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TERMS OF USE
Scott Jernigan wields a mighty red pen as the editor in chief of Total
Seminars, LLC. With a master of arts degree in medieval history, Scott
feels as much at home in the musty archives of London as he does in the
crisp monitor glow of Total Seminars’ Houston HQ. After fleeing a purely
academic life, he dove headfirst into IT, working as an instructor, editor,
and writer.
Scott has written, edited, and contributed to dozens of books on
computer literacy, hardware, operating systems, networking, and
certification, including Computer Literacy: Your Ticket to IC3
Certification. Scott has also taught computer classes all over the United
States, including stints at the United Nations in New York and the FBI
Academy in Quantico. Practicing what he preaches, Scott has numerous IT
certs: CompTIA IT Fundamentals, CompTIA A+, CompTIA Network+,
and CompTIA Security+; Microsoft Certified Professional; Microsoft
Office User Specialist; and Certiport IC3.
E-mail: scottj@totalsem.com
Daniel Lachance, CompTIA Cloud+, CompTIA Server+, CompTIA A+,
CompTIA Network+, CompTIA Security+, MCT, MCSA, MCITP, MCTS,
is the owner of Lachance IT Consulting, Inc., based in Halifax, Nova
Scotia. Dan has delivered technical IT training for a wide variety of
products for more than 20 years. He has recorded IT support videos related
to security and various cloud-computing platforms. Dan has developed
custom applications and planned, implemented, troubleshot, and
documented various network configurations and conducted network
security audits. Dan has worked as a technical editor on a number of
certification books and has authored books including CompTIA Server+
Certification All-in-One Exam Guide (Exam SK0-004) and CompTIA
Security+ Certification Practice Exams, Second Edition (Exam SY0-401).
When not performing with the Halifax-based cover band Clusterfunk,
Dan loves being around family and spending time outdoors.
Growing Demand
Some technology fields will experience growth of more than 20 percent by
the year 2020, according to a CompTIA information security trends study
(“500 U.S. IT and Business Executives Responsible for Security”).
CompTIA certification qualifies the skills required to join this workforce.
Higher Salaries
IT professionals with certifications on their résumés command better jobs,
earn higher salaries, and have more doors open to new multi-industry
opportunities.
Verified Strengths
Ninety-one percent of hiring managers indicate CompTIA certifications
are valuable in validating IT expertise, making certification the best way
to demonstrate your competency and knowledge to employers (according
to CompTIA’s “Employer Perceptions of IT Training and Certification”
report).
Universal Skills
CompTIA certifications are vendor neutral, which means certified
professionals can proficiently work with an extensive variety of hardware
and software found in most organizations.
CompTIA Disclaimer
© 2019 CompTIA Properties, LLC, used under license by CompTIA
Certifications, LLC. All rights reserved. All certification programs and
education related to such programs are operated exclusively by CompTIA
Certifications, LLC. CompTIA is a registered trademark of CompTIA
Properties, LLC in the U.S. and internationally. Other brands and company
names mentioned herein may be trademarks or service marks of CompTIA
Properties, LLC or of their respective owners. Reproduction or
dissemination of this courseware sheet is prohibited without written
consent of CompTIA Properties, LLC. Printed in the U.S. 02544-Mar2016.
The logo of the CompTIA Approved Quality Curriculum Program and
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CompTIA Approved Curriculum Program signifies that, in CompTIA’s
opinion, such training material covers the content of CompTIA’s related
certification exam. CompTIA has not reviewed or approved the accuracy
of the contents of this training material and specifically disclaims any
warranties of merchantability or fitness for a particular purpose. CompTIA
makes no guarantee concerning the success of persons using any such
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CONTENTS AT A GLANCE
Part V Appendixes
Appendix A Exam Objective Reference
Appendix B About the Online Content
Glossary
Index
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Part V Appendixes
Appendix A Exam Objective Reference
CompTIA IT Fundamentals+
Appendix B About the Online Content
System Requirements
Your Total Seminars Training Hub Account
Single User License Terms and Conditions
TotalTester Online
Mike’s Video Training
Technical Support
Glossary
Index
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Our acquisitions editor, Tim Green, knocked another project out of the
park. Thank you for the kind reminders, thoughtful pokes, and occasional
thumps on the back of the head. It was truly a pleasure working with you!
