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How Gender Shapes the World
How Gender Shapes
the World
A L E X A N D R A Y . A I K H E NVALD
Language and Culture Research Centre
James Cook University
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in
Impression:
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
Madison Avenue, New York, NY , United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number:
ISBN ––––
Printed in Great Britain by
Clays Ltd, St Ives plc
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
In loving memory of remarkable and independent women in whose
shadow I grew up—my great-aunt Frania S. Rosman who showed
what a woman can achieve against all odds, my grandmother Maria
S. Bonné who educated me concerning the nature of the status of
women, and my great-grandmother Nina K. Aikhenvald whose
indomitable spirit and strength inspired me.
Contents
Acknowledgements xi
Abbreviations and conventions xiii
List of boxes, figures, schemes, and tables xv
. The multifaceted Gender
. Disentangling ‘Gender’
. What is special about Linguistic Gender
. How this book is organized
. The empirical basis, and a note on conventions
. Linguistic Gender and its expression
. Linguistic Gender in a nutshell
.. Marking Linguistic Gender
.. Gender agreement and anaphoric gender
.. Linguistic Gender and other linguistic categories
.. How many genders?
. How to choose a Linguistic Gender
.. Gender choice by meaning
.. Gender choice by form
.. Meaning meets form: mixed principles of gender assignment
. Markedness and Linguistic Genders
. Linguistic Genders and their labels: envoi
. Round women and long men: physical properties in Linguistic Gender
. Small round women and long slender men
. When ‘women’ are larger than ‘men’
. Physical properties in Linguistic Gender choice: contrasting
the two scenarios
. Beyond mere physique: attitude, value, and importance
in Linguistic Gender
.. Endearment and disdain through Linguistic Gender
.. Value and importance in Linguistic Gender
. What are Linguistic Genders good for?
. Variable choice of Linguistic Gender
. Linguistic Gender in discourse
. The utility of Linguistic Gender
viii Contents
. Gender meanings in grammar and lexicon
. Sex, humanness, and animacy in classifier systems
.. Numeral classifiers
.. Noun classifiers
.. Verbal classifiers and other classifier types
.. Linguistic Genders and classifiers as noun categorization devices:
commonalities and differences
. Sex, humanness, and animacy in noun categories
. Gender in gender-less languages
. The rise and fall of Linguistic Genders
. Developing Linguistic Gender
.. From generic nouns to Linguistic Genders
.. From generic nouns to noun classifiers and then to
Linguistic Genders
.. From anaphoric gender to agreement gender
.. From derivational gender to agreement gender
.. Linguistic Gender from other nominal categories
. Reshaping Linguistic Genders
. Partial loss and reinterpretation of gender: the story of English
. Linguistic Gender in language contact
.. To lose a Linguistic Gender
.. Evolving a Linguistic Gender
.. Readjusting Linguistic Gender
.. Linguistic Gender in language obsolescence
. Linguistic Gender in language acquisition and language
dissolution
. Linguistic Gender and language reforms
. Linguistic Genders, their development, demise,
and transformations
. Manly women and womanly men: the effects of gender reversal
. Reversing Linguistic Genders with jocular effects
. Offence and praise in Linguistic Gender reversals
. Linguistic Gender reversal: endearment and solidarity
. Men as women, women as men: a summary of Linguistic
Gender reversals
. Attitudes to Social Genders through Linguistic Gender reversals
. ‘Women’ as a subtype of ‘men’? The overtones of masculine generics
. Markedness, status, and power in Linguistic Gender choice
Contents ix
. The images of gender
. Myth-and-belief in the choice of Linguistic Gender
. The metaphors of Linguistic Gender
. Does Linguistic Gender affect cognition?
. What men and women look like
. ‘Gendering’ the world: images, metaphors, and cognition
. When women and men speak differently
. ‘Male’ and ‘female’ dialects
.. How male and female dialects differ
.. Speakers and addressees of male and female dialects
.. Male and female dialects, and language history
.. Male and female speech on the way out
.. Beyond Natural Gender
.. Politeness, identity, and change: male and female dialects
in Japanese and Thai
. Gender-variable skills: men’s and women’s speech practices
.. Social status, and women’s speech
.. Tokens of men and women in gender-variable languages
. The other genders
. Male speech, female speech: a summary
. The rituals of gender
. Social Gender, speech genres, and speech practices
. The languages of manhood
. Secrets, avoidance, and taboos: what women are not supposed
to know
. Men, women, and language change
. Language keepers or language killers? Women and language
maintenance
.. Women as language keepers
.. Women leading language shift
.. Women and modernity
.. Women as language killers
. Summary: Social Gender through rituals, genres,
and speech practices
. Gender in grammar and society
. What Linguistic Gender can tell us about Social Gender
. Social inequalities through gender asymmetries
. The value of ‘man’ through gender in lexicon
. How Linguistic Genders reflect social change
x Contents
. Thwarting ‘sexist language’
.. Masculine bias through Linguistic Gender: pronouns
and agreement
.. Fighting the ‘generic masculine’ throughout the language
.. Bias in address terms and naming patterns
. Expression of Linguistic Gender and social change: a summary
. The heart of the matter: envoi
References
Index of languages, linguistic families, and peoples
Index of authors
Index of subjects
Acknowledgements
I have been working and publishing on gender for over two decades now, and am
indebted to many people, of different continents, backgrounds, and walks of life. My
gratitude goes to native speakers of Amazonian languages who taught me their
remarkable languages, especially my Tariana family—José, Jovino, Olívia, Rafael,
Leo, Maria, Diká, Emílio, Juvenal, the late Graciliano, Ismael, and Cândido Brito,
together with the Muniz family, and Afonso Fontes, Ilda Cardoso, and the late
Marcília Rodrigues from whom I learnt Baniwa.
I am immensely grateful to my adopted family in the Manambu-speaking Avatip
village (East Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea)—especially Jacklyn Yuamali Ala,
Pauline Yuaneng Agnes Luma Laki, James Sesu Laki, Dameliway, Jenny Kudapakw,
Motuway, the late Gaialiwag, Yuawalup, and John Sepaywus Angi. Special thanks go
to my new family in the Yalaku village of the East Sepik Province, especially Joel
Ukaia and his wife Rethi, Ritha Saun, Elsa Kasandemi, yafa Mark, yafa Solomon, and
David Kwaibori. Angela Filer, a Kwoma speaker from the East Sepik Province, was
the first one to draw my attention to the ways in which Papuan women lose their
identity by having to take their husband’s name.
