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Textbook Africa and Global Health Governance Domestic Politics and International Structures 1St Edition Amy S Patterson Ebook All Chapter PDF
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africa and global health governance
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Africa and Global Health Governance
Domestic Politics and International Structures
AMY S. PATTERSON
A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.
Special discounts are available for bulk purchases of this book. For more information, please
contact Special Sales at 410-516-6936 or specialsales@press.jhu.edu.
Johns Hopkins University Press uses environmentally friendly book materials, including recycled
text paper that is composed of at least 30 percent post-consumer waste, whenever possible.
To Isabel, Sophia, and Neil . . .
and countless activists and health-care workers in Africa,
with love, gratitude, and hope for the f uture
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contents
Figure and
Tables ix
Acknowl
edgments xi
Acronyms and Abbreviations xv
figure
4.1 Percentage of States with Select Number of Advocacy Groups on NCDs 156
tables
What does it mean for African states to participate in the global politics of health?
My experiences in Africa with people living with HIV, Ebola survivors, community
health-care workers, AIDS, cancer, and tobacco-control activists, and government
policymakers since the mid-2000s sometimes just did not fit with the reports, sta-
tistics, and action plans that I read from the Joint United Nations Programme on
HIV/AIDS or the World Health Organization. This book investigates the relation-
ship between what global health institutions propose, measure, promote, or assert
and what African states actually do on health issues. The alignment, juxtaposition,
or gap between global health governance, on the one hand, and state actions, on
the other, has the potential to affect the lives of millions of Africans. Particularly,
what is the role of African actors in global health diplomacy (or policy design and
issue framing) and policy implementation?
I am grateful for many p eople who helped me in my journey to investigate this
question. Jeremy Youde told me it was a good idea; Kim Dionne helped me think
more deeply about AIDS institutions; Emma-Louise Anderson sharpened my
thoughts on Ebola; panel members at two International Studies Association con-
ferences sponsored by the Global Health Section forced me to think more carefully
about global norms and African state structures; and Melody Crowder-Meyer
explained methodological issues numerous times. Former colleagues at Calvin
College supported me during the early phases of this project. My departmental
colleagues at the University of the South (Sewanee) cheerfully encouraged me, while
my students commiserated with me as I stayed up much too late and drank too much
coffee while working on this project. Thanks also to students on the Calvin-Sewanee
Ghana semester of 2017 for your encouragement and patience. Specific students
served as research assistants, sorting data, transcribing interviews, and searching for
documents and library resources, or as insightful questioners of my research agenda:
Kiela Crabtree, Tristan Danley, Lindsey Floyd, Michelle Fraser, Madeleine Hoffman,
Rachel Schuman, Harold Smith, and Brooks Young.
xi
Funding for the fieldwork was provided by the Fulbright Commission Africa
Scholars Program, a Calvin College Alumni Grant, three faculty research grants
from the University of the South, and the McCrickard Faculty Development Initia-
tive at the University of the South. Fieldwork in Liberia was facilitated by Terry
Quoi, who hosted me, guided me, and arranged many interviews. His family’s
kindness can never be repaid. Elwood Dunn, my predecessor at Sewanee with very
large shoes to fill, also was an invaluable guide and help on the Liberia research. In
Ghana, individuals at the Christian Council of Ghana and the University of Ghana–
Legon graciously introduced me to numerous individuals involved with health
policy and mobilization. In Uganda, I am grateful to Gideon Byamugisha and the
staff at Friends of Canon Gideon Foundation for their time, support, introductions,
and insights. And most crucially, for being kind, generous, and inspiring friends. In
Tanzania, research was facilitated by several faculty at St. John’s University,
Dodoma. Asante sana Michael Msendekwa, Andrew Ching’ole, Vice Chancellor
Emmanuel Mbennah, and Alfred Sebahene. Additionally, Moritz Hunsmann helped
with introductions to several health-related organizations in Tanzania, as did
Njonjo Mue and Rachel Devotsu. In Zambia, faculty in the Department of Health
Economics, University of Zambia, University Teaching Hospital, and Justo Mwale
Theological College provided essential introductions, as did pastors with several
churches, advocates with the Network of Zambian People Living with HIV/AIDS
(NZP+), and staff at the Circle of Hope AIDS clinic. Observations and conversations
in South Africa occurred during a 2014 workshop on churches and citizenship which
was hosted at the School of Theology, University of Stellenbosch, and co-convened
by Tracy Kuperus and me. The Calvin Center for Christian Scholarship financially
supported this endeavor. I am grateful to external reviewers of the manuscript,
who provided excellent comments, as well as Robin Coleman at Johns Hopkins
University Press for his patience and insights.
I cannot express how grateful I am to the many people who discussed African
state health policies, health education, community mobilization, and global health
governance with me. Thank you to the scholars who took the time, the government
officials who patiently explained policies, the activists who showed their passion,
and, most particularly, the p eople who live with, are affected by, or are survivors of
various diseases. Your devotion to the human right to health inspired me, and your
tireless optimism about the possibilities for better health for all Africans in the
future should encourage us all. Thank you for your dedication, your generosity, and
your commitment to bettering the lives of millions of p eople.
xii Acknowledgments
My family deserves a prize . . . not a small prize, but a very big prize. For countless
meals brought to the office, weekends as a single parent, hours spent proofreading
drafts, summers conducting fieldwork, unchecked homework, missed conversa-
tions, unfolded laundry, and wretched leftovers. Thank you Isabel, Sophia, and Neil
for your patience, love, hugs, intellectual curiosity, and compassion for others be-
yond yourselves. I love y’all.