Ken Hess caught every little technical error and kept us honest. His
knowledge and attention to detail were invaluable.
Claire Yee, our acquisitions coordinator, peppered the days between our
Friday meetings with gentle reminders . . . and yes, I promise I’ll get that
file to you today . . . how about end of day? Nice working with you!
Janet Walden was the editorial supervisor. It was great working with
you again.
Rachel Fogelberg did a great job running the team that turned
copyedited chapters into the final book. We enjoyed working with you on
this and look forward to the next project as well.
To the copy editor, Kim Wimpsett; proofreader, Richard Camp;
indexer, Jack Lewis; and layout folks at Cenveo Publisher Services—
superb work in every facet. Thank you for being the best.
INTRODUCTION
CompTIA Certifications
CompTIA certifications enable techs to offer proof of competency in a
variety of technology fields. Attaining the CompTIA A+ certification, for
example, proves that you’re a PC technician of some skill. You know how
to build and fix PCs, and you know the basics of networking because
modern PCs almost always connect to some network. The CompTIA
Network+ certification, in contrast, goes pretty deep into networking. It’s
designed for network technicians.
Earning a CompTIA A+ or CompTIA Network+ certification takes time
and commitment. Most commonly, the successful candidate is a working
tech already and wants to prove his or her merit to an employer. But what
about people who might want to become a tech but aren’t there already?
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the North; although
nearly four-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free
States, yet a majority of the Court has always been from the South.
This we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the
Constitution unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally
watchful to guard our interests in the Legislative branch of
Government. In choosing the presiding Presidents (pro tem.) of the
Senate, we have had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers of the
House we have had twenty-three, and they twelve. While the
majority of the Representatives, from their greater population, have
always been from the North, yet we have so generally secured the
Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the
legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every other
department of the General Government. Attorney-Generals we have
had fourteen, while the North have had but five. Foreign ministers
we have had eighty-six, and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths
of the business which demands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly
from the Free States, from their greater commercial interest, yet we
have had the principal embassies so as to secure the world-markets
for our cotton, tobacco, and sugar on the best possible terms. We
have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both army and navy,
while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from
the North. Equally so of Clerks, Auditors, and Comptrollers filling
the executive department, the records show for the last fifty years
that of the three thousand thus employed, we have had more than
two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white
population of the Republic.
Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have
a great and vital interest; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting
Government. From official documents, we learn that a fraction over
three-fourths of the revenue collected for the support of the
Government has uniformly been raised from the North.
Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully
and candidly these important items. Look at another necessary
branch of Government, and learn from stern statistical facts how
matters stand in that department. I mean the mail and Post-Office
privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government as it has
been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in
the Free States was, by the report of the Postmaster-General for the
year 1860 a little over $13,000,000, while the income was
$19,000,000. But in the Slave States the transportation of the mail
was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was $8,001,026,
leaving a deficit of $6,704,974, to be supplied by the North for our
accommodation, and without it we must have been entirely cut off
from this most essential branch of Government.
Leaving out of view, for the present, the countless millions of
dollars you must expend in a war with the North; with tens of
thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and offered up as
sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition—and for what, we ask
again? Is it for the overthrow of the American Government,
established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their
sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of Right,
Justice and Humanity? And as such, I must declare here, as I have
often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and
wisest of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the
best and freest Government—the most equal in its rights, the most
just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most
aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, that the sun of
heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such
a government as this, under which we have lived for more than
three-quarters of a century—in which we have gained our wealth, our
standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril
are around us, with peace and tranquillity accompanied with
unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed—is the height of
madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my
sanction nor my vote.