I am grateful to my friends who taught me Estonian—and from whom I learnt that
speaking a language without a Linguistic Gender is not as boring as it may seem—Aet
Lees, Reet Bergman, Reet Vallak, and Krista Gardener in Australia, and Sana
Valliulina, together with the late Elsa Endemann, Maimu Endemann, and Lembit
Oiari back in Estonia. I owe bursts of revelation concerning Linguistic Gender in
Modern Hebrew to my dear cousin Lia Shaked (née Rosman). A debt of love and
gratitude goes to Emma Aikhenvald (née Breger), Tata Baeva, Ella Vainermann, and
indefatigable Tamara Margolina, for patiently answering my linguistic and other
questions concerning Russian as she is spoken today.
I am grateful for the support and comments of many colleagues, students, and
friends who allowed me to learn from their work, provided references, additional
sources, and patiently answered my questions concerning their areas of expertise—
especially Willem Adelaar, Angeliki Alvanoudi, Azeb Amha, Juliane Böttger, Nancy
Dorian, Sebastian Drude, Luke Fleming, Diana Forker, Valérie Guérin, Jenia
Gutova, Emi Ireland, Olga Kazakevitch, Pablo Kirtchuk, John Koontz, Maarten
Kossmann, Iwona Kraska-Szlenk, Maxim Kronhaus, Aet Lees, Mike Lu, Silvia
Luraghi, Lev Michael, Elena Mihas, Marianne Mithun, Edith Moravcsik, Heiko
Narrog, Simon Overall, Chia-jung Pan, Nick Piper, Vera Podlesskaya, Natasha
Pokrovsky, Renate Raffelsiefen, Nick Reid, David Rood, Hannah Sarvasy, Dineke
Schokkin, Glenn Shepard, Cácio and Elisângela Silva, Anne Storch, Marilena
xii Acknowledgements
Thanassoula, Yishai Tobin, Rosa Vallejos, Louise Vasvári, Mary Ruth Wise, Kasia
Wojtylak, Sihong Zhang, and the late Bob Rankin.
Invaluable comments on just about every page came from R. M. W. Dixon,
without whose incisive criticism and ideas, and constant encouragement and support
this book would not have appeared. Special thanks go to Angeliki Alvanoudi for her
comments on the manuscript, to Nerida Jarkey for looking over the discusssion of
Japanese, to Sebastian Drude for materials and comments on Awetí, and to Rosa
Vallejos for materials and comments on Kokama-Kokamilla.
While working on this book, I made extensive use of the Oxford English Dictionary
Online—a wonderful and comprehensive resource on English and its history. I owe a
debt of gratitude to JCU Library who provided us with this resource, and especially to
Bronwyn Forster and Caroline Tredrea. The efficient interlibrary loan system worked
like clockwork—particular thanks go to Lynn Clarke, Janine Meakins, and Bridie
Soo, also at JCU Library. I owe a considerable debt to Brigitta Flick and Jolene Overall
for carefully reading through drafts of this book and making corrections, and to
Amanda Parsonage for looking after all things administrative while I was doing the
writing. This book was supported by the Australian Laureate Fellowship (from the
Australian Research Council) ‘How gender shapes the world: a linguistic perspective’.
This volume would have never been brought to fruition without encouragement
from Julia Steer, the Linguistics Editor of Oxford University Press. Her constant
support makes the whole enterprise worthwhile.
Abbreviations and conventions
first person (I)
second person (you)
third person (she, he, it, they)
A transitive subject
ABS absolutive
ACC accusative
ADJ adjective
ANIM animate
ART article
AUX auxiliary
CL classifier
dim diminutive
DOM differential object marking
ERG ergative
fem, FEM feminine
GEN genitive
IMPERS impersonal
IMPV imperative
INANIM inanimate
inanim inanimate
INDEF indefinite
LK linker
LOC locative
masc, MASC masculine
NCL noun class
NEG negation
NOM nominalization
NUM.CL numeral classifier
O object
pl plural
POSS possessive
xiv Abbreviations and conventions
PRES present
S intransitive subject
sg singular
VERT vertical
VIS visual
Numbers of examples, tables, boxes, figures, and schemes consist of the chapter number and
then are numbered consecutively. So, Table . is the first table in Chapter . The majority of
examples from different languages are glossed and then translated into English. I keep the
original orthography and also the glossing of the quoted sources.
List of boxes, figures, schemes,
and tables
Box . General properties of linguistic genders
Box . How to gain a linguistic gender: pathways of development
Figure . Gender assignment in Manambu
Figure . Elvia, a Tucano woman married to a Tariana man,
was supposed to ‘kill’ his language. Here she is doing a traditional woman’s
task: serving manioc beer to Tariana men at an Assembly of the Tariana
in the Tariana school (Aikhenvald b)
Scheme . Gender and number in Zande personal pronouns
Scheme . How the three faces of Gender relate to each other
Table . Genders in Romanian and their marking
Table . Gender–number pairs in Bantu
Table . Semantic basis of gender choice in German: an illustration
Table . Semantic features in gender choice for nouns in Cantabrian Spanish
Table . Physical properties in Linguistic Gender choice
Table . Endearment and disdain through Linguistic Genders
Table . Variable Gender assignment in Maung
Table . Animate classifiers in Burmese
Table . Noun classifiers for humans and deities in Jacaltec (a selection)
Table . Mescalero Apache classificatory verb categories
Table . Noun classifiers for humans in Mam and nouns they originated from
Table . Personal pronouns in Gala compared with Manambu
Table . Treating ‘men’ as ‘women’: masculine to feminine Linguistic
Gender reversal
Table . Treating ‘women’ as ‘men’: feminine to masculine Linguistic
Gender reversal
Table . Meanings of ‘she’ vs ‘he’ in American English (Mathiot b)
Table . Male and female forms of a selection of enclitics in Lakhota
(Trechter : )
Table . Female versus male forms in Kokama-Kokamilla: a selection
(Vallejos : )
Table . Female versus male forms in Awetí: a selection
Table . Male and female speech determined by speaker and addressee in Biloxi
Table . Male and female speech in Kũr̩ux: present tense of the verb bar- ‘come’
xvi List of boxes, figures, schemes, and tables
Table . Male and female speech chosen by the sex of the addressee in Tunica
Table . Personal pronouns in Japanese: men’s and women’s speech
(adapted from Ide : )
Table . Traits of men’s and women’s speech among the Malagasy
Table . ‘Hidden from women’: tabooed nouns employed in traditional Tariana
1
The multifaceted Gender
The multifaceted notion of ‘gender’ pervades every aspect of life and of living. Gender
differences form the basis for family life, patterns of socialization, distribution of tasks,
spheres of responsibility, and occupational predilections. Understanding the nature
of ‘gender’ is central to many disciplines—anthropology, sociology (and, of course,
women’s studies), criminology, linguistics, and biology, to name a few. The way
gender is articulated shapes the world of individuals, and of the societies they live in.
