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Textbook Essential Oils Aromatherapy Marlene Houghton Ebook All Chapter PDF
Textbook Essential Oils Aromatherapy Marlene Houghton Ebook All Chapter PDF
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Essential Oils Natural Remedies The Complete A Z
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CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER ONE
History of Aromatherapy
CHAPTER TWO
The Healing Art of Aromatherapy
CHAPTER THREE
The A to Z of Essential Oils
CHAPTER FOUR
Carrier Oils
CHAPTER FIVE
Blending Essential Oils
CHAPTER SIX
Using Essential Oils
CHAPTER SEVEN
Daily Essential Oil Therapy
CHAPTER EIGHT
Aromatherapy and Beauty
CHAPTER NINE
Male Grooming
CHAPTER TEN
Seasonal Health with Aromatherapy
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Body Systems
CHAPTER TWELVE
Home First-Aid Kit
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
Ancient Oils for Love and Attraction
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
Magical Blends
GLOSSARY
IMAGE CREDITS
INDEX
INTRODUCTION
“Their fruit will be for food and their leaves for healing.”
Ezekiel 47:12
Take Care Never drink any essential oil, whether diluted or not. Oils should
be diluted in a carrier or base oil and massaged into the skin, put into bath
water, or warmed in a diffuser to fill a room with a specific aroma. Some
oils will require a patch test, which involves putting a little of the mixture on
one spot on your arm to see if it causes an irritation.
“But Flowers distilled though they with Winter meet, lose but
their show, their substance still lives sweet.”
William Shakespeare
The classical Greeks used these precious oils in their bath houses
for relaxation, hygiene, health, and beauty. Hippocrates, the Greek
physician who today is known as the Father of Medicine, advocated
the benefits of bathing in warm baths scented with sweet-smelling
perfumed oils. Later, the Romans obtained much of their medical
knowledge of essential oils from the Greeks and then improved on
this knowledge. They were aware of the beneficial properties of
these wonderful oils and, apart from using them to treat disease, the
Romans—well known for their hedonistic lifestyles—used them for
sensual reasons, to enhance sexual desire and uplift and alter mood.
Unfortunately, with the fall of the Roman Empire around 410 CE, the
use of these valuable oils declined in Europe, probably as the
influence of the Church began to get a grip. The Church frowned on
pleasure-seeking practices, communal bathing, and using fragrance
for beautifying the body, judging them to be sinful and vain.
Consequently, the use of these beautiful essential oils, for pleasure
and also for use medicinally, fell into decline. The lack of hygiene
during the Dark Ages led to the rise of many diseases, and
ultimately the plagues in which millions of people died.
During this time, when the bubonic plagues wreaked havoc
throughout Europe, herbalist-physicians urged people to use
essential oils in an effort to stop the outbreaks from spreading.
When they treated their patients, they wore beaked masks filled with
cloves, cinnamon, and aromatic spices, believing that breathing the
herbal aroma through this beak would protect them. They must have
looked terrifying in this hideous outfit, and many of the victims
probably died of fright instead of bubonic plague!
These plague-doctors carried
sponges soaked in aromatic oils for
protection but unfortunately this did not
appear to work and thousands died.
However, one group of people was
protected against these epidemics, and
it was not known why. They used what
came to be known as “Four Thieves
Vinegar.” It contained many herbs and
oils and appeared to provide protection
against the infection. The name derived
from a story about four thieves who robbed the dead victims of the
plague. They doused themselves in this vinegar and mysteriously did
not appear to catch this virulent disease that was killing millions.
One of the therapeutic ingredients in this vinegar was garlic. Today
we know that this pungent, volatile garlic oil contains important
antibacterial and antiviral properties. Other essential oils in this
protective mixture were rosemary, eucalyptus, and cinnamon. These
oils contain substances that obviously helped defend the four thieves
from catching the pestilence. Today we know that these three
essential oils are strongly antiseptic, and this must have been the
reason these thieves did not die. Who said crime does not pay!
In Tudor England, Elizabeth I (1533–1603) used fragrant oils to
cover what must have been the nauseating smells of her court. The
queen’s physician is said to have advised her that bathing was
dangerous! Taking his advice, she had only one or two baths a year!