The seven seceding States (South Carolina, Mississippi, Georgia,
Florida, Alabama, Louisiana and Texas,) as shown by data previously
given, organized their Provisional Government, with Jefferson Davis,
the most radical secession leader, as President; and Alex. H.
Stephens, the most conservative leader, as Vice-President. The
reasons for these selections were obvious; the first met the views of
the cotton States, the other example was needed in securing the
secession of other States. The Convention adopted a constitution, the
substance of which is given elsewhere in this work. Stephens
delivered a speech at Savannah, March 21st, 1861, in explanation and
vindication of this instrument, which says all that need be said about
it:
“The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating
questions relating to our peculiar institutions—African slavery as it
exists among us—the proper status of the negro in our form of
civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and
present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as
the ‘rock upon which the old Union would split.’ He was right. What
was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully
comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and
stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and
most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old
Constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in
violation of the laws of nature: that it was wrong in principle,
socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well
how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was,
that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution
would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not
incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time.
The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the
institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly
used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of
the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were
fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the
equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and
the idea of a government built upon it; when the ‘storm came and the
wind blew, it fell.’
“Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea;
its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth
that the negro is not equal to the white man. That slavery—
subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal
condition. This, our new Government, is the first, in the history of
the world, based upon this great physical and moral truth. This truth
has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths
in the various departments of science. It has been so even amongst
us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well, that this truth
was not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the
past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those
at the North who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above
knowledged, we justly denominate fanatics.***
“In the conflict thus far, success has been, on our side, complete
throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is
upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is firmly planted; and I
cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full
recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened
world.
“As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in
development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the various
branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by
Galileo—it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political
economy—it was so with Harvey and his theory of the circulation of
the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession,
living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him,
admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not,
therefore, look with confidence to the ultimate universal
acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests. It is the
first government ever instituted upon principles of strict conformity
to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the
materials of human society. Many governments have been founded
upon the principle of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved,
were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our
system commits no such violation of nature’s laws. The negro, by
nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition
which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construction of
buildings, lays the foundation with the proper materials, the granite;
then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is
made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we
know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race
that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of
the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His
ordinances, or to question them. For His own purposes He has made
one race to differ from another, as He has made ‘one star to differ
from another star in glory.’
“The great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed
to His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments, as well as
in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in
strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was first rejected
by the first builders ‘is become the chief stone of the corner’ in our
new edifice.
“The progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected
to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now the nucleus of a
growing power, which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and
high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent.
To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where
it will end, the future will determine.”
It was determined by the secession of eleven States in all, the
Border States except Missouri, remaining in the Union, and West
Virginia dividing from old Virginia for the purpose of keeping her
place in the Union.
The leaders of the Confederacy relied to a great extent upon the
fact that President Buchanan, in his several messages and replies to
commissioners, and in the explanation of the law by his Attorney-
General, had tied his own hands against any attempt to reinforce the
garrisons in the Southern forts, and they acted upon this faith and
made preparations for their capture. The refusal of the
administration to reinforce Fort Moultrie caused the resignation of
General Cass, and by this time the Cabinet was far from harmonious.
As early as the 10th of December, Howell Cobb resigned as Secretary
of the Treasury, because of his “duty to Georgia;” January 26th, John
B. Floyd resigned because Buchanan would not withdraw the troops
from Southern forts; and before that, Attorney-General Black,
without publicly expressing his views, also resigned. Mr. Buchanan
saw the wreck around him, and his administration closed in
profound regret on the part of many of his northern friends, and,
doubtless, on his own part. His early policy, and indeed up to the
close of 1860, must have been unsatisfactory even to himself, for he
supplied the vacancies in his cabinet by devoted Unionists—by Philip
F. Thomas of Maryland, Gen’l Dix of New York, Joseph Holt of
Kentucky, and Edwin M. Stanton of Pennsylvania—men who held in
their hands the key to nearly every situation, and who did much to
protect and restore the Union of the States. In the eyes of the North,
the very last acts of Buchanan were the best.
