unfortunate men were treated with indecent
brutality, and were buried naked beneath the gallows. Mrs. Dyer
remained away for six months, and then the spirit moved her to
return once more and die. Her husband wrote to Endicott to beg her
life, but without avail. No mercy could be shown her as long as she
defied the law. It is said that her life was offered her if she would
promise to keep out of the colony henceforth, but she declined to
25
receive the favor. “In obedience to the will of the Lord I came,” said
she, “and in his will I abide faithful to the death.”
Meanwhile the prisons and the house of correction had been the
fate of other delinquents, and the jailer and executioner had had
plenty of employment with the scourge. The Southwicks, with their
eldest son Josiah, were whipped, fined, and imprisoned for
withdrawing from the public services and worshipping by
themselves, and their two younger children were ordered to be sold
26
as slaves to the West Indies in satisfaction of the fines imposed.
W. Shattuck was whipped, fined, and imprisoned. Sarah Gibbons
and Dorothy Waugh were whipped. Hored Gardner, a woman with a
sucking babe, and a young girl who came into the colony with her,
were scourged with the “three-fold knotted whip, and during her
tortures she prayed for her persecutors.”
William Brand was thrown into the House of Correction, and,
refusing to work, was beaten constantly by the brutal jailer with a
tarred rope an inch thick. The pathetic record says: “His back and
arms were bruised black, and the blood was hanging as in bags
under his arms, and so into one was his flesh beaten that the sign of
27
a particular blow could not be seen, for all became as a jelly.”
William Leddra and Rouse, whose ears had been cut off, were
ordered to be whipped twice a week with increasing severity until
they consented to work, and were at last dismissed from the colony
under pain of death if they returned.
Patience Scott, a girl eleven years old, was imprisoned as a
Quaker, but discharged, after a period of detention, in consideration
of her youth; but her mother, Catherine Scott, for reproving the
magistrates for a deed of darkness, was whipped ten stripes,
although she was admitted by them to be otherwise of blameless life
and conversation.
Christopher Holden, who, in spite of losing his ears in 1658, had
returned once more, was banished upon pain of death by the same
28
court that had hanged Robinson and Stevenson. Seven or eight
persons were fined, some as high as ten pounds, for entertaining
Quakers, and Edward Wharton, for piloting them from one place to
another, was ordered to be whipped twenty stripes, and bound to his
good behavior. Divers others were then brought upon trial, “for
adhering to the cursed sect of Quakers, not disowning themselves to
be such, refusing to give civil respect, leaving their families and
relations, and roaming from place to place vagabonds like”; and
Daniel Gold was sentenced to be whipped thirty stripes, Robert
Harper fifteen, and they, with Alice Courland, Mary Scott, and Hope
Clifton, banished upon pain of death; William Kingswill whipped
fifteen stripes; Margaret Smith, Mary Trask, and Provided Southwick
29
ten stripes each, and Hannah Phelps admonished. In November,
William Leddra, who had been released, returned, and was at once
arrested. On his trial the opportunity of withdrawal was again
extended, but he refused to accept it, and was executed March 1,
1661. As he ascended the ladder he was heard to say: “All that will
be Christ’s disciples must take up the cross,” and just as he was
being thrown from its rounds, he cried in the words of Stephen, “Lord
Jesus, receive my spirit.” Wenlock Christison, who had been before
this sentenced to death, but allowed to leave the colony, had
returned, and during Leddra’s trial he came boldly before the Court
and told the astonished judges: “I am come here to warn you that ye
shed no more innocent blood.” He was at once arrested, and was
brought up for trial three months later. There was an unusual
difference of opinion in regard to the case, and the condemnation
was only secured by the violence of Endicott, who was able to
browbeat the others into consent. But the sentence they passed was
never executed. The people were tired of bloodshed, and the
opposition which was shown in the General Court to any further
proceedings was so great as to make a change in the law
30
necessary.
The humanity of the delegates to the Court was probably
considerably quickened by a sense of the dangerous position in
which the colony stood since the restoration of Charles II., who, they
might naturally fear, would call them to an account for their
proceedings, especially as the colony had allowed nearly a year to
pass without any recognition of the change in the political situation.
The General Court attempted to save its dignity by interposing a
still greater number of shameful and unusual punishments between
the first offence and the death penalty, and declared that, “being
desirous to try all means with as much lenity as might consist with
safety to prevent the intrusions of the Quakers, who had not been
restrained by the laws already provided, they would henceforth order
that such intruders should be tied to a cart’s tail and whipped from
