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 ROXANNE DUNBAR-ORTIZ

blood on
the border

A MEMOIR OF
T H E C O N T R A WA R
With a New Afterword by the Author
Foreword by Margaret Randall
 Praise for the 2005 edition of Blood on the Border

“Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz is clearly a memoirist of great skills and even greater heart.
She’s a force of nature on the page and off.”

Dave Eggers
author of A Heartbreaking Work of Staggering Genius

“American foreign policy today is being shaped by veterans of the savage Washington-
backed Contra war of the 1980s. In the third volume of her extraordinary memoir,
Dunbar-Ortiz recounts the secret history of that intervention, as well as her own
courageous solidarity with the embattled Nicaraguan revolution.”

Mike Davis
author of City of Quartz and Ecology of Fear

“Here is the real life of a brilliant activist, the personal woes and conflicts, the roles of
friendship, character and gender, as well as the big issues and shining moments; and
here is a rousing account of the 1980s, so relevant and so seldom discussed. Yet the
1980s seem very close these days, as a right-wing administration once again sponsors
torture, war, and other crimes in the name of freedom—and as Latin America once
again is on fire with liberation movements. Of particular importance is Dunbar-Ortiz’s
exploration of the gray zones between the indigenous Miskitus in Nicaragua and the
Sandinistas. An important book, and a gripping one.”

Rebecca Solnit
author of Hope in the Dark and River of Shadows

“This third volume of Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz’s important memoir combines deep self-
reflection with an extraordinary political overview of times that are mostly forgotten
because the current owners of history have succeeded in erasing them from our
collective consciousness. ‘History itself is the issue,’ this author writes, and goes on to
expose and deconstruct that which she has so courageously lived. From a quarter-
century of international indigenous rights work to a run-in with Oliver North and a
narrow escape from death on a sabotaged Mexico–Managua flight, Dunbar-Ortiz’s
story is an exciting and sobering read that holds valuable lessons for today’s ongoing
struggles for justice.”

Margaret Randall
author of When I Look into the Mirror and See You: Women, Terror, and Resistance
“This is an impressive, astounding, and truthful historical document. Every American
should read it to understand the shady and dubious role played in Central America by
the men who are forging US foreign policy in the world today. A passionate and
engaged protagonist of historical times, Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz tells a story that is
moving, profoundly human, and enlightening.”

Gioconda Belli
author of The Country under My Skin

“Terrorism was planted in the Western Hemisphere, or Indian Country, when the first
immigrant stole in the name of greed, racism, or on the basis of a political or religious
system that placed themselves above all living beings, placed males above females in
power—then strove to keep in place this tenuous and terrible system with laws, with
gun power. This book is the story of a particular rupture, in Central America, at the
heart of the Americas. Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz speaks on behalf of justice. It’s never
simple. And there is no clean, perfect ending. What is sure here is the brilliant, fearless
storytelling by Dunbar-Ortiz of the devastation wreaked by a ruthless corrupt power.
What is sure is the ongoing drama of the story: it entangles all of us.”

Joy Harjo
Mvskoke Nation poet and musician

“September 11, 1973—the date of the CIA-sponsored coup against the government of
Salvador Allende in Chile—marks the beginning of a long period of conservative
hegemony in the Americas, though the aftermath of September 11, 2001, has witnessed
in Latin America at least a gradual shift to the left. In that context, it is urgent to take a
new look at the revolutionary upsurge from the 1960s through the 1980s. Roxanne
Dunbar-Ortiz was a North American activist personally involved in the revolutionary
process, above all in Central America. Her memoir, which deals with the Contra war
against the Nicaraguan revolution, is an essential book in this regard, and at the same
time an engrossing, eminently readable example of the feminist idea that ‘the personal
is the political.’”

John Beverley
author of Testimonio: On the Politics of Truth
“This is a comprehensive and powerful account of the development of the Contra war
of the 1980s, which destroyed many lives and changed the course of Central American
history. . . . All the gears of Reagan-era political manipulation are exposed here,
including the Iran-Contra scandal, and the countless ways in which Reagan’s
propaganda machine created monstrous lies about the situation of the Miskitu people
during the Sandinista Revolution. . . . Vividly written with the authoritative voice of a
fearless witness, this book is required reading for anyone interested in the truth.”

Daisy Zamora
poet and author of Riverbed of Memory

“Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz’s new book . . . captures a messy snapshot of our country and
her own life. A living embodiment of the philosophy ‘the personal is political,’ she
navigates a dense narrative river through her early, youthful enthusiasm for social
change, moving upstream toward a hard-edged and realistic perception of the
undertows of political waters. Along the route she spares no politician—Left or Right—
who has pushed antipopulist agendas or pushed indigenous people around. Dunbar-
Ortiz takes every political betrayal, accommodation and broken treaty personally; yet
always she reveals an unbowed human spirit—a major ingredient in victory.”