With the close of Buchanan’s administration all eyes turned to
Lincoln, and fears were entertained that the date fixed by law for the
counting of the electoral vote—February 15th, 1861—would
inaugurate violence and bloodshed at the seat of government. It
passed, however, peaceably. Both Houses met at 12 high noon in the
hall of the House, Vice-President Breckinridge and Speaker
Pennington, both democrats, sitting side by side, and the count was
made without serious challenge or question.
On the 11th of February Mr. Lincoln left his home for Washington,
intending to perform the journey in easy stages. On parting with his
friends at Springfield, he said:
“My Friends: No one, in my position, can realize the sadness I feel
at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived
more than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born, and
here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you
again. I go to assume a task more difficult than that which has
devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington. He
never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence,
upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without
the same Divine blessing which sustained him; and on the same
Almighty Being I place my reliance for support. And I hope you, my
friends, will all pray that I might receive that Divine assistance,
without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain.
Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell.”
Lincoln passed through Indiana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey and
Pennsylvania on his way to the Capitol. Because of threats made that
he should not reach the Capitol alive, some friends in Illinois
employed a detective to visit Washington and Baltimore in advance
of his arrival, and he it was who discovered a conspiracy in Baltimore
to mob and assassinate him. He therefore passed through Baltimore
in the night, two days earlier than was anticipated, and reached
Washington in safety. On the 22d of February he spoke at
Independence Hall and said:
“All the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as
I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated
in, and were given to the world from, this hall. I never had a feeling,
politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the
Declaration of Independence.
“It was not the mere matter of the separation of the Colonies from
the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of
Independence, which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this
country, but, I hope, to the world for all future time. It was that
which gave promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted
from the shoulders of men. This is the sentiment embodied in the
Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be
saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the
happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be
saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful! But if this country
cannot be saved without giving up the principle, I was about to say, ‘I
would rather be assassinated on the spot than surrender it.’ *** I
have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and if it be the
pleasure of Almighty God, to die by!”
Lincoln’s First Administration.
Such was the feeling of insecurity that the President elect was
followed to Washington by many watchful friends, while Gen’l Scott,
Col. Sumner, Major Hunter and the members of Buchanan’s Cabinet
quickly made such arrangements as secured his safety. Prior to his
inauguration he took every opportunity to quell the still rising
political excitement by assuring the Southern people of his kindly
feelings, and on the 27th of February,[17] “when waited upon by the
Mayor and Common Council of Washington, he assured them, and
through them the South, that he had no disposition to treat them in
any other way than as neighbors, and that he had no disposition to
withhold from them any constitutional right. He assured the people
that they would have all of their rights under the Constitution—‘not
grudgingly, but freely and fairly.’”
He was peacefully inaugurated on the 4th of March, and yet
Washington was crowded as never before by excited multitudes. The
writer himself witnessed the military arrangements of Gen’l Scott for
preserving the peace, and with armed cavalry lining every curb stone
on the line of march, it would have been difficult indeed to start or
continue a riot, though it was apparent that many in the throng were
ready to do it if occasion offered.
The inaugural ceremonies were more than usually impressive. On
the eastern front of the capitol, surrounded by such of the members
of the Senate and House who had not resigned their seats and
entered the Confederacy, the Diplomatic Corps, the Judges of the
Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice Taney, the author of the
Dred Scott decision; the higher officers of Army and Navy, while
close by the side of the new President stood the retiring one—James
Buchanan—tall, dignified, reserved, and to the eye of the close
observer apparently deeply grieved at the part his party and position
had compelled him to play in a National drama which was now
reaching still another crisis. Near by, too, stood Douglas (holding
Lincoln’s hat) more gloomy than was his wont, but determined as he
had ever been. Next to the two Presidents he was most observed.