town to town toward the borders of the jurisdiction. Should they
return after being dealt with thus thrice, they were to be branded with
the letter R on their left shoulder, and be severely whipped and sent
away again at the cart’s tail. Should they again return, they were to
31
be liable to the former law of banishment under pain of death.”
It is quite possible that this appeared to be lenity to men like
Endicott and Norton, but it is very doubtful whether the Quakers so
considered it. It did not prevent, though it anticipated, an order from
the king directing that any Quakers imprisoned or under sentence
32
should be released and sent to England for trial. To make this still
more galling to the pride of the colony, it was sent by Samuel
Shattuck, a Salem Quaker, who had been banished from the colony
under pain of death if he should return, and who, we cannot doubt,
thoroughly enjoyed his mission and the humiliation of Endicott. For a
short time the order was obeyed and then the “lenient” laws were put
in force again; and, as many delicately nurtured Quaker women
found to their cost, the “tender mercies” of the saints were cruel.
Palfrey remarks, with great gratification apparently, that “no hanging,
no branding, ever took place by force of this law,” but that “under its
provisions for other penalties the contest was carried on for a
considerable time longer.”
It would be wearisome to cite all of the subsequent proceedings;
a few of them will suffice to show that the treatment of the Quakers
still continued to be extremely severe, and that in spite of it all they
persisted in braving the threats of the magistrates. It was not until
1679, when religious toleration was forced against their wills upon
the good Christians of Massachusetts, that the Quakers found any
safety within the boundaries of the colony.
In 1661, when the Quakers were set free at the command of the
king, some of them were whipped at the cart’s tail twenty stripes
33
apiece, on the ground that they were vagabonds.
In 1662, Josiah Southwick, who had returned from his
banishment, was whipped at the cart’s tail in Boston, Roxbury, and
Dedham, and dismissed into the woods with a warning not to return.
The magistrates apparently had found that their old style of whipping
was too humane; for the whip used on this and several subsequent
occasions was made, not of cord, “but of dried guts like the bass
strings of a bass viol,” with three knots at each end—a weapon
which, according to contemporary testimony, made holes in the back
34
that one could put pease into.
In December 1662 Ann Coleman, Mary Tompkins, and Alice
Ambrose were stripped to the waist and whipped at the cart’s tail in
Dover, Hampton, and Salisbury, and were forced to walk the entire
distance in slush and snow up to their knees. The “lenient” sentence
required indeed that they should be whipped in each town in the
jurisdiction, but the constable at Newbury found in the warrant some
flaw by which he was able to release them. On their return to Dover,
they were seized by the constables by night, dragged face
downwards over snow and stumps to the river, one of them at least
was doused in the stream and dragged after a canoe, and they were
only released because the storm was too severe for their tormentors
35
to brave. Ann Coleman, again, with four friends, was whipped
36
through Salem, Boston, and Dedham. Elizabeth Hooton, a woman
of over sixty years of age, Fox’s first convert, was first imprisoned,
and then carried two days’ journey into the wilderness, “among
wolves and bears,” and left there to shift for herself. On returning,
she was kept in a dungeon at Cambridge two days without food, tied
to the whipping-post and flogged there, then taken to Watertown,
where she was flogged with willow rods, flogged again at Dedham,
and then carried into the woods as before. Coming back once more
to fetch her clothes from Cambridge, she and a companion, “an
ancient woman,” and her daughter were whipped in private, in spite
of which we find her coming once more to Boston, and on that
37
occasion she was whipped again at the cart’s tail. Mary Tompkins,
Alice Ambrose, and Ann Needham also appear again and again in
the records of suffering. One Edward Wharton, who was most
resolute in defying the authorities, was constantly under arrest, and
even a bare enumeration of his floggings would fill a page.
In 1665 Deborah Wilson, for going naked through the streets of
Salem “for a sign,” was whipped; but the constable executed his
office so mercifully that he was displaced. There is a pathetic
incident mentioned by Bishop, the Quaker historian, that “her tender
husband, though not altogether of her way, followed after,” as she
underwent her punishment, “clapping his hat sometimes between the
38
whip and her back.”
Eliakim Wardwell, at Newbury, was fined heavily in 1665 for
entertaining Wenlock Christison; and this injustice in addition to the
other cruel acts, so affected his wife Lydia that, although a modest
and delicate woman, she came naked into the meeting at Newbury,
as a testimony against them. She was seized and hurried away to
the court at Ipswich, which sentenced her to be whipped at the
nearest tavern post. Bishop says:
Without Law or President they condemned her to be tyed to