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Renaissance
Europe, the essential oils began to enjoy a resurgence. The
perfumer’s art was revived when Catherine de Medici, the queen of
Henry II of France, created a fashion for aromatic products.
Apparently, she adored the beautiful haunting fragrance of neroli,
whose hypnotic, euphoric properties are known to act as an
aphrodisiac, increasing sexual desire. Fascinated by the occult
sciences, she regularly consulted Nostradamus, along with her court
alchemist and astrologer. Catherine is said to have used the Dark
Arts to dispatch a number of her enemies, using a few of the
poisonous oils blended for this purpose by her court apothecaries!
Nostradamus
Special Precautions
Patch Test
To check an oil, apply the diluted oil to a small patch of skin, on
either the inner wrist or the inner elbow. Wait for an hour to check
that there is no irritation or redness before using the oil.
How Oils Are Obtained
There are a number of different methods of extracting the oil from
the raw material. Steam distillation and expression are the two most
often used. Solvent extraction is also used.
VI
And now, with the 16th Century, the decisive epochal turn begins
for Western painting. The trusteeship of architecture in the North and
that of sculpture in Italy expire, and painting becomes polyphonic,
“picturesque,” infinity-seeking. The colours become tones. The art of
the brush claims kinship with the style of cantata and madrigal. The
technique of oils becomes the basis of an art that means to conquer
space and to dissolve things in that space. With Leonardo and
Giorgione begins Impressionism.
In the actual picture there is transvaluation of all the elements. The
background, hitherto casually put in, regarded as a fill-up and, as
space, almost shuffled out of sight, gains a preponderant
importance. A development sets in that is paralleled in no other
Culture, not even in the Chinese which in many other respects is so
near to ours. The background as symbol of the infinite conquers the
sense-perceptible foreground, and at last (herein lies the distinction
between the depicting and the delineating styles) the depth-
experience of the Faustian soul is captured in the kinesis of a
picture. The space-relief of Mantegna’s plane layers dissolves in
Tintoretto into directional energy, and there emerges in the picture
the great symbol of an unlimited space-universe which comprises
the individual things within itself as incidentals—the horizon. Now,
that a landscape painting should have a horizon has always seemed
so self-evident to us that we have never asked ourselves the
important question: Is there always a horizon, and if not, when not
and why not? In fact, there is not a hint of it, either in Egyptian relief
or in Byzantine mosaic or in vase-paintings and frescoes of the
Classical age, or even in those of the Hellenistic in spite of its spatial
treatment of foregrounds. This line, in the unreal vapour of which
heaven and earth melt, the sum and potent symbol of the far,
contains the painter’s version of the “infinitesimal” principle. It is out
of the remoteness of this horizon that the music of the picture flows,
and for this reason the great landscape-painters of Holland paint
only backgrounds and atmospheres, just as for the contrary reason
“anti-musical” masters like Signorelli and especially Mantegna, paint
only foregrounds and “reliefs.” It is in the horizon, then, that Music
triumphs over Plastic, the passion of extension over its substance. It
is not too much to say that no picture by Rembrandt has a
foreground at all. In the North, the home of counterpoint, a deep
understanding of the meaning of horizons and high-lighted distances
is found very early, while in the South the flat conclusive gold-
background of the Arabic-Byzantine picture long remained supreme.
The first definite emergence of the pure space-feeling is in the Books
of Hours of the Duke of Berry (that at Chantilly and that at Turin)
about 1416. Thereafter, slowly and surely, it conquers the Picture.
The same symbolic meaning attaches to clouds. Classical art
concerns itself with them no more than with horizons, and the painter
of the Renaissance treats them with a certain playful superficiality.
But very early the Gothic looked at its cloud-masses, and through
them, with the long sight of mysticism; and the Venetians (Giorgione
and Paolo Veronese above all) discovered the full magic of the
cloud-world, of the thousand-tinted Being that fills the heavens with
its sheets and wisps and mountains. Grünewald and the
Netherlanders heightened its significance to the level of tragedy. El
Greco brought the grand art of cloud-symbolism to Spain.