To different people, the word ‘gender’ means different things. For a grammarian
and a linguist concerned with the structure of languages, ‘gender’ is a linguistic way of
categorizing nouns reflected in their form, the form of an adjective or a verb which
would agree with the noun, or a personal pronoun.
For a sociolinguist, a psychologist, and an anthropologist, ‘gender’ is a set of
norms, attitudes, feelings, and behaviours that a given culture or society associates
with the person’s biological sex (male or female). A philosopher defines gender as
‘social construction of male/female identity’ distinct from ‘sex, the biologically-based
distinction between men and women’.1 Gender is also defined as a set of ideas about
relations and behaviours, and principles of social organization, to be understood
within a social context.2 For some, ‘gender’ reflects a social and cultural elaboration
of sex differences, ‘a process that restricts our social roles, opportunities, and expect-
ations’, and also determines some ways in which we speak.3 And when we fill in a
customs declaration, we need to state which gender we belong to—male or female.
That is, in day-to-day usage, the term ‘gender’ has expanded at the expense of ‘sex’:
then gender is a physiological distinction between men and women.
How to reconcile all the different meanings packaged into one word?
. Disentangling ‘Gender’
The multifaceted concept of Gender has three faces.
• LINGUISTIC GENDER. This is the original sense of ‘gender’ as a linguistic term. One
class of nouns may be marked in a particular way, another class in another way.
That class which includes most words referring to females is called ‘feminine’,
How Gender Shapes the World. First edition. Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald.
© Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald . First published in by Oxford University Press.
The multifaceted Gender
similarly for males and ‘masculine’. Gender classes are defined by their male and
female members but may extend beyond those. The ways in which animals,
birds, insects, plants, and natural phenomena (such as thunder and wind) are
assigned to genders may reflect their roles in legends and metaphors, and reveal
folk taxonomies. Linguistic Gender is integrated in the grammar, and is one of
the ways languages use to categorize nouns.
• NATURAL GENDER. This is what was until recently simply called ‘sex’—male versus
female. A female is able to bear children, a male is not. Natural Gender entails
anatomical and hormonal differences, linked to concomitant physiological and
psychological traits. In the day-to-day use, ‘gender’ has just about displaced the
term ‘sex’—perhaps felt to be too blunt and rude.
• SOCIAL GENDER. This reflects the social implications, and norms, of being a man
or a woman (or perhaps something in between). In Simone de Beauvoir’s (:
) adage: ‘One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman.’ In many traditional
societies of New Guinea, social manhood is achieved, and defined, through male
initiation. Similarly, in other traditional societies, social womanhood used to be
achieved through female initiation. Social Gender relates to contrasting social
roles of the sexes, and how these are embodied in cultural practices and public
ritualized behaviour. (These patterns include conventions for the behaviour of men
and women, known as ‘gender etiquette’, social stereotypes associated with males
and females, and a traditional complex of knowledge and beliefs about mythical
women and mythical men.4)
The three faces of Gender interact. Investigations of Natural Gender focus on
innate biological differences between men and women. They are also played out in
the ways men and women communicate, within their Social Genders. As Labov
(: ) puts it, ‘the sexual differentiation of speakers is . . . not a product of
physical factors alone’, but ‘rather an expressive posture which is socially more
appropriate for one sex or another’. In a ground-breaking study of physical features
of ‘women’s’ speech among the Tohono O'odham (a Uto-Aztecan group from
Mexico), Hill and Zepeda () show how women (not men) use a pulmonic
ingressive airstream in order to construct a special atmosphere of conversational
intimacy, taking advantage of size differences between male and female vocal tracts.
Such sound production is easier to achieve with the smaller female larynx and
pharynx. Physical attributes—including high pitched voice—typical of female Nat-
ural Gender come to be associated with ‘female talk’, and redeployed as tokens of
Social Gender and associated attitudes.
The difference between Natural Gender, or sex, and Linguistic Gender was cap-
tured by Jespersen (: ):
Sex is a natural quality shown primarily in the productive organs . . . Gender is a grammatical
category. Many languages have class distinctions of different characters. Gender in primary
. Disentangling ‘Gender’
words (chiefly substantives [nouns]) is not always shown by the form of the word itself, but it
may influence the form of other words (secondary) and is thus chiefly a syntactic category.
Languages vary very much with regard to the number of classes distinguished, also with regard
to the correspondence forums between these grammatical classes and natural distinctions such
as those of sex, between big and small, between living and lifeless, etc. Gender thus cannot be
defined as the grammatical expression of sex, but may relate to other things.
Natural Gender and Social Gender work together creating stereotypes of behav-
iour in each society and culture. Ortner and Whitehead (: ) put this as follows:
Natural features of gender, and natural processes of sex and reproduction, furnish only a
suggestive and ambiguous backdrop to the cultural organization of gender and sexuality. What
gender, what men and women are, what sorts of relations do or should obtain between them—
all of these notions do not simply reflect or elaborate upon biological ‘givens’, but are largely
products of social and cultural processes.5
The division of biological, or ‘Natural’ Genders, goes beyond a male and female
dichotomy. Numerous traditional and modern societies have ‘groups whose gender
identities and enactments fall outside of sociocultural norms for women and men’—
these are the ones described as ‘a third sex’, or a ‘third (Natural) Gender’.6 ‘Trans-
gender’ is another umbrella term which encompasses those whose behaviour shows
patterns associated with the opposite sex—including transsexuals, transvestites, and
drag queens and kings. Transsexuals are those whose Social Gender identity does not
correspond to the male or female Natural Gender characteristics they were born with.