the fence Post of the tavern, where they sat, which is usually
their Court places, where they may serve their ears with Musick,
and their bellies with Wine and gluttony; whereunto she was tyed
stript from the Waste upwards, with her naked breasts to the
splinters of the Posts and there sorely lashed, with twenty or
thirty cruel stripes, which though it miserably tore and bruised
her tender body, yet to the joy of her Husband and Friends that
were Spectators, she was carried through all these inhumane
cruelties, quiet and chearful, and to the shame and confusion of
these unreasonable bruit beasts, whose name shall rot, and their
39
memory perish.
Eliakim, her husband, some time after, for vindicating her

character, was by order of the court at Hampton bound to a tree and
whipped fifteen lashes. In 1675 a law was passed which made it the
duty of the constables, under heavy penalties, to break up all Quaker
meetings and to commit those present to the House of Correction,
there to have the discipline of the house and be kept to work on
bread and water, or else to pay five pounds.
In 1677 an order was passed requiring an oath of fidelity to the
country, and legal liabilities were imposed upon all who refused the
oath. This struck directly at the Quakers, and was believed by them,
whether justly or not, to have been made for the purpose of vexing
40
and plundering them. A vigorous protest against it was made in
writing by Margaret Brewster, who came from Barbadoes to bear her
testimony against the law and to declare the evils that were coming
upon the colony. Having, as she declared, “a foresight given of that
grievous calamity called the Black Pox, which afterwards spread
there to the cutting off of many of the People. Wherefore she was
constrained in a prophetic manner to warn them thereof, by entering
into their publick assembly clothed in sackcloth and ashes, and with
her face made black.” For this she and four of her friends were
arrested and cast into prison upon the charge of “making a horrible
disturbance, and affrighting the people in the South Church in
Boston in the time of the public dispensing of the Word, whereby
several women ... are in danger of miscarrying.” She was whipped at
the cart’s tail twenty lashes, and the young women who were with
her were forced to accompany her during her punishment. Twelve
Quakers, who were arrested the same day at a Quaker meeting,
41
were whipped, and fifteen the week following.
In the other colonies the sufferings of the Quakers were not so
severe, though in Plymouth they had to endure banishment, fines,
and whippings. In Connecticut, thanks probably to the wisdom of
John Winthrop, the only cases which occurred were met with
banishment, and the Quakers seem to have respected the
jurisdiction where they were mercifully treated. In New Haven there
were several prosecutions; Southold on Long Island seems to have
been the place most frequented by the Quakers, though they also
appeared in Greenwich. The only case of extreme severity was that
of Humphrey Norton, who had already borne his torturing in
Massachusetts, where he had enraged the magistrates by his appeal
to the laws of England. He was arrested at Southold and taken to
New Haven, where he was “cast into Prison and chained to a Post,
and kept night and day for the space of twenty Days with great
Weights of Iron in an open Prison without Fire or Candles in the
bitter cold Winter (December 1657), enough (reasonably) to have
starved him,” as Bishop writes. When he attempted to reply to
Davenport in the Court, he was not suffered to speak, but was
gagged with “a great Iron Key, tied athwart his mouth.” After his trial
42
was over he was whipped thirty stripes and branded H in the hand.
Several who sympathized with or who entertained Quakers were
punished with heavy fines. In New Netherlands they fared little
43
better; and in Virginia the much-flogged Mary Tompkins and Alice
Ambrose found little mercy from the cavaliers, being put in the pillory
and whipped with a cat-of-nine-tails so severely that blood was
drawn by the very first stroke; and George Wilson, “in cruel irons that
rotted his flesh, and long imprisonment, departed this life for his
44
testimony to the Lord.” In Maryland they were subjected to fine and
imprisonment for refusing to take an oath or to serve in the militia.
45
Liberty of conscience was granted in 1688.
It was in New England, and especially in Massachusetts, that the
persecution was general and severe. The magistrates, as a rule,
defended their action, as necessary to the maintenance of their
authority and to the preservation of order and orthodoxy; and their
conduct has been extenuated and excused, if not actually defended,
by modern New England historians.