Jewelle Gomez
author of The Gilda Stories

“Rarely do the personal and the political blend so seamlessly as Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz
recounts her tireless efforts to oppose US imperialism during and after Nicaragua’s
Contra war of the 1980s. [Her] life and work in this period foreshadow today’s struggles
over issues as diverse as terrorism, governmental press manipulation, engaged
scholarship, activism, alcoholism, and even identity politics. This captivating blend of
personal memoir and political/intellectual history could not be more timely.”

Baron Pineda
author of Shipwrecked Identities: Navigating Race on the Mosquito Coast
“To academics, history is an exercise in juxtaposing public facts to create a believable
narrative. To the activist struggling within those facts, history is the personal memory
of the suffering of the ordinary folks who have been condemned by their history to be,
at best, merely a footnote in those facts. As a scholar, [Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz] told
their story. As an activist, she told her own. In combination, Dunbar-Ortiz has
produced some formidable historical memoirs, which end up being autobiographical
people’s histories. In Red Dirt: Growing Up Okie, by describing her upbringing in rural
Oklahoma, she made her readers understand what life was like to the repressed, often
off-white, sharecroppers (she herself is part Native American). In Outlaw Woman: A
Memoir of the War Years, 1960–1975, she made us feel what it was like to be an
independent woman who became a human rights standard bearer at the UN. Now, in
Blood on the Border, she makes us live through the horrors of Reagan’s bloody war
against the first decent government in Central America, while at the same time bringing
to life the ordeal of the northeastern Nicaraguan tribes caught between Oliver North’s
vicious and illegal crusade and the ill-conceived nationalism of the Sandinistas, who
refused to give those tribes autonomy. In the process, Dunbar-Ortiz, a ferocious
feminist who spent years in Nicaragua living through that schizophrenic situation,
makes us experience the rise and fall of the anti-war, leftist, and especially the women’s
liberation movements, here at home and its consequences abroad.”

John Gerassi
author of The Great Fear in Latin America

“What can I say but thank you, Roxanne, for keeping such detailed memories of a time
of turmoil and growth of Indigenous people to the south. As an early founder of the
feminist movement, Roxanne assumed a position in the forefront of international
nation building, the realm of male domination, to just basically get the job done. And
what a job she did!”

Madonna Gilbert Thunderhawk

Lakota activist and AIM leader at Alcatraz and Wounded Knee
Blood on the Border
 Also by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz

Economic Development in American Indian Reservations (ed.)

Native American Energy Resources and Development (ed.)
Indians of the Americas: Human Rights and Self-Determination
La Cuestión Mískita en la Revolución Nicaragüense
Indigenous Peoples: A Global Quest for Justice (ed.)
The Miskito Indians of Nicaragua: Caught in the Crossfire
Red Dirt: Growing Up Okie
Roots of Resistance: A History of Land Tenure in New Mexico
The Great Sioux Nation: Oral History of the Sioux-United States Treaty of 1868
This Land: An Indigenous People’s History of the United States
Outlaw Woman: A Memoir of the War Years, 1960–1978
 Blood on the Border
A Memoir of the Contra War

By Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz
With a New Afterword

Foreword by Margaret Randall

Un i v e rsi t y of O k l a h o m a P ress : Norm a n

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Name: Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne, 1938–
Title: Blood on the border : a memoir of the Contra War / by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz;
with a new afterword; foreword by Margaret Randall.
Description: Oklahoma paperback edition. | Norman : University of Oklahoma Press,
2016. | Originally published: Cambridge, Massachusetts : South End Press, 2005.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015048307 | ISBN 978-0-8061-5384-1 (hardcover : alkaline paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Nicaragua—History—1979–1990. |
Counterrevolutions—Nicaragua—History—20th century. |
Terrorism—Nicaragua—History—20th century. | Fuerza Democrática
Nicaragüense—History. | Nicaragua. Fuerzas Armadas Sandinistas—History. |
Miskito Indians—History—20th century. | Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne, 1938– |
Americans—Nicaragua—Biography. | Political activists—Nicaragua—Biography.
Classification: LCC F1528 .O78 2016 | DDC 972.8505/3—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015048307

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the
Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library
Resources, Inc. ∞