Some undergo sex-reassignment surgery to change their biological features, so that it
should match their gender identity. Transvestites are men and women in terms of
their Natural Gender who dress and behave as members of the opposite gender. The
way gays, lesbians, and transgender people speak reflects their identity as special
groups, and highlights linguistic features perceived as characteristic of being ‘male’ or
‘female’. One of these features is manipulating Linguistic Gender. Brigitte Martel, a
transsexual male who became female, aptly captured this in the title of her autobiog-
raphy by changing Linguistic Genders which accompanied the change of her Natural
and Social Gender from male to female: Né homme, comment je suis devenue femme—
‘Born (masculine) a man, how I became (feminine) woman’. Hijras—womanly men in
India and Nepal—talk about themselves using feminine or masculine Linguistic
Gender depending on circumstances and attitudes.7
Traditionally, transgender practices play a role in initiation and other rituals across
the world. These include Naven, made famous by Gregory Bateson, and further
explored in the literature on Sepik cultures, and across New Guinea.8 Cross-dressing
of men as women during initiation ceremonies in the Sepik area and the Highlands of
New Guinea is thought to be a way of getting initiates to acquire a proper male social
identity—or masculine Social Gender—and rationalize sexual roles (usually character-
ized by male dominance). Male and female transgender people have been documented
The multifaceted Gender
for numerous groups of the North American Plains. Just a few correlations with
language have so far been recorded for these cultural practices.9
From a linguist’s perspective, Linguistic Gender occupies a central position in
shaping the role and the meanings of Gender in its three faces. Linguistic Gender as
a way of categorizing entities through language—and other realizations of Social
and Natural Gender in language—shapes the world we live in and the ways we
perceive and construct it. Other aspects of language use also set women and men apart.
These include ways of speaking, speech genres and speech practices, and often polite-
ness forms.
The multifaceted concept of ‘gender’ spans a linguistic category, a complex of
social norms, and a set of biological features. This book is about the ways in which
gender is reflected in language—and more specifically, the role of Linguistic Gender
in the expression of Social Gender and Natural Gender, their manipulations and
development.
. What is special about Linguistic Gender
Some linguistic categories show strong correlations with cultural values, social
hierarchies, and their conceptualization. Imperatives and commands reflect relation-
ships between people: for instance, if a speaker of Dolakha Newar is considerably
younger than the addressee, or is talking to someone they particularly respect, they
will use special honorific imperatives. Simple imperatives will be reserved for their
equals.10 Meanings encoded within possessive structures often reflect relationships
within a society, and change if the society changes.
Together with other ways of categorizing nouns, Linguistic Gender tends to mirror
social and cultural stereotypes and patterns of human perception. Linguistic Gender
is a repository of beliefs about what men and women are like and how they behave, and
features which are ‘male’-like or ‘female’-like.11 Language planning, political correct-
ness, and societal changes shape various aspects of Linguistic Gender—especially with
regard to how humans are categorized. The ways in which people use Linguistic
Gender may mirror the status of Social Genders. For instance, in Jarawara, a small
Arawá language from southern Amazonia, a particularly respected woman can be
referred to with masculine gender, as if she were being ‘promoted’ to the male gender
status. Genders reflect the history of ideas and attitudes. The recent trend against the
generic masculine pronoun in English reflects the ways in which established stereo-
types can be gradually remoulded.
More than half the world’s languages have Linguistic Gender in their grammar.12
As Franz Boas (a founding father of modern linguistics) put it, languages differ not in
what one can say but in what kind of information must be stated: ‘grammar . . .
determines those aspects of each experience that must be expressed’ (Boas :
). Having to be always conscious of which Linguistic Gender to apply—especially
. What is special about Linguistic Gender
to humans—makes one alert to other faces of Gender, as a natural division of people
into male, female, and perhaps ‘other’, and as a cultural and social construct.
Linguistic Gender comes in many guises and serves many masters. It helps follow
the thread of communication, and figure out who or what is being talked about. Having
an obligatory Linguistic Gender allows for rich and expansive imagery, and makes the
language we speak more colourful and versatile. Linguistic gender, its choice and
associations, is something speakers are ready to discuss and argue about. This meta-
linguistic perception of gender makes it central for metaphors—especially in poetry.
No term in linguistics is fully straightforward; there is some approximation in each.
Of all linguistic terms, ‘gender’ is uniquely polysemous in its coverage—it subsumes
‘gender’ in a strict grammatical meaning, and extends to a biological division of
humans into males and females, and to conventionalized differences in their social
status and linguistic behaviour. The diffuse nature of the term is sometimes
irritating—as every mention of the term has to be unpacked and explained. Turkish
can be considered ‘gender-less’—in terms of the absence of grammatical Linguistic
Gender. Yet meanings of Linguistic Gender can be expressed through some deriv-
ational affixes on nouns, e.g. hoc-anIm ‘female teacher’. And the language is not
‘gender-neutral’ in the sense that Social Genders find their expression through other
means. A nurse is likely to be a woman, and a taxi driver a man.13
On the other hand, the advantage of having a general term encompassing every
aspect of gender classification—linguistic, biological, and social—helps bring the
three together, and highlight their commonalities and the ways in which they may
influence each other. The ambiguity of the term ‘Gender’ alerts us to the existence of
an overarching concept behind it, spanning linguistic expression, social aspects, and
biological features. Linguistic Gender in its various guises and the expression of
Gender in language reflect and shape Social Gender stereotypes, associations, and
attitudes, in their relationship to Natural—or biological—Gender distinctions.14 This
is what this book is about.
Linguistic Gender is a way of categorizing nouns. It always involves universal
features of sex, humanness, and animacy, and is a window into social life and
cognitive patterns. But Linguistic Gender classification goes beyond male and female.
As we will see throughout Chapter (particularly in §.), Linguistic Genders are
also used to categorize inanimate entities. This is where we might find that a gender
labelled ‘feminine’ would include more than just females, and the one labelled
‘masculine’ more than just males. The term ‘neuter’ tends to refer to a gender
which includes inanimate (or irrational) beings, or a residue gender whose semantic
basis is difficult to capture. The choice of Linguistic Gender can be based on clues
other than just the meaning of a noun. Feminine and masculine genders often
include inanimate nouns with no connection to female or male sex, e.g. French
maison ‘house’ (feminine), château ‘castle’ (masculine).
The multifaceted Gender
In Antoine Meillet’s (: ) words, gender provides an example of ‘a gram-
matical category that plays (in a good many of the modern Indo-European lan-
guages) a considerable role in morphology without answering, most of the time, to a
definite meaning’—especially where inanimate nouns are concerned.