It is not a pleasant history, but there is something to be said upon
the side of the authorities even by one who has no admiration for
them or sympathy with them. The Puritans had not come to New
England for liberty of thought, but for liberty of action. Having failed,
as they thought at the time, to secure the triumph of their views in
the church and state of England, they preferred to leave the struggle
and come to New England, where they could live under their own
system without being obliged to contend or suffer for their faith—a
point upon which the Quaker controversialists make some very
46
sharp remarks.
They considered the territory which they held to be their own
peculium, and claimed that by their charter they had acquired
absolute sovereignty in its limits, subject to no appeal to England;
and they realized that if appeal to England was granted, their
absolute authority was at an end. One of the leading colonists is
reported to have said: “If we admit appeal to the Parliament this year,
next year they will send to see how it is, and the third year the
government will be changed.” The settlement also had in their eyes a
religious character; it was founded, as they boasted, for religion and
not for trade, and they held that they had a right to dictate the
religious usages and practices therein, as was shown by their
treatment of Mrs. Hutchinson and Wheelwright, Roger Williams and
Gorton, Child and Maverick, not to mention Morton of Merry Mount.
They believed the Quakers to be a pernicious sect, confounding
them with other fanatical bodies which they resembled, and they
feared that the natural consequence of the claim which they made to
immediate revelation would be communistic attempts at the
overthrow of the established order, such as had been seen a
hundred years before in Germany. From these premises the
conclusion was a natural one, that their duty was to nip the evil in the
bud, to crush the Quakers before they became strong enough to be
dangerous to the state. Their action in banishing the first that arrived,
before any overt acts were committed, was undoubtedly technically
illegal; but if the Quakers had been in reality what they fancied them,
no one would have blamed them for their prompt decision. Besides,
they had a law by which they were accustomed to banish heretics,
and the Quakers might very well come under that description.
As regards the compelling shipmasters to carry them back to the
port from which they had come, such a custom had prevailed from a
very early date in the case of undesirable immigrants. Winthrop, in
his History mentions the reshipping to England of a crazy pauper
woman whom the parish of Willesden had sent over to the colonists
in Massachusetts. The Quakers came in spite of banishment, and
the more they were imprisoned and beaten the more daring became
their defiance, the more violent their abuse. They spared neither
priest nor magistrate, and the floods of denunciation which they
poured out were portentous. It is not to be wondered at that a stern
and severe people, living a hard and cruel life of constant struggle
with the elements, and in the constant dread lest their privileges
should be assailed, should have been cruel in their treatment of
these incorrigible offenders.
Judged by the common standard of the age, the cruelty of the
treatment of the Quakers is not so remarkable as to be singled out
above all other cruelties for reprobation. The Quakers themselves
were cruel at times. George Fox himself is said to have been a
witch-finder; and a son of the Samuel Shattuck who bore the king’s
mandate to Endicott appears in the Salem witchcraft trials as a
47
prominent witness against some of the unfortunates. The folly and
fatuity of the treatment adopted is more of a point to notice. In the
colonies where the Quakers were let alone they caused no trouble.
Palfrey’s sneer, that there was no order to disturb in Rhode Island,
may be justified perhaps as regards that colony, but Connecticut
certainly was a well-ordered commonwealth. In Massachusetts, on
the contrary, the same persons kept coming again and again, and
the severer the punishments the madder became their actions. It
should be remembered that the acts usually mentioned as justifying
the Puritans’ severity, such as the performances of the naked
women at Salem and Newbury, of the men who broke bottles on the
pulpit steps, and of the woman who smeared her face with black and
frightened the matrons in the Old South church, were not committed
until after the persecution had been carried on for years, until scores
of women had been stripped naked and flogged by the authorities,
until men had had their ears cut off, and until three men and one
woman had been put to death upon the gallows. The persecution