First edition published by South End Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts,

copyright © 2005 by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz.
Oklahoma paperback edition published 2016 by the University of Oklahoma Press.
Foreword by Margaret Randall and Afterword, copyright © 2016 by the University of
Oklahoma Press, Norman, Publishing Division of the University.
Manufactured in the U.S.A.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise—except as permitted under Section 107 or 108
of the United States Copyright Act—without the prior written permission of the
University of Oklahoma Press. To request permission to reproduce selections from this
book, write to Permissions, University of Oklahoma Press, 2800 Venture Drive,
Norman, OK 73069, or email rights.oupress@ou.edu.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
 To three great women:
Allene “Chockie” Cottier,
Dr. Mirna Cunningham,
and Maya Miller, for
support and love

To Indigenous peoples in
the struggle for self-
determination

And to the memory of all

the casualties of the
Contra War
 There is at the head of this great continent a very powerful country, very
rich, very warlike, and capable of anything. . . . The United States seems
destined to plague and torment the continent in the name of freedom.
—Simón Bolívar, 1829

The United States will never leave Nicaragua alone.

—William Walker, US president of Nicaragua, 1856–57

I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the
benefit of Wall Street. The record of racketeering is long. I helped purify
Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in
1909–1912.
—Maj. Gen. Smedley Butler, US Marine Corps

The United States cannot, therefore, fail to view with deep concern any
serious threat to stability and constitutional government in Nicaragua
tending toward anarchy and jeopardizing American interests, especially if
such state of affairs is contributed to or brought about by outside influence
or by any foreign power.
—President Calvin Coolidge, addressing Congress in 1927

Somoza may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch.

—President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 1939

I believe one inevitable outcome of a rejection of this aid would be that it

would remove all pressure on the Sandinistas to change. And if no
constraints are put on the Sandinistas, I believe the brutality and abuse
they already aim at their own country and their neighbors may well be
magnified a thousandfold.
—President Ronald Reagan, April 15, 1985
 Contents

Foreword, by Margaret Randall ix

Acknowledgments xiii
Prologue 3
1. The Road to Nicaragua Runs through the Black Hills 15
2. Starting Over and Finding the Sandinista Revolution 39
3. Desaparecidos 55
4. A Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party 67
5. House Arrest 83
6. Culture Shock 97
7. Red Christmas 109
8. A Cruel Spring 125
9. Getting to Know Rigoberta 135
10. Drinking for Courage 149
11. International Law—and International Lawlessness 165
12. Guide 177
13. City of Refuge 193
14. Missionaries and Mercenaries 207
15. Refugees 219
16. Quemada 237
17. The Final Chapter: Rednecks and Indian Country, Again 255
Epilogue 269
Afterword 281
 Foreword

It was with more than pleasure, indeed with a sense of urgency and deep
gratitude, that I agreed to write a foreword to this new edition of Roxanne
Dunbar-Ortiz’s Blood on the Border: A Memoir of the Contra War. When the
book originally appeared from South End Press as the third volume of the
author’s memoir, I read it eagerly and found it to be a necessary addition to
our understanding of one woman’s walk through history, and of Nicaragua’s
Contra War, so intentionally distorted in our corporate press.
But of course women’s lives are also intentionally distorted by a system
that favors profit and abuse over analysis and connectivity. If they could erase
our memories and replace them with “news as entertainment,” they surely
would. Our lives themselves are distorted, and the images of what constitutes
acceptability, beauty, and success are distorted as well. One of the most
powerful aspects of Blood on the Border is that it weaves Roxanne’s personal
journey—from an impoverished Oklahoma childhood through acquiring
feminist and Indian consciousnesses, life in the academy, and studies of the
land in New Mexico and the east coast of Nicaragua—with the larger history
of a war contrived, and a people’s revolution destroyed, during the Reagan
years.
Journalist, scholar, and activist John Gerassi wrote about Roxanne: “To
academics, history is an exercise in juxtaposing public facts to create a believ-
able narrative. To the activist struggling within those facts, history is the per-
sonal memory of the suffering of the ordinary folks who have been
condemned by their history to be, at best, merely a footnote in those facts. As
a scholar, she told their story. As an activist, she told her own.” Roxanne
herself asks: “Why a memoir? Why do I consider choosing to write a
historical memoir to be important? History. That battle over history. I can no
longer bear to write—or to read—texts in which the author is present only
behind a maze of screens, pretending objectivity.”
I heartily agree. Objectivity, that fictitious position so highly touted by the
corporate media as well as by the academy, has long been a smoke screen for
presenting only the side of the oppressor. One can be passionately committed