The partial semantic opacity of Linguistic Gender has earned it a bad reputation,
among some linguists and lay people who complain that Linguistic Gender is hard
to learn. Jespersen (: ) praised Modern English for losing complex agreement
in Linguistic Gender—as found in Old English—and making things easier and more
straightforward:
In Old English, as in all the old cognate languages, each substantive [noun], no matter whether
it referred to animate beings or thing or abstract notions, belonged to one or other of the three
gender-classes. Thus masculine pronouns and endings were found with names of a great many
things which had nothing to do with male sex (e.g. horn, ende ‘end’, ebba ‘ebb’, dæg ‘day’) and
similarly feminine pronouns and endings with many words without any relation to female sex
(e.g. sorh ‘sorrow’, glof ‘glove’, plume ‘plum’, pipe). Anyone acquainted with the intricacies of
the same system (or want of system) in German will feel how much English has gained in
clearness and simplicity by giving up these distinctions and applying he only to male, and she
only to female, living beings. The distinction between animate and inanimate now is much
more accentuated than it used to be.
Throughout this book we will see how important Linguistic Gender is for many
aspects of human communication. And Linguistic Gender in English is not as simple
and clear as it may seem. The ways in which the use of pronouns, especially the
generic he, have changed in recent years reflect social developments and the changing
status of Social Genders across the English-speaking world.
What is so special about the Linguistic Gender? How does it interact with Social
Gender and Natural Gender, across languages and cultures? What makes it a useful
linguistic resource rather than an encumbrance for poor language learners? And how
does the integrated complex of resources of Natural Gender, Linguistic Gender, and
the evolving images of Social Gender play out in view of societal changes? How can
Linguistic Gender and the semantic composition of categories related to ‘male’ and
‘female’ undergo restructuring in language planning? These are the questions we
approach in the present study.
Throughout the book, I have chosen to capitalize Linguistic Gender, Natural
Gender, and Social Gender—to stress the fact that all of these are ultimately just
nicknames which only partly capture the concepts and categories they cover.
. How this book is organized
We start, in Chapter , with Linguistic Gender and its expression. Many languages
of the world have a gender system in their grammar. The size of the system varies.
. How this book is organized
There are two genders in French, three in German, four in Dyirbal (from North
Queensland in Australia), more elsewhere. We seldom find an exact correspondence
between masculine/feminine (Linguistic Gender) and male/female sex (Natural
Gender). In German most nouns referring to females are feminine but Mädchen
‘girl’ is in neuter gender (because it contains the diminutive suffix -chen which is
always neuter). Linguistic Gender may span grammar and lexicon; vide he-man, tom-
boy in English. Gender may be distinguished in personal pronouns only, as in
English. This chapter covers the formal properties of Linguistic Genders, gender
agreement, and anaphoric gender, and the ways in which Linguistic Gender interacts
with other linguistic categories. We then focus on different principles of Linguistic
Gender choice—by meaning and also by form—and look at the problem of mark-
edness in Linguistic Genders.
Linguistic Genders always include semantic parameters of animacy, humanness,
and sex, or Natural Gender. In a number of languages, the choice of Linguistic
Genders—especially for inanimate entities—is based on their shape and size. The
meanings of Linguistic Genders may involve value and importance—reflecting
associations with, and stereotypes of, Social Genders. This is the topic of Chapter ,
‘Round women and long men: physical properties in Linguistic Gender’.
Linguistic Genders have a plethora of functions—they help highlight different
meanings of the same noun, track referents in discourse, and are a source of elaborate
metaphors. In a number of languages a noun can be assigned to more than one
Linguistic Gender with a change in meaning: these underscore the versatility, and the
utility of Linguistic Genders as a means of classifying entities of the world, debunking
the myth of gender as an arbitrary and redundant category. We discuss these in
Chapter , ‘What are Linguistic Genders good for?’
Meanings associated with Linguistic Genders—animacy, humanness, and sex—
can be expressed through a variety of other means. These include noun categoriza-
tion devices, or classifiers, and many noun categories, including case and number.
So-called ‘gender-less’ languages have ways of expressing gender meanings, through
using different words for males and females, or different affixes to distinguish sexes.
Attitudes to Social Genders—often downplaying the status of women—come to light
through the use of terms and forms in ‘gender-less’ languages. Chapter , ‘Gender
meanings in grammar and lexicon’, addresses these issues.
In Chapter , ‘The rise and fall of Linguistic Genders’, we turn to where Linguistic
Genders come from, how they may get restructured over time, and how they can be
lost altogether. If languages are in contact, they often come to share their Linguistic
Genders. Contact is often to blame for the demise of Genders. Adaptability of
Linguistic Gender in situations of language contact and language obsolescence
further attests to its vital importance, and functionality. This chapter also touches
upon the acquisition of Linguistic Genders by children, and their loss in language
dissolution. Linguistic Genders can be reshaped as part of conscious language
The multifaceted Gender
engineering: this issue is mentioned in Chapter , and then discussed in some more
detail in Chapter .
What happens when men are assigned to the feminine Linguistic Gender and
women to the masculine—that is, if Linguistic Genders are reversed? This may be
done for a joke, or the effect may imply offence, praise, solidarity, and endearment—
based on subtle overtones of value underlying Social Genders. Reversing Linguistic
Gender of humans—speaking of a man as if he were a woman, and of a woman as if she
were a man—highlights the stereotypes associated with male and female Social Gender.
We also discuss the overtones of the word meaning ‘man’ used to refer to people in
general, and markedness, status, and power—intrinsically associated with Social Gen-
der categories—as reflected in Linguistic Gender choice. These are the topics discussed
in Chapter , ‘Manly women and womanly men: the effects of gender reversal’.
Linguistic Genders are a source of metaphors and poetic imagery. They reflect
myths, beliefs, and traditions of the speakers. Linguistic Genders may mirror Social
Gender patterns, as we saw in Chapter . In addition, Linguistic Genders and their
meanings may affect cognition and the ways in which people perceive the world
around them. Men and women have different physical characteristics which relate to
their Social Genders. These are the topics of Chapter , ‘The images of gender’.
Social Gender finds its linguistic expression through the ways in which men and
women speak. Differences between male and female ways of speaking exist in any
language. Natural Gender properties—such as higher pitch and narrow vocal tract—
account for some of such differences. Male and female speech distinctions can be
paralinguistic (that is, differences may lie in higher pitch for women’s speech, and
other phonetic features, plus facial and bodily gestures). Or they may be conven-
tionalized as an integral part of grammar or lexicon: this is the case in ‘gender-
exclusive languages’ where men and women have different phonemic systems, or
obligatorily use different words, or different sound correspondences. In a number
of languages—from linguistic minorities in North and South America, Siberia, and
India to Japanese and Thai—such differences between women’s and men’s dialects
are obligatory and striking. Conventionalized registers known as ‘women’s speech’
and ‘men’s speech’ where gender indexicals systematically span phonological, mor-
phological, and lexical domains have been described for numerous languages in
North America, the Chukotko-Kamchatkan family in Siberia, and a few in Amazonia.