was a blunder, and the details of it made it a blunder of the most
atrocious description. Power was put into the hands of local and
irresponsible magistrates to sentence men and women to these
shameful and unusual punishments, and brutal constables and
jailers were entrusted with the enforcement of the law without any
due supervision. The most painful part of the whole history is the
attitude of the Puritan clergy, in Massachusetts especially. They were
bitter and bigoted, hounding on the magistrates to their cruel work,
and insulting the unfortunate wretches when they came to suffer.
Quaker instinct rightly, no doubt, fixed upon John Norton as the
“Fountain and Principal unto whom most of the cruelty and
48
bloodshed is to be imputed.”
For the constancy of the Quakers themselves, their endurance
and their fortitude, one can feel nothing but admiration. One
remembers how, centuries before, men who like them were willing to
die rather than to deny their faith had been called the enemies of
mankind, and accused of a perverse and execrable superstition. It
must be admitted, however, that their behavior was often of a kind
that would not be allowed to-day any more than it was then, although
it is to be hoped that our modern statecraft would find milder and
more efficient means of repression than did our predecessors in New
England; yet when one remembers how the Mormons were treated
in Illinois and Missouri, and how the mob destroyed a Roman
Catholic convent in Massachusetts, within the memories of living
men, we may think it perhaps prudent not to be too sweeping in our
condemnation.
The fundamental difficulty in the Puritans’ position was their
illegal and unconstitutional government. To maintain that, they were
led to deny to other Englishmen their rights, and to assert an
independence of the home authorities which was little short of actual
separation.
The second evil principle in their government was the union of
church and state, or rather the subjection of the state to the church,
a church moreover in which the people had no rights except by favor
of the ministers, a church that was a close corporation and imbued
with the spirit of the law of Moses rather than that of the gospel of
Christ. In church, as well as in state, there was a consciousness that
their existence was illegal and illegitimate; that, in spite of their
protests to the contrary, they had separated from their fellow-
Christians in England and had formed a polity for themselves; hence,
just as they felt it necessary to manifest their political authority by
acts of severity upon any who questioned it, so they deemed it
necessary to maintain their orthodoxy by persecuting those who
differed from them in religion. They were ill at ease both politically
and religiously, and they sought to disguise the fact from themselves,
by making proof of all the power that they possessed. Hence it was
that the conflict arose which has stained with innocent blood the
early history of the land. It is not to be wondered that the Quakers
should see, in the horrible death of Endicott and the miserable end of
49
Norton, the hand of an avenging Providence, or that they should
believe that for a distance of twenty miles from Boston the ground
was cursed so that no wheat could ripen because of a blood-red
50
blight that fastened upon it. But we, who live at a time when we
can view the history of the struggle with calmness and impartiality,
may respect the grim determination of the severe magistrates who
felt it their duty, at whatever cost, to keep that which was committed
to their trust free from the poison of heresy and fanaticism, while we
sorrow at the blindness which hid from their eyes the folly and the
cruelty of their proceedings. We may sympathize with the tortured
Quakers, whom we now know to be harmless enthusiasts, yet
without approving or extenuating their mad actions, their abusive
language, or their grotesque indecencies; and we may hope that,
though at enmity in this life, yet, as Browning wrote of Strafford and
Pym,
“in that world
Where great hearts led astray are turned again,”
both now are able to respect each other’s loyalty of purpose and
fidelity to their respective conceptions of truth.
NOTES.
1
Vide infra, Note 6.
2
George Fox, Journal. It is well to notice that of the ministers
mentioned by Fox by name or parish, Nath. Stevens, the rector
of Fenny Drayton, was a Presbyterian of some eminence, and
was ejected for non-conformity in 1662. So also was Matthew
Cradock, the “priest of Coventry,” who was a distinguished
non-conformist divine. The priest at Mansetter, who advised
tobacco and psalm-singing, kept his living during the whole
period of the Commonwealth, and so may be presumed not to
have been a “Churchman” in the commonly received sense of