ix
x Foreword

and still do one’s homework, researching the nuances on both sides of an

event. Indeed, most events have more than two sides. Even those who still
watch what passes for news in the United States have sadly become
accustomed to journalists traveling embedded with troops, as if that combi-
nation could produce objective reporting. Snippets of news, entertainment,
and advertising are stitched together to present a single representation of
reality. These distortions are inventions designed to keep us from under-
standing the world around us, and our place in it. This book is a welcome
antidote.
But none of this fully explains what we have here. Roxanne doesn’t only
use her passion as a tool, digging deep on all sides. She weaves the public and
personal stories together, and moves back and forth from one to the other.
She reveals how, like many US citizens, she didn’t even know where
Nicaragua was the first time she met a Nicaraguan. She invites us to consider
how her early life both held her back and enabled her to commune with peo-
ple of similar backgrounds in other cultures. She links her experiences with
the American Indian Movement to the struggles of the Indigenous peoples
of Central America. She explores how her feminism gave her the tools to
understand power, and how her alcoholism sometimes stood in the way and
sometimes facilitated her work. She takes us with her to 70,000 square miles
of Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast, into the lives of Miskitu, Sumu, and Rama peo-
ple on both sides of the political divide. She adopts no facile party line, but
rather uses her considerable skills as a historian to access the various players
in a fascinating and subsequently overwritten period.
And she does all this in prose that flows, an unusual mix of excellent
scholarship, personal experience, and the compassion one must have in
order not to allow oneself to be seduced by one official position or another.
There is a difference between taking sides and penning an apology for a par-
ticular movement. For activist historians, one danger may be that of speak-
ing only for the struggle with which he or she is associated. Roxanne avoids
this. Good books about political events abound. They can be important in
their moment. But it takes an activist and writer capable of going a great deal
deeper than the usual hagiography to produce a book that stands up in the
long run.
Important to the telling of this multilayered story is Roxanne’s insistence
that it is a memoir. History, hard scholarship, oral history, memoir: here is a
writer unafraid to blur the rather fictitious lines. Genres are useful to a point.
But when their limits prevent telling the whole story, we’re in trouble.
Foreword xi

An added bonus in Blood on the Border is Roxanne’s ability to make some

of the great protagonists of the places and periods about which she writes
come alive on her pages. Guatemalan Rigoberta Menchú, Francisco
Campbell, Hazel Lau, and Dr. Mirna Cunningham of Nicaragua’s Atlantic
Coast, American Indian Movement leader Russell Means, and others walk
through this book as they really were at the time, not as the cardboard or
romanticized figures others have made them out to be.
South End Press, now sadly no longer with us, gave us the first edition of
Blood on the Border. It is to the University of Oklahoma Press’s credit that
printing continues of a book that will not go out of date: the issues explored
are just as much the protagonists of our time as the people who lived them.
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz’s memoir in trilogy opens a window on an
individual, an era, and the events that shaped them, and it gives us much to
think about moving forward.
Margaret Randall
 Acknowledgments

The Contra War, Nicaragua, and the Miskitu Indians—front-page news three
decades ago—are nearly forgotten, even by many who were aware of them at
the time, and they are almost unknown to a new generation. Yet the
US-financed Contra War against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua is an impor-
tant source for understanding the United States’ foreign ventures before that
time in Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America, since that time in the
Middle East and Southwest Asia, and continuing in Latin America.
This new edition of Blood on the Border comes from the University of
Oklahoma Press more than a decade after the initial publication. Alessandra
Jacobi Tamulevich is the finest editor an author could have, her professional-
ism and attentiveness remarkable. And thanks to Steven Baker and Sara
Smith for excellent editing and proofreading.
Sadly, the South End Press, which published the book in 2005, ceased
publishing in 2014, a great loss to social justice community readers, authors,
and scholars. The worker-owned and -operated collective was founded in
1977. Thanks once again to the entire editorial collective for believing in this
book. Special thanks go to editor Jill Petty for her patience, support, and
intelligence, and to Jocelyn Burrell and Loie Hayes for careful readings. The
outstanding independent editor Jo Ellen Green Kaiser deserves special praise
for her thorough work on the manuscript. My old comrade Steve Hiatt, as
usual, did a beautiful and scrupulous job of sculpting the text. It was a plea-
sure to work with all concerned.
Professor Baron Pineda and Margaret Randall generously read earlier
drafts of the book and provided profound insights and suggestions. Sidni
Lamb, a friend who worked for the United Nations’ High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), served as a memory bank for names of colleagues who
worked with Miskitu refugees in Honduras. I owe gratitude to my sister in
the struggle, Allene “Chockie” Cottier, a true Lakota warrior. Dr. Mirna
Cunningham, Miskitu leader par excellence, gave focus to my passion and
remains an important advocate for Indigenous peoples’ rights in Nicaragua,

xiii
xiv Ack n ow l ed g m en ts

Central America, and the world. Maya Miller (1915–2006) was sister,
confidant, and angel. I thank them.