Acknowledgments xiii
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acronyms and abbreviations
xv
IDU injecting drug user
IGO intergovernmental organization
IHR International Health Regulations
IMF International Monetary Fund
IRCU Inter-Religious Council of Uganda
LMIC low-and middle-income countries
LURD Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy
MAP Multi-Country AIDS Program (World Bank)
MERS Middle East Respiratory Syndrome
MODEL Movement for Democracy in Liberia
MSF Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders)
MSM men who have sex with men
NAC National AIDS Commission(s)
NCD(s) noncommunicable disease(s)
NGO nongovernmental organization
NPFL National Patriotic Front of Liberia
NZP+ Network of Zambian P eople Living with HIV/AIDS
ODA official development assistance
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OVC orphans and vulnerable c hildren
PEPFAR US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
PHEIC Public Health Emergency of International Concern
PLHIV person or people living with HIV
PMTCT prevention of mother-to-child transmission
PPE personal protective equipment
SADC Southern African Development Community
STI sexually transmitted infection
SWAPO South West Africa People’s Organization (Namibia)
TAC Treatment Action Campaign (South Africa)
TASO The AIDS Support Organisation (Uganda)
TB tuberculosis
TRIPS Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights
ULIMO United Liberation Movement for Democracy in Liberia
UNAIDS Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNMEER United Nations Mission for Ebola Emergency Response
I n 2003, urged by Muslim leaders, the governors of Kano, Zamfara, and Kaduna
states in Nigeria suspended an internationally sponsored polio immunization
campaign, expressing fear that the vaccine contained anti-fertility agents or HIV.
The action led to widespread outcry among international health experts, and the
eleven-month boycott ended only after the vaccine was tested by Muslim scientists
in Indonesia. The halted campaign contributed to a surge in polio cases in Nigeria
by 2005, setting back progress toward the disease’s eradication.1 Yet, deeper analysis
reveals reasons for the governors’ actions: concern over the World Health Organ
ization’s (WHO) emphasis on polio instead of more prevalent diseases; a history of
colonial health campaigns that created suspicion in local populations; the Muslim
religion’s focus on alms-giving that provided a way to care for p eople with polio;
few advocacy efforts by polio survivors; and political competition between North-
ern Muslim officials and the Nigerian federal government led by the southern
Christian president Olusegun Obasanjo (Renne 2010; Jegede 2007; IRIN News,
April 4, 2013). The case elucidates two of this book’s themes: African actors are
agents in global health governance, and the complicated interplay among inter
national, state, and societal f actors contributes to this agentic behavior.
Global health policies and programs abound. The International Health Regula-
tions (IHR) w ere revised in 2005 and require states and nonstate actors to report
disease outbreaks that are highly contagious or that could disrupt trade and trans-
portation (Davies, Kamradt-Scott, and Rushton 2015). The Framework Convention
on Tobacco Control, the first health-related treaty, urges states-parties to regulate
smoking in public, to impose taxes on tobacco products, and to limit tobacco prod-
uct advertising (Youde 2012). The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
(UNAIDS), established by the United Nations in 1996, collects HIV surveillance
data from countries, provides technical support on HIV and AIDS, and coordinates
1
UN agency programs to address the disease. And the Pan-American Health Organ
ization, an autonomous WHO regional office, has developed health campaigns, such
as the one that led to the elimination of endemic rubella in the Americas region in
2015 (PAHO 2015). Each of these international activities requires states to design,
accept, and, ultimately, implement them. This book questions why weak states, or
states that lack capacity and hard power and that often receive sizeable donor re-
sources, do or do not participate in the design and implementation of these health
campaigns. In the process, it questions how global health governance is grounded
in local realities.
Global health governance has been understood as the formal and informal in-
stitutions, rules, and processes by which states, intergovernmental organizations
(IGOs), nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), foundations, the private sector,
and other nonstate actors collectively act on health issues that cross borders (Youde
2012). Despite the focus on multiple actors, global health governance has tended to
emphasize the role of donor states and IGOs and to downplay the actions of weak
states (Ng and Ruger 2011; Fidler 2010). This book provides another viewpoint on
global health governance: a perspective from sub-Saharan African states that are
entrenched in the international system through aid, debt, migration, and represen
tation in IGOs but are often portrayed as controlled by that very system (Whitfield
2009; Jackson 1990; Ferguson 2006).2
This chapter begins by providing background on Africa’s health challenges. It
then examines African patterns of involvement in global health governance, setting
up my typology of acceptance, challenge, and ambivalence. Third, the chapter pres
ents my hypotheses for why African states engage with global health governance in
these ways. I incorporate variables from the literatures on African politics and
international relations at three levels of analysis—international, state, and societal—
though I recognize how these factors interact to shape outcomes. Fourth, I present
a counterfactual explanation: that state reactions to global health governance depend
on the nature of the disease. While I do not discount disease characteristics, this
volume focuses on the politics linked to those diseases. The fifth section details my
methodology for collecting data to test my hypotheses. The chapter ends with an
outline of the rest of the book.