the term. “One Macham,” of whom Fox speaks, and who
seems to have treated him with more sympathetic kindness
than any of the others, was a loyal Churchman and was
sequestered in 1645, as a penalty for his adherence to the
bishop and the king to whom he had sworn allegiance. It is
rather surprising to find historians in general, even those who
should be better informed, assuming that, because these men
were filling the parishes of the Church of England, they were,
therefore, Church of England clergymen.
3
Bishop, George, New England Judged, London, 1661, pp. 14–
25.
4
Geo. E. Ellis, Memorial History of Boston, vol. i. p. 181.
5
Hubbard’s History of New England, p. 553.
6
Massachusetts Records, iv. (1), 276.
7
Bishop, 5–13.
8
Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 349. Rhode Island Records, i.
374.
9
Mass. Records, iv. (1), 277.
10
Bishop, 38, 39.
11
Bishop, 40, 42.
12
Mass. Records, iv. (1), 308. Bishop, 50.
13
14
Bishop, 72, 73.
15
Mass. Records, iv. (1), 345, 346.
16
Mass. Archives, vol. x. p. 246.
17
Mass. Records, iv. (1), 348. (In payment for this work Norton
received five hundred acres of land, a good price for a sermon.
Ibid., p. 397.)
18
The Heart of New England Rent at the Blasphemies of the
Present Generation. Printed by Samuel Green, Cambridge in
New England, 1659. The arguments used in this declaration
are so characteristic of the spirit of the times that the following
extract may be useful. The author has been demonstrating that
the Quakers were heretical on various points of the faith, and
that the Scriptures authorize the punishment of false believers.
He continues:
“But other Scriptures omitted, I shall here transcribe only two
more, both of which are eminently pregnant with this truth:
wherein also are cases put between the cause of God and our
near relations, on purpose to provide against obstructions in
this great business of religion.
The first we have Deut. xiii. per totum.
Relating to all times succeeding that constitution; ‘If thy
brother, the son of thy mother, or thy son, or thy daughter, or
the wife of thy bosom, or thy friend, which is as thine own soul,
entice thee secretly, saying, Let us go and serve other gods,
which thou hast not known, thou, nor thy fathers; Thou shalt
not consent unto him, nor hearken unto him; neither shalt thine
eyes pity him, neither shalt thou spare, neither shalt thou
conceal him.’ vers. 6, 8. The second we have Zech. xiii. 1, 3.
Expressly relating unto the times of the Gospel. In that day,
viz.: after the Coming of the Messiah in the time of the Gospel
when the families of the tribes shall mourne Chapt. xii. 11. The
familie of the house of David apart, & the familie of the house
of Nathan apart, etc. There shall be a fountain opened, i. e. the
doctrine of Christ under Moses’ dispensation is compared to a
fountain vailed, 2 Cor. iii. 13, etc. Under the Gospel
dispensation to a fountain opened. The vail of the Temple &
the ceremonial law being taken away. And it shall come to
pass that when any shall yet Prophecie, then his father & his
mother that begat him, shall thrust him through, when he
prophecieth. These words [thrust him through] may be
understood either of a Capital punishment judicially dispensed,
or of any other smart punishment piercing though not Capital.
* * * * *
“Wee through grace abhorre prejudicing the liberty of
conscience the least measure, and account such report of us
to be a slander. And through the same grace; Wee both dread,
and beare witness against, liberty of heresy, liberty to
Blaspheme the Blessed Trinity, the Person and Office of Christ,
the holy-Scripture, the tabernacle of God, and those that dwell
in heaven. Howsoever fallaciously transformed into, and
misrepresented under the plausible vizard of liberty of
conscience falsely so called. We say Religion is to be
perswaded with Scripture-reasons, not Civil weapons: with
Arguments, not with punishments. But blasphemies immediate
and heresies carried on with an high hand, and persisted in are
to be suppressed with weapons and punishments; where
reasons, and arguments cannot prevail.
We distinguish between Heresie (Quiet and alone,
Turbulent, i. e. incorrigible) accompanied with soliciting the
people to apostacy from the Faith of Christ to defection from
the churches, to Sedition in the Commonwealth. And that after
due meanes of conviction, and Authoritative prohibition.
We subject not any to Civil or Corporal punishment for
heresie, if quiet and alone. We do not inflict any Church-
censure in case of heresie, without doctrinal conviction on the
Churche’s part, and contumacy on the delinquent’s part
foregoing.
In case of Heresie incorrigible, in conjunction with
endeavours to seduce others thereunto, and tending to the