A note on the spelling and pronunciation of “Miskitu”: Pronounced “MIS-

ki-tu,” with the emphasis on the first syllable, it is most often spelled in the
Spanish forms Miskito for the masculine and Miskita for the feminine, or
sometimes as Mískitu. “Miskitu” is the spelling used in the Miskitu language
and is the spelling I use in this book. However, I have not changed quotes
from other sources using the Spanish versions. Older texts use the British
spelling, “Mosquito,” for the people and their language, and “Mosquitia” or
“Mosquito Coast” for the region. In keeping with modern usage, I have
employed “Miskitia” for the region.
Blood on the Border
 Prologue

The first time I remember hearing about Anastasio “Tachito” Somoza,

Augusto César Sandino, and Nicaragua was in early 1960 when I was twenty-
one years old and new to San Francisco, having just moved there from
Oklahoma. All that year, I worked at Remington Rand while establishing res-
idency requirements to avoid paying out-of-state tuition for college. I pro-
cessed sales, rental, and repair orders for typewriters and adding machines,
serving all the company’s outlets in the greater Bay Area. It was a small office
in a hulking downtown warehouse where assembly, repairs, and stocking
were the main functions. The UNIVAC computer, said to be our future god,
dominated the main-floor showroom just below the mezzanine where our
workspace was located.
Four of us “girls” worked as order clerks under the supervision of a very
handsome and elegant Chinese American man about twice our age—by far
the kindest boss I’d ever had in my five years of blue- and pink-collared low-
wage jobs.
One of the “girls,” Sonia, was Nicaraguan.
Meeting Sonia jogged my memory of the late 1940s pop song “Managua,
Nicaragua,” which played on the radio when I was a kid in rural Oklahoma.
Guy Lombardo and His Royal Canadians, then a favorite band across the flat
stretches of North America, recorded the song: “Managua, Nicaragua, what a
wonderful spot / There’s coffee and bananas and a temperature hot.” With
this song my only source of information about Nicaragua, it was little won-
der Sonia took it upon herself to re-educate me.
I could not figure out why I didn’t even know where Nicaragua was
located. I was good at geography and history and wasn’t ignorant of world
politics, having spent a year at the University of Oklahoma and having been
friends with Palestinians, Jordanians, and Syrians during the 1957 Suez
crisis. I even knew about the CIA and its overthrow of Iran’s premier,
Mohammad Mossadeq, only a few years earlier. African decolonization was
in the news, and I had read Vera Micheles Dean’s The Nature of the Non-
Western World, an anti-imperialist book. I recently had learned something

3
4 Bl o od on t he B order

about Southeast Asia and the People’s Republic of China from the Kennedy-
Nixon presidential debates. Thanks to my engineer husband’s Philippine co-
worker at Bechtel, I had heard all about the US occupation and continued
control of his country for the past half-century. I knew—from a Cuban
friend at the University of Oklahoma—every detail about the recent Cuban
revolution that overthrew the dictator Batista.
But I was vague about the rest of Spain’s former Latin American empire. I
had never even heard of El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua,
Costa Rica, or Panama (wasn’t that a canal somewhere?). Two decades later,
during the Carter-Reagan-Bush decade of fomenting a civil war in Nicaragua
and quelling insurgency against repressive regimes in other countries,
national polls revealed that the overwhelming majority of US citizens, even
highly educated professionals, did not know on what continent or even in
what hemisphere Nicaragua was located. Even at the University of California,
Berkeley, where there was a significant Sandinista solidarity movement, a
poll revealed that more than half the students questioned thought Nicaragua
was a country in Africa. I empathized with them, but I feared our ignorance.
On my first day of work, Sonia told me that the Nicaraguan population of
San Francisco was second only to that of Managua, Nicaragua’s capital, and
that Nicaraguans made up the majority of the Spanish-speaking community
of San Francisco. She also told me that Nicaragua was important for more
than a pop song and bananas—this was before I’d heard the term “banana
republics” in reference to the Central American countries, although she
assumed I already had. I looked up Nicaragua in my atlas when I got home,
too embarrassed to ask Sonia where it was.
Sonia told me a story about a 1920s civil war in Nicaragua provoked by
the United States. Augusto César Sandino, a dissident member of the
Nicaraguan parliament, formed a guerrilla army to drive out the occupying
US Marines, along with the North American companies they were there to
protect—Standard Fruit, the banana company; Wrigley’s, the chewing gum
company; Pine-Sol; and several companies harvesting sassafras, used to
make root beer and other products. I knew the products but had no idea
where they originated. In retaliation, the Marines bombed villages in the
remote northeast of the country where the companies operated. Sandino led
a peasant army that eventually triumphed, forcing the Marines and the com-
panies to withdraw. But the game was not over. In 1934, Sandino was assas-
sinated and the Somoza family regime installed.
Only after Sonia had told me quite a lot about Nicaragua and its great
P rol o g u e 5