It was at the same time that along with oil-painting and
counterpoint the art of gardens ripened. Here, expressed on the
canvas of Nature itself by extended pools, brick walls, avenues,
vistas and galleries, is the same tendency that is represented in
painting by the effort towards the linear perspective that the early
Flemish artists felt to be the basic problem of their art and
Brunellesco, Alberti and Piero della Francesca formulated. We may
take it that it was not entirely a coincidence that this formulation of
perspective, this mathematical consecration of the picture (whether
landscape or interior) as a field limited at the sides but immensely
increased in depth, was propounded just at this particular moment. It
was the proclamation of the Prime-Symbol. The point at which the
perspective lines coalesce is at infinity. It was just because it avoided
infinity and rejected distance that Classical painting possessed no
perspective. Consequently the Park, the deliberate manipulation of
Nature so as to obtain space and distance effects, is an impossibility
in Classical art. Neither in Athens nor in Rome proper was there a
garden-art: it was only the Imperial Age that gratified its taste with
ground-schemes of Eastern origin, and a glance at any of the plans
of those “gardens” that have been preserved[306] is enough to show
the shortness of their range and the emphasis of their bounds. And
yet the first garden-theorist of the West, L. B. Alberti, was laying
down the relation of the surroundings to the house (that is, to the
spectators in it) as early as 1450, and from his projects to the parks
of the Ludovisi and Albani villas,[307] we can see the importance of
the perspective view into distance becoming ever greater and
greater. In France, after Francis I (Fontainebleau) the long narrow
lake is an additional feature having the same meaning.
The most significant element in the Western garden-art is thus the
point de vue of the great Rococo park, upon which all its avenues
and clipped-hedge walks open and from which vision may travel out
to lose itself in the distances. This element is wanting even in the
Chinese garden-art. But it is exactly matched by some of the silver-
bright distance-pictures of the pastoral music of that age (in
Couperin for example). It is the point de vue that gives us the key to
a real understanding of this remarkable mode of making nature itself
speak the form-language of a human symbolism. It is in principle
akin to the dissolution of finite number-pictures into infinite series in
our mathematic: as the remainder-expression[308] reveals the ultimate
meaning of the series, so the glimpse into the boundless is what, in
the garden, reveals to a Faustian soul the meaning of Nature. It was
we and not the Hellenes or the men of the high Renaissance that
prized and sought out high mountain tops for the sake of the limitless
range of vision that they afford. This is a Faustian craving—to be
alone with endless space. The great achievement of Le Nôtre and
the landscape-gardeners of Northern France, beginning with
Fouquet’s epoch-making creation of Vaux-le-Vicomte, was that they
were able to render this symbol with such high emphasis. Compare
the Renaissance park of the Medicean age—capable of being taken
in, gay, cosy, well-rounded—with these parks in which all the water-
works, statue-rows, hedges and labyrinths are instinct with the
suggestion of long range. It is the Destiny of Western oil-painting told
over again in a bit of garden-history.
But the feeling for long range is at the same time one for history.
At a distance, space becomes time and the horizon signifies the
future. The Baroque park is the park of the Late season, of the
approaching end, of the falling leaf. A Renaissance park is meant for
the summer and the noonday. It is timeless, and nothing in its form-
language reminds us of mortality. It is perspective that begins to
awaken a premonition of something passing, fugitive and final. The
very words of distance possess, in the lyric poetry of all Western
languages, a plaintive autumnal accent that one looks for in vain in
the Greek and Latin. It is there in Macpherson’s “Ossian” and
Hölderlin, and in Nietzsche’s Dionysus-Dithyrambs, and lastly in
Baudelaire, Verlaine, George and Droem. The Late poetry of the
withering garden avenues, the unending lines in the streets of a
megalopolis, the ranks of pillars in a cathedral, the peak in a distant
mountain chain—all tell us that the depth-experience which
constitutes our space-world for us is in the last analysis our inward
certainty of a Destiny, of a prescribed direction, of time, of the
irrevocable. Here, in the experience of horizon as future, we become
directly and surely conscious of the identity of Time with the “third
dimension” of that experienced space which is living self-extension.