disturbing of Publick-order, we acknowledge it to be the pious
Wisdom of the Magistrate to proceed gradually, and where
gentler meanes may rationally be looked at as effectual, there
to abstain from the use of any severer remedie.
And according to this method, hath been the gradual
proceeding of the Magistrate here, with those (hitherto
incorrigible) Quakers, who from England have unreasonably
and insolently obtruded themselves upon us. 1. Instructing
them. 2. Restraining them untill an opportunity for their returne.
3. Publishing a law to warne and prohibite both them and all
others of that sect, from Coming into this jurisdiction: otherwise
to expect the house of Correction. And in case they returned
yet again, then to loose one of their eares, etc.
At last upon experience of their bold contempt of these
inferior restraints, and that after their being sent away again
and again, they continue to return yet again and again; to the
seducing of diverse, the disturbance, vexation and hazard of
the whole Colonie. The Court finding the Law passed, to be an
insufficient fence against these persons, proceeded to a
Sentence of Banishment.
Their restraint before the Law published, was but restraint in
the Prison, until an opportunity of shipping them away. They
who after the Law was published, would that notwithstanding,
break in upon us from England, or other forraign parts, by
Rode-Island, after their correction received, and discharging
their dues, might return again to the Island, if they pleased.
The wolfe which ventures over the wild Sea, out of a ravening
desire to prey upon the sheep, when landed, discovered and
taken, hath no cause to complain, though for the security of the
flock, he be penned up, with the door opening unto the fold fast
shut; but having another door purposely left open, whereby he
may depart at his pleasure either returning from whence he
came, or otherwise quitting the place.
Their Sentence of Banishment as Circumstanced, by an
Impartial and equal eye, may be looked upon as an Act which
the court was forced unto se defendendo, in defence of
Religion, themselves, the Churches, and this poore State and
People from Ruine: which the principles of confusion, daylie
and studiously disseminated by them, threatened to bring all
unto, if not seasonably prevented. Exile from a wilderness,
from a place of exile; though voluntarie, from a place;
confinement whereunto would indeed justly be called exile, is
an easie exile.” (Pages 48, 49, 53, 54.)
19
Rhode Island Records, i. 376–378. See also the letter of the
General Assembly, 378–380.
20
Bishop, 95.
21
22
The Sufferings of the People called Quakers, by Jos. Besse,
London, 1753, ii. p. 177.
23
Bishop, 89–95, 109.
24
Hubbard’s History of New England, p. 173. See also an
Address to the King (Charles II.), Dec. 19, 1660, in which the
colonial authorities argue as follows: “Concerning the Quakers,
open and capitall blasphemers, open seducers from the
glorious Trinity, the Lord’s Christ, our Lord Jesus Christ, etc.
the blessed gospell, and from the Holy Scriptures as the rule of
life, open enemies to government itself as established in the
hands of any but men of their oune principles, malignant and
assiduous promoters of doctrines directly tending to subvert
both our churches and state, after all other meanes for a long
time used in vajne, wee were at last constrejned, for our oune
safety, to pass a sentence of banishment against them, vpon
pajne of death. Such was theire daingerous, impetuous, &
desperat turbulency, both to religion & the state civil &
ecclesiastical, as that how vnwillingly soever, could it have binn
avoyded, the magistrate at last, in conscience both to God and
Man, judged himself called for the defense of all, to keep the
passage with the point of the sword held towards them. This
could do no harm to him that would be warned thereby: theire
wittingly rushing themselves therevpon was theire oune act, &
wee, wth all humility, conceive a cryme bringing theire blood on
theire oune head. The Quakers died, not because of theire
other crymes, how capitall soever, but vpon theire superadded
presumptuous & incorrigible contempt of authority; breaking in
vpon vs notwthstanding theire sentence of banishment made
knoune to them. Had they not binn restreigned, so farr as
appeared, there was too much cause to feare that wee
ourselves must quickly haue dyed, or worse; and such was
theire insolency, that they would not be restreined but by
death; nay, had they at last but promised to depart the
jurisdiction, and not to returne wthout leaue from authority, wee
should haue binn glad of such an opportunity to haue sayd
they should not dye.” Mass. Records, iv. (1), 450–453. Bishop,
113.
25
26
Mass. Records, iv. (1), 366. Bishop, 90, 91.
27
Bishop, 44–48, 52–54.