beauty—the volcanoes, the inland sea, the beaches, the tropical birds and
fruit—did I dream of going there someday. I never saw Sonia again after I left
Remington Rand to continue my education at San Francisco State College.
I went on to get my undergraduate degree in history at San Francisco
State and then to doctoral work in European history at the University of
California, Berkeley. Following three months in Mexico, I moved to UCLA
to work on a doctorate in history, specializing in Latin America. Except for
the 1954 CIA-organized coup in Guatemala and the Cuban Revolution in
1959, Central America and the Caribbean were rarely discussed, and there
were no seminars or courses on the region. The Indigenous peoples were
called campesinos, peasants.
I barely noticed news of the cataclysmic earthquake that destroyed much
of Managua and took twenty thousand Nicaraguan lives just before
Christmas in 1972. I would not learn for several years more that the out-
pouring of relief aid that flowed into Nicaragua was shoveled by Somoza into
his own private accounts. In 1977, I started paying attention to the
Nicaraguan revolution that would bring the Sandinistas to power in 1979
and to the beginning of the US military and economic campaign to over-
throw them. I soon became obsessed.

Those of us who had been activists against the Vietnam War thought that
perhaps we had seen the end of such military interventions. The mid-1970s
had seemed a peculiarly hopeful time. The United States had been forced to
abandon the Vietnam War, and the 1960s social and cultural revolution had
pressured government officials into responding to demands from women,
Native Americans, Blacks, Latinos, prisoners, the poor, the disabled, chil-
dren, and elders. From the United Nations came international human rights
agreements that provided the framework for social transformation, and the
official Decade for Women and Decade to Combat Racism were launched
worldwide with great fanfare, programs that brought me into international
human rights work. President Richard Nixon, who had continued the war in
Vietnam for six years, was forced to resign in 1974, and the CIA and FBI
were castigated by Congress for spying on US citizens.
In California, where I lived, Jerry Brown was elected governor in 1974
and was reelected in 1978. He appointed Tom Hayden and other New Leftists
to government positions, reflecting the credibility that radicals had gained.
6 Bl o od on t he B order

Brown also appointed four liberal judges to the California Supreme Court,
making the chief justice a woman, Rose Bird.
In San Francisco, my city, a left-leaning populist, George Moscone, was
elected mayor, and Harvey Milk became the first openly gay activist to be
elected to the Board of Supervisors. Across the bay in Oakland, the grass-
roots infrastructure built by the Black Panther Party brought radical African
Americans into local office and helped to elect Ron Dellums, an African
American and self-described socialist, to Congress.
Nationally, the Democratic Party candidate, Jimmy Carter, was elected
president in 1976 and appointed civil rights leader Andrew Young as ambas-
sador to the United Nations. Carter even appointed a human rights special-
ist, Patricia Derrian, as a State Department special envoy. In lobbying to
bring the issue of broken Indian treaties into the United Nations, we found
that even though Ambassador Young opposed the idea of our taking the
issue to the UN, he treated us with respect, and we made gains. I was tapped
to serve on National Endowment for the Humanities panels to recommend
funding for project proposals.
In Africa, the former Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique, and
Guinea-Bissau won their independence, as did Zimbabwe. The southern
African armed liberation movements (the African National Congress, Pan-
African Congress, and Southwest Africa Peoples Organization), and the
Palestine Liberation Organization gained observer status in the UN, legiti-
mizing their claims to political leadership and strengthening the claims of
other armed national liberation struggles around the world. Though the
Cold War had not ended by any means, détente between the United States
and the USSR was policy, and the worldwide antinuclear movement was
huge and fused a wide range of cultural and political movements. John
Lennon, Yoko Ono, and other countercultural icons mobilized millions of
young people to the cause of peace and humanitarianism. The environmen-
tal movement took off: Jane Fonda’s prescient film The China Syndrome, fol-
lowed by an actual meltdown at the Three Mile Island nuclear plant in 1979,
strengthened the already large antinuclear movement and halted the expan-
sion of nuclear-powered energy. These were all liberalizing reforms, not rev-
olutionary, but they provided ample space for those of us on the left to
organize for more radical changes.
But first appearances are deceptive. The seeds for the counterrevolution
that was to follow were being planted. The political space that had been cre-
ated by the 1960s movements began to contract even before Reagan’s
P rol o g u e 7