And in these last days we are imprinting upon the plan of our
megalopolitan streets the same directional-destiny character that the
17th Century imprinted upon the Park of Versailles. We lay our
streets as long arrow-flights into remote distance, regardless even of
preserving old and historic parts of our towns (for the symbolism of
these is not now prepotent in us), whereas a megalopolis of the
Classical world studiously maintained in its extension that tangle of
crooked lanes that enabled Apollinian man to feel himself a body in
the midst of bodies.[309] Herein, as always, practical requirements, so
called, are merely the mask of a profound inward compulsion.
With the rise of perspective, then, the deeper form and full
metaphysical significance of the picture comes to be concentrated
upon the horizon. In Renaissance art the painter had stated and the
beholder had accepted the contents of the picture for what they
were, as self-sufficient and co-extensive with the title. But henceforth
the contents became a means, the mere vehicle of a meaning that
was beyond the possibility of verbal expression. With Mantegna or
Signorelli the pencil sketch could have stood as the picture, without
being carried out in colour—in some cases, indeed, we can only
regret that the artist did not stop at the cartoon. In the statue-like
sketch, colour is a mere supplement. Titian, on the other hand, could
be told by Michelangelo that he did not know how to draw. The
“object,” i.e., that which could be exactly fixed by the drawn outline,
the near and material, had in fact lost its artistic actuality; but, as the
theory of art was still dominated by Renaissance impressions, there
arose thereupon that strange and interminable conflict concerning
the “form” and the “content” of an art-work. Mis-enunciation of the
question has concealed its real and deep significance from us. The
first point for consideration should have been whether painting was
to be conceived of plastically or musically, as a static of things or as
a dynamic of space (for in this lies the essence of the opposition
between fresco and oil technique), and the second point, the
opposition of Classical and Faustian world-feeling. Outlines define
the material, while colour-tones interpret space.[310] But the picture of
the first order belongs to directly sensible nature—it narrates. Space,
on the contrary, is by its very essence transcendent and addresses
itself to our imaginative powers, and in an art that is under its
suzerainty, the narrative element enfeebles and obscures the more
profound tendency. Hence it is that the theorist, able to feel the
secret disharmony but misunderstanding it, clings to the superficial
opposition of content and form. The problem is purely a Western
one, and reveals most strikingly the complete inversion in the
significance of pictorial elements that took place when the
Renaissance closed down and instrumental music of the grand style
came to the front. For the Classical mind no problem of form and
content in this sense could exist; in an Attic statue the two are
completely identical and identified in the human body.
The case of Baroque painting is further complicated by the fact
that it involves an opposition of ordinary popular feeling and the finer
sensibility. Everything Euclidean and tangible is also popular, and the
genuinely popular art is therefore the Classical. It is very largely the
feeling of this popular character in it that constitutes its indescribable
charm for the Faustian intellects that have to fight for self-
expression, to win their world by hard wrestling. For us, the
contemplation of Classical art and its intention is pure refreshment:
here nothing needs to be struggled for, everything offers itself freely.
And something of the same sort was achieved by the anti-Gothic
tendency of Florence. Raphael is, in many sides of his creativeness,
distinctly popular. But Rembrandt is not, cannot be, so. From Titian
painting becomes more and more esoteric. So, too, poetry. So, too,
music. And the Gothic per se had been esoteric from its very
beginnings—witness Dante and Wolfram. The masses of Okeghem
and Palestrina, or of Bach for that matter, were never intelligible to
the average member of the congregation. Ordinary people are bored
by Mozart and Beethoven, and regard music generally as something
for which one is or is not in the mood. A certain degree of interest in
these matters has been induced by concert room and gallery since
the age of enlightenment invented the phrase “art for all.” But
Faustian art is not, and by very essence cannot be, “for all.” If
modern painting has ceased to appeal to any but a small (and ever
decreasing) circle of connoisseurs, it is because it has turned away
from the painting of things that the man in the street can understand.
It has transferred the property of actuality from contents to space—
the space through which alone, according to Kant, things are. And
with that a difficult metaphysical element has entered into painting,
and this element does not give itself away to the layman. For
Phidias, on the contrary, the word “lay” would have had no meaning.
His sculpture appealed entirely to the bodily and not to the spiritual
eye. An art without space is a priori unphilosophical.
VII
VIII
IX