The choice of code may be determined by a combination of Natural Gender and
Social Gender: In Koasati, a Muskogean language from North America, using male
code is a mark of authority. According to the male Atsinas, from the Algonquian
family, ‘male’ status is acquired by birth and social and cultural maturity; and it is
thus natural that a racial and cultural outsider be addressed with a female form.15
‘Male’ and ‘female’ are an achieved status, and not an innate property.
Patterns of male and female speech, or male and female dialects, can be deployed
in constructing one’s identity. Members of the third gender—including hijras in
. The empirical basis, and a note on conventions
India, and gays, lesbians, and transvestites in Western societies—deploy male and
female speech differences, Linguistic Gender, and many other linguistic features, to
project an image of a male or a female in a Social Gender sense. Chapter , ‘When
women and men speak differently’, focuses on distinct speech patterns correspond-
ing to the divisions in Social Gender, and gender-determined variation in speech
practices in gender-variable languages.
Men and women may have different speech styles and master different genres. In
Chapter , ‘The rituals of gender’, we further explore the roles of Social Genders in
traditional societies where women and men used to be associated with distinct
domains, and different speech styles. This is where the asymmetry, and the lack of
equality, between women and men is particularly apparent. Special languages and
language registers can come to be used in male-only rituals. A whole set of terms may
be forbidden to women. Women can be viewed either as keepers and promoters of
prestigious linguistic norm, and traditional language, or as dangerous ‘others’ which
lead the society in the wrong direction. Conventionalized speech practices reflect the
relative standing of, and the asymmetry between, Social Genders.
How does Linguistic Gender reflect social changes—and the improvement of the
woman’s place (using the title of Robin Lakoff ’s classic book)? In Chapter ,
‘Gender in grammar and society’, we discuss the impact of social changes in the position
of women on the use of Linguistic Genders and classifiers, including the avoidance of
generic use for male terms and trends for European languages to become more ‘gender-
equal’. The feminist movement plays a particular role in shaping language change.
Throughout the history of feminism and the backlash against it, language has been used
as a rhetorical weapon—reflecting power relationships, investigating social and linguis-
tic discrimination, and the embodiment and sexualization of women, and their trad-
itional activities, as a way of putting women down. Feminist theories have played a
substantial role in working out problems with women’s status and obtaining equality—
and even more, moving away from polarization and classification based on ‘sex’. We
focus on how language reflects gender in all its guises, and how the linguistic treatment
of ‘women’ can be seen as a barometer of social change.
The last chapter—‘The heart of the matter: envoi’—summarizes the main points—
the meanings and expression of Linguistic Gender and their correlations with gender
as a social construct, together with changes in Linguistic Gender choice, and form,
depending on changes in world view, cosmology, and social realities in flux.
. The empirical basis, and a note on conventions
This book is focused on the three faces of gender across languages and cultures of
the world. It has an empirical inductive focus—relying on facts rather than on ad hoc
theories and hypotheses.16 This study is based on an investigation of about
languages and—where possible—their social environment. Special attention has been
The multifaceted Gender
paid to data from languages on which I have first-hand expertise, and to minority
languages and groups which have not yet been given enough prominence in the
existing literature on aspects of gender. Giving prominence to minority languages
and cultures helps avoid a bias towards Western stereotypes and westernized per-
ception of women and men. For instance, a treatment of Linguistic Genders—which
deviates from what one is accustomed to in familiar Indo-European languages—as
‘non-canonical’ reflects the weight, and the bias, of post-colonial traditionalism. This
is what I have attempted to eschew.
Throughout this book, I have only been able to mention a portion of the available
literature, and only a selection of examples. A fair number of works on gender in its
various guises have not been mentioned here—either because they provide additional
instances and anthropological rather than language-oriented discussion of points
exemplified here, or because they are not exactly relevant to the ways linguistic
phenomena are used, or because they make claims which are not fully authenticated
or convincing, or contain mistakes and misinterpretations which make them unreli-
able. I could not cite all the examples of every particular phenomenon—otherwise the
book would have become immense. I usually provide a particularly illustrative
example, and mention other similar ones (in a note). If a certain phenomenon is
found in more than half of the languages under consideration I call it ‘relatively
frequent’; if it is found in a restricted number of languages (one to ten), I cite all of
them and indicate its rarity. Note, however, that what appears rare to us at the present
stage of knowledge may turn out to be more frequent when we start learning more
about hitherto little-known languages and areas. This is the reason why I chose at this
stage not to give any statistical counts. Only about one-tenth of all human languages—
and societies in which they are spoken—have been documented so far; it therefore
seems most judicious to follow a qualitative approach, postponing quantitative analysis
some time in the future, when more data is available and can be assessed.
This book contains many examples from—and many mentions of—languages from
various areas and genetic groupings. When the language is introduced for the first
time, its affiliation and where it is spoken is given in brackets—for instance, ‘Kwami
(a Chadic language from Nigeria)’. Later mentions of the same language do not
include this information—which is summarized in the Index of languages at the end
of the book. At the end of each chapter the reader will find notes and sources.
This books aims at unravelling how Linguistic Gender, Social Gender, and Natural
Gender interact, viewed through the eyes of a linguist. As the societies move towards
greater equality of Social Genders in their attitudes and practices, the languages they
speak evolve. I have tried to capture some of the dynamics of how the expression of
multifaceted Gender reflects the world of perception, cognition, and social change. As
Bolinger (: ) puts it, ‘no matter how wide the net is cast, a fish or two always
escapes’. There will always be room for upcoming enthusiasts to cast their nets wider.
. The empirical basis, and a note on conventions
NOTES AND SOURCES
. Bullock, Stallybrass, and Trombley (: ).
. This is the definition on the website of the American Psychological association. Many
sources focus on issues of Social Gender and individual aspects of its linguistic expression.
A full bibliography and critique will be a task on its own. A comprehensive bibliography
on Social Gender is in Upton (); see also definitions and references in Holmes and
Meyerhof (), Kramarae and Treichler (: ); Baron (), Coates (, ),
Mills (a, b, ), Talbot (), Coates and Pichler (), McConnell-Ginet
(), and also Romaine (); Aikhenvald (b) is an up-to-date bibliography on
Linguistic Gender. Silverstein (: –) identifies a further meaning of ‘gender’—that
of an ideology of the ways in terms of which gendered language and the patterns of
variation are understood by speakers themselves.