right-wing hardliners assumed power in 1981. Although I was not aware of it

at the time, in 1974 when I joined the American Indian Movement, its lead-
ership and grassroots base were already in disarray—co-opted, jailed, killed,
exiled, burned out, and wracked by internal conflict, as were the foundations
of the other internal liberation movements. Soon, the Native movement
would have to organize not only against repression, but also against ninety-
eight proposals in the US Congress to terminate the Native American land
base and treaties. To make things worse, the Carter administration’s energy
policy included an assault on Native resources in the West as the administra-
tion declared the western intermountain area a “national sacrifice zone,” free
for open-pit and surface coal and uranium mining.
In San Francisco, two bizarre cults dominated the news and formed a sort
of parody—a tragic parody—of the former mass movements, a kind of hid-
eous coda for the end of an era. One was the Symbionese Liberation Army, a
tiny cult led by an African American man, Cinque, an alcoholic ex-con who
mesmerized a dozen or so inexperienced young women and men. Armed
with weapons and a cartoon version of leftist demands, their first act was to
assassinate Dr. Marcus Foster, the reformist African American superinten-
dent of the Oakland school system. Soon after, they gained notoriety by kid-
napping nineteen-year-old newspaper heiress Patty Hearst.
A parallel cult was much larger and more mainstream, but no less insidi-
ous. Jim Jones’s Peoples Temple attracted thousands, a majority of them
African Americans. Jones employed the rhetoric of the civil rights move-
ment and anti-imperialism. No demonstration was complete without the
arrival of busloads of enthusiastic troops from Peoples Temple, Reverend
Jones himself often the main speaker. Liberal politicians—local, state, and
national—courted favor with the Reverend. Foundation and private donor
funds poured in to support his experimental farm in the jungles of Guyana.
In 1978, when suspicions arose about the informed consent of the partici-
pants, Jones led the entire community into mass suicide, with bullets to the
heads of those who resisted drinking the poison-laced Kool-Aid.
The collapse of the mass movement that became apparent in the late 1970s
cannot be attributed solely to government policies and repression, although
the assassination and imprisonment of consensus-building leaders, the dis-
crediting and co-optation of activists, and the fear and paranoia generated by
COINTELPRO—the FBI program to “neutralize” antiwar and liberation
leaders—all took their toll. The winding down of the Vietnam War and the
8 Bl o od on t he B order

end of the draft removed the galvanizing focus that had previously united
disparate groups and interests in a common cause.
The movement’s failure to establish long-term, broad-based coalitions
became apparent, and many individuals and groups were left foundering,
some turning to New Age lifestyles or to mainstream electoral politics. Many
returned to complete doctoral or law degrees, as I did, becoming activist aca-
demics. Some turned to drugs or alcohol. Unlike the Popular Front of the
1930s, anchored by a well-organized Communist Party (which, although still
active even in the 1980s, was no longer credible enough to lead a mass move-
ment or to go far beyond New Deal–style electoral politics), no such hege-
monic leadership emerged during the Vietnam War years. Activists
recognized this weakness at the time, and many of us made great efforts to
re-form the existing left parties or to form new political parties, spawning
dozens of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and Trotskyist groups, none of which was
able to meet the challenge.
Solidarity with liberation movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America
formed part of the content of the New Party organizations, but many US
activists also formed separate anti-imperialist solidarity groups that sup-
ported national liberation movements in Central America, southern Africa,
the Philippines, Palestine, East Timor, Western Sahara, and other areas
where the United States was intervening or supplying weapons to crush
those movements. The environmental movement surged, but became a ritual
of civil disobedience and mass arrests in relatively remote locales, requiring
the presence of celebrities and widespread media coverage.
The 1960s women’s liberation movement that I had been involved in was
linked to antiracism and anti-imperialism, but that strand did not survive
either, as an issue-orientation emerged outside a radical political analysis of
capitalism, imperialism, and racism. As male violence against women sky-
rocketed, a focus on rape and pornography developed alongside the existing
issues of reproductive rights and the Equal Rights Amendment, leading to
legislative campaigns and lawsuits.
Meanwhile, the media’s flirtation with a revolution ended. Entertainment
replaced news, and public and independent broadcasting were defunded
under the Reagan administration. In mainstream politics, which a number
of activists had entered, doors were slamming shut soon after opening;
symptomatically, a right-winger in San Francisco assassinated Mayor
Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk in 1978, and then was released on
parole following a light sentence. Jerry Brown’s Supreme Court appointees
P rol o g u e 9

were either voted out of office or resigned, and Ronald Reagan became presi-
dent, consolidating this sharp move to the Right both nationally and interna-
tionally.