Oceans Evolving Concepts Guy Jacques Download PDF Chapter

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Oceans Evolving Concepts Guy Jacques Download PDF Chapter

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Oceans: Evolving Concepts Guy

ISTE Ltd John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

© ISTE Ltd 2020

Library of Congress Control Number: 2020933345

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Chapter 1. The Challenger Expedition:

Chapter 2. From Physical Oceanography to Ocean–Atmosphere

Chapter 3. From Chemistry to Marine Biogeochemistry . . . . . . . 43

3.2. From the chemical composition of seawater to that of plankton . . . . . 44

Chapter 4. From Marine Biology to Biological Oceanography . . . 85

Chapter 5. Anoxia and Chemosynthesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

Chapter 6. A Warmer, More Acidified and

Chapter 7. The Ocean at High Resolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187

Chapter 8. Challenges for the Ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211

Glossary of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

List of Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291

Published in the new Sciences encyclopedia launched in 2020 by ISTE Ltd,

While the Challenger expedition marked the birth of oceanography, this

The Challenger Expedition: The

1.1. The Challenger cruise (1872–1876)

The two major players in the Challenger cruise

The English naturalist Charles Wyville Thomson (1830–1882, Linlithgow), fascinated

Box 1.1. Charles Wyville Thomson and John Murray

Figure 1.2. Dredging and sounding on board the HMS Challenger

Figure 1.3. “Around the world” trip of the Challenger

This expedition marked the beginning of oceanography because of its major

exquisitely beautiful, in their soft shades of coloring and the rainbow

Carpenter’s hope to discover the mechanisms of ocean circulation was not

1.2. From the Challenger to the “golden age” of oceanography

High latitudes were beginning to fascinate because of strategic and geopolitical

From Physical Oceanography to

Since the Challenger’s expedition, the need to better understand these

In this chapter dedicated to physical oceanography, we will focus on the

2.1. Technological advances revealing the complexity of the ocean

2.1.1. Hydrological measurements

The Challenger expedition measured the temperature of water masses using

These measurements made it possible to identify the different water masses in

2.1.2. Current measurements

Surface drifting buoys have become an important element in ocean observation.

developed a float whose buoyancy was adjusted so that it drifted at a predetermined

An initial experiment confirmed the existence of the Deep Western Boundary

The discovery of these medium-scale structures, the equivalent of depressions or

Fluid mechanics applied to oceanography

Stommel became famous with the publication in 1948 of “The westward

Box 2.1. Henry Stommel (1920–1992)

2.2. The international TOGA and WOCE programs

Building on these instrumental developments and emerging technologies,

The TOGA program was motivated by the arrival, in 1982–1983, of an El Niño-

Figure 2.7. El Niño. For a color version of this figure,

COMMENT ON FIGURE 2.7.– The three states of ocean–atmosphere interactions in the

Figure 2.8. TOGA observation system (©Eumetsat)

Without Law or President they condemned her to be tyed to

Eliakim, her husband, some time after, for vindicating her

You might also like