. Cheshire (: ).
. The Oxford English Dictionary Online describes ‘gender’ as ‘the state of being male or female’,
also stating that ‘gender’ is a linguistic term and refers to the ‘grammatical classification of
nouns and related words, which roughly corresponds to the two sexes and sexlessness’.
Terms ‘natural gender’, or ‘biological gender’ are sometimes used interchangeably.
. See also Moore () on ‘sex’ and ‘social gender’.
. Zimman and Hall (forthcoming). The term ‘queer’ is an alternative, which covers gay men
and lesbian women, and ‘transgender’ individuals. The term ‘queer linguistics’ is used in
academic writing to refer to linguistic practices by gays, lesbians, and transgender people.
Barrett () offers an overview of the history of the term, and of ‘queer’ speech; see also
Leap ().
. See Zimman and Hall (forthcoming); Bucholz and Hall (b), Hall (), Hall and
O’Donovan () and also McConnell-Ginet (). We return to this in §..
. Bateson (); see also Silverman (), Herdt (), Creed ().
. Trechter (); see §..
. See Aikhenvald (: –).
. See Aikhenvald (: –), and references there; and Chapters and .
. Linguistic Gender has been subject to many misconceptions and ‘linguistic myths’. One
is, in Philips’s (: ) words, that ‘grammatical gender is relatively rare’, in contrast to
natural gender which is ‘a cultural and linguistic universal’. The statement about ‘rarity’ of
grammatical gender is utterly wrong—grammatical gender is one of the most widespread
categories in the world, covering much of Africa, Europe, North and South America, and
New Guinea; see Corbett () and map in Aikhenvald (: ). The term ‘linguistic
gender’ has been used in a number of contradictory ways. English has no gender agree-
ment within a noun phrase. This has led some German scholars to state that English has
‘no gender’, forgetting about the gendered pronouns ‘she’, ‘he’, and ‘it’. Pitfalls of the term
‘natural gender’ and its current usage have been addressed by McConnell-Ginet ().
. See a comprehensive discussion in Braun (b; a; ).
. English is rather unusual in having just one term to cover the three faces of ‘Gender’. In
French, genre is used for Linguistic Gender (and also in a number of other meanings,
including kind and genre); the term sexe covers Social and Natural Genders. In German,
both Genus and Geschlecht are used for Linguistic Gender; the term Geschlecht is used to
cover Social and Natural Gender. In Modern Greek, the term for linguistic gender is yénos
(γένος); social gender is referred to as cinonikó fílo (κοινωνικό φύλο), and natural gender
violoyikó fílo (βιολογικό φύλο) (Angeliki Alvanoudi, p.c.). Contemporary Russian is rather
The multifaceted Gender
striking in that each of the three meanings have a distinct one-word term: rod for
Linguistic Gender, pol for Natural Gender, and the recent borrowing from English,
ghender, for Social Gender. English has some alternatives to gender as a cover term.
Large systems of noun categorization with more than four terms in Bantu, Australian,
and South American languages are sometimes referred to as ‘noun classes’. An alternative
to Natural Gender is ‘sex’, or ‘demographic gender’ (Silverstein ). Social Gender is also
referred to as sociocultural gender.
. See Saville-Troike () on Koasati and Taylor () on Atsina.
. As Leonard Bloomfield (: ) put it: ‘The only useful generalizations about language
are inductive generalizations. Features which we think ought to be universal may be absent
from the very next language that becomes accessible . . . The fact that some features are, at
any rate, widespread, is worthy of notice and calls for an explanation; when we have
adequate data about many languages, we shall have to return to the problem of general
grammar and to explain these similarities and divergences, but this study, when it comes,
will not be speculative but inductive.’
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"But oh! Remember, if there is no room for Christ in your heart, there will be no room
for you in Christ's heaven."
"My friend, He is knocking now; it may be His last knock. He is calling now; it may be
His last call."
"'Oh, let Me in.'" He cries, "'and I will make you happy; I am bringing you forgiveness,
and peace, and joy, and rest, and all that you need. Oh, let Me in before it is too late! I
have waited so patiently and so long, and still I wait. Will you not, even this night, undo
the door?'"
When the little service was over the people went back into their houses, and Angel and
her mother went on with their work. And as Angel wiped the cups and saucers, she
sang softly to herself the chorus of the hymn—
"Oh! My soul, for such a wonder,
Wilt thou not undo the door?"
"Yes, I will!" said her mother suddenly, bursting into tears; "I will undo the door; I will
keep Him waiting no longer."
CHAPTER V
ANGEL'S BIRTHDAY
IT was a bright, sunny morning, some weeks after that little service was held in
Pleasant Place.
The sunbeams were streaming in at Mrs. Blyth's window, for the cobwebs and spiders
had some time ago received notice to quit, and the dust had all been cleared away, and
found no chance of returning.
Mrs. Blyth was a different woman. Her troubles and trials remained, and she had just as
much to do, and just as many children to look after, but she herself was quite different.
She had opened the door of her heart, and the Lord Jesus had come in. And He had
brought sunshine with Him into that dark and ignorant heart. Life, instead of being a
burden and a weariness, was now full of interest to Mrs. Blyth, because she was trying
to do every little thing to please Jesus, who had done so much for her. Whether she was
washing the children, or cleaning the house, or turning the mangle, she tried to do it all
to please Him. She remembered that He was looking at her, and that He would be
pleased if she did it well. It was wonderful how that thought helped her, and how it
made the work easy and pleasant.
So, through the bright, clean window, the morning sunbeams were streaming on little
Angel's head. Her mother was standing by her side, watching her as she lay asleep, and
waiting for her to awake.
As soon as ever Angel opened her eyes, her mother said—
"Little Angel, do you know what to-day is?"
"No, mother," said Angel, rubbing her eyes, and sitting up in bed.
"It's your birthday, Angel; it is indeed!" said her mother. "I hunted it out in your
grandmother's old Bible. It's the day you were born, just seven years ago!"
"And am I really going to have a birthday, mother?" said Angel, in a very astonished
voice.
"Yes, a real good birthday," said her mother; "so get up and come downstairs, before
any of it is gone."
Angel was not long in putting on her clothes and coming down. She found the table put
quite ready for breakfast, with a clean tablecloth, and the mugs and plates set in order
for her and her little brothers and sisters; and in a little jar in the middle of the table
was a beautiful bunch of flowers. Real country flowers they were, evidently gathered
from some pleasant cottage garden far away. There were stocks and mignonette, and
southernwood, and sweetbrier, and a number of other flowers, the names of which
neither Angel nor her mother knew.