I was living in New York and attending UN meetings when Ronald Reagan
won the presidency. December 1980 was a dreary and troubling month that
seemed to foreshadow what was to come: the entire leadership of the
Salvadoran opposition and four American churchwomen were slaughtered
in El Salvador. John Lennon, a youth symbol of peace, was assassinated. Even
before the new administration took office, the Reagan transition team threw
out the files and staff of the presidential women’s commission and padlocked
the office door.
Reagan rode to victory on a wave of superpatriotism and Islamaphobia
drummed up when Iranian revolutionaries seized US hostages from the
embassy in Tehran in 1979 and held them through the end of Carter’s presi-
dential term in 1981. Reagan’s men geared up to implement his campaign
promise to overthrow the successful revolutions in Angola, Mozambique,
Afghanistan, Grenada, Cuba, and Nicaragua and aimed to prevent those in
Guatemala, El Salvador, and other countries from occurring. The Reagan
administration gave the green light to Israel to invade Lebanon, already
wracked by years of civil war, to drive out Yasser Arafat and the Palestine
Liberation Organization. The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the first of the
fanatical and violent Islamist organizations that crushed secularist move-
ments, assassinated Egyptian president Anwar Sadat; all over the Middle
East and soon in South Asia, reactionary Islamism gained adherents, just as
violent Zionists did in Israel and Christian fundamentalists did in the United
States. And Polish-born John Paul II assumed the papacy in 1978 intent on
reversing the two decades of growing liberation theology that emerged from
Vatican II.
The chilly wind of counterrevolution was upon us. The Cold War, US
exceptionalism and unilateralism, crusader Christianity, laissez-faire capital-
ism, and anticommunism solidified into an iron fist.
And it was in that jumble that the Sandinista Revolution, which had tri-
umphed on July 19, 1979, became a prime target.
Nicaragua under the Somozas had been a reliable US ally, but slipped
from its grasp as the greediness and ghoulishness of Anastasio Somoza
turned pathological and became a gross liability to the United States. A
10 Bl o od on t he B order

typical drill of Somoza’s infamous National Guard gives a sense of the atmo-
sphere under his rule:
“Who is the Guardia?”
“The Guardia is a tiger.”
“What does tiger like?”
“Tiger likes blood.”
“Whose blood?”
“The blood of the people.”
The Somoza regime collapsed in July 1979 when the Sandinista National
Liberation Front (FSLN is its acronym in Spanish) surrounded Managua,
and President Carter advised Somoza to resign and leave, as he had done
with the Shah of Iran a few months before. Somoza’s one-man rule had not
left much of a state. Somoza had driven the country hundreds of millions of
dollars into debt; the Carter administration forced the Sandinistas to assume
that debt, crippling the possibility of improving people’s lives. The
Sandinistas, however, set about nation-building, stoked by enthusiasm and
the ambition to eradicate poverty, disease, and illiteracy, and to introduce
poetry writing to every woman, man, and child.
The larger story of US intervention in Nicaragua during the Reagan era is
documented in Holly Sklar’s 1988 book, Washington’s War on Nicaragua
(South End Press). Sara Diamond documented the consolidation of the right
and its role in the Contra War in Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the
Christian Right (South End Press, 1989) and Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing
Movements and Political Power in the United States (Guilford Press, 1995).
Two excellent books tell the story of the development of the FSLN: Matilde
Zimmermann’s Sandinista: Carlos Fonseca and the Nicaraguan Revolution
(Duke University Press, 2000) and Gioconda Belli’s The Country under My
Skin: A Memoir of Love and War (Knopf, 2002). My story focuses on a part of
that history, an eyewitness account of how the Miskitu people of Nicaragua
were used by the United States as tools in its war against the Sandinistas. For
scholarly studies of the Miskitus, see Carlos M. Vilas, State, Class, and
Ethnicity in Nicaragua: Capitalist Modernization and Revolutionary Change
on the Atlantic Coast (Rienner, 1989); Charles Hale, Resistance and
Contradiction: Miskitu Indians and the Nicaraguan State, 1894–1987
(Stanford University Press, 1994); my Miskito Indians of Nicaragua (Minority
Rights Group, London, 1988); and Baron Pineda’s Shipwrecked Identities:
Navigating Race on the Mosquito Coast (Rutgers University Press, 2006).
Another random document with
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*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTMAS
CAROLS ***

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