"Oh mother, mother," said little Angel, "what a beautiful nosegay!"
"It's for you, Angel," said her mother: "for your birthday. I got it at the early market.
My father always gave me a posy on my birthday."
"Oh, mother," said little Angel, "is it really for me?"
But that was not all, for by the side of Angel's plate she found a parcel. It was tied up in
brown paper, and there was a thick piece of string round it, fastened tightly in so many
knots that it took Angel a long time to open it. Her little hands quite shook with
excitement when at last she took off the cover and looked inside. It was a little book, in
a plain black binding.
"Oh, mother," said Angel, "what is it? Is it for my birthday?"
"Yes," said her mother; "look at the writing at the beginning. I'll read it to you."
It was very uneven writing, and very much blotted, for Mrs. Blyth was only a poor
scholar; but little Angel did not notice this—it seemed very wonderful to her to be able
to write at all.
Now, what was written in the little book was this:
"Given to little Angel by her dear mother; and she hopes she will promise to read it, and
will keep her promise better than I did."
"But I can't read, mother," said Angel.
"No; but you must learn," said her mother. "I mean that you shall go to school regular
now, Angel. Why, you're seven years old to-day!"
Poor little Angel's head was nearly turned; it was such a wonderful thing to have a
birthday.
But the wonders of the day were not over yet; for when, after breakfast, Angel asked
for the clothes to mangle, her mother said: "They're all done Angel; I'm just going to
take them home. I've done a lot these three nights when you was in bed, that we might
have a bit of a holiday to-day."
"A holiday, mother!" said Angel. "Oh, how nice! No mangling all day!"
"No mangling all day," repeated the mother, as if the thought were as pleasant to her as
to Angel.
But the wonders of the day were not yet over.
"Angel," said her mother, as they were washing the children, "did you ever see the
sea?"
"No, mother," said Angel; "but Tim has; he went last Easter Monday with his uncle."
"Well," said her mother, "if it doesn't rain, you shall see it to-day."
"Oh, mother!" was all that little Angel could say. And who do you think is going to take
you, child? "I don't know, mother."
"Why, Angel, your father is. He came in last night as soon as you'd gone to bed. He sat
down in that arm-chair by the fire, and he said, 'Dear me! how comfortable things is
just now at home! If they was always like this, I wouldn't stop out of an evening.'"
"So I said, 'If God helps me, John, they always shall be like this, and a deal better, too,
when the children gets a bit bigger.' And your father stopped at home and read his
newspaper, Angel, and then we had a bit of supper together. It was like when we was
first married, child; and as we ate our supper, Angel, I said, 'It's Angel's birthday to-
morrow, John.' And your father said, 'Is it? Why, to-morrow's Saturday. Let's all go to
the sea together;' and he took quite a handful of shillings out of his pocket. 'Here's
enough to pay,' he said. 'Have them all ready at dinner-time, and we'll go by the one-
o'clock train.'"
"Oh, mother," said little Angel, "it is so nice to have a birthday!"
True to his promise, John Blyth came home at dinner-time, with the shillings still in his
pocket. His mates had tried hard to persuade him to turn into the Blue Dragon on his
way home, but he told them he had an engagement, and had no time to stay.
What a happy afternoon that was!
Angel had never been in a train before, and her father took her on his knee, pointing
out to her the houses, and trees, and fields, and sheep, and cows, and horses, as they
went by. And then they arrived at the sea, and oh! What a great, wonderful sea it
seemed to Angel! She and her little brothers and sisters made houses in the sand, and
took off their shoes and stockings and waded in the water, and picked up quite a
basketful of all kinds of beautiful shells; whilst her father and mother sat, with the baby,
under the shadow of the cliffs and watched them.
And then they all came home together to tea, and her father never went out again that
night, but sat with them by the fire, and told Angel stories till it was time to go to bed.
"Oh, mother," said Angel again, a sleepy head on the pillow, "it is nice to have a
birthday!"
CHAPTER VI
THE GREAT BIRTHDAY
THE bells were ringing merrily from the tower of the old church close to Pleasant Place.
The street near the church was full of people bustling to and fro, going in and out of the
different shops, and hurrying along as if none of them had any time to lose. The shops
were unusually gay and tempting, for it was Christmas Eve. Even Pleasant Place looked
a little less dull than usual. There were sprigs of holly in some of the windows, and most
of the houses were a little cleaner and brighter than usual.
Angel and her mother had been very busy all day. They had just finished their
mangling, and had put all the clothes out of the way for Christmas Day, when they
heard a knock at the door, and Angel went to open it.
"It's a basket, mother," she said. "It can't be for us."
The man who had brought the basket laughed.
"It's for an Angel!" he said. "Have you got any of that article in here? Here's the
direction I was to bring it to—'Little Angel, No. 9, Pleasant Place.'"
"Then, please, it's for me," said Angel.
"For you!" said the man. "Well, to be sure! So you are the angel, are you? All right,
here's your basket!" And he was gone before they could ask more.
The basket was opened with some difficulty, for it was tightly tied up, and then Angel
and her mother put out the contents on the table amidst many exclamations.
There was first a plum-pudding, then a number of oranges and apples, then a large
cake, and then a pretty Christmas card, with a picture of a robin hopping about in the
snow, and these words printed on it, "A Happy Christmas to you all."
"Where can they all have come from?" said little Angel, as one good thing after another
came out of the basket. At the very bottom of the basket they found a tiny note.
"This will tell us about it," said Mrs. Blyth. "Why, it's directed to you, Angel!"
So Angel's mother sat down, stirred the fire, spelt it carefully out, and read it aloud by
the firelight.
"MY DEAR LITTLE ANGEL,"
"I send you a few little things for Christmas
Day. I hope you will have a very happy day. Do not
forget whose Birthday it is. Your friend,"
"MABEL DOUGLAS."
"Whose birthday is it, mother?" asked little Angel.
"The Lord Jesus Christ's," said her mother reverently. "Did I never tell you that, little
Angel? It's the day we think about Him being born a little baby at Bethlehem."
"SO YOU ARE THE ANGEL, ARE YOU? HERE'S YOUR BASKET."
Angel was sitting on her stool in front of the fire thinking, and it was some time before
she spoke again. Then she said suddenly, "What are you going to give Him, mother?"
"Give who, Angel?"
"What are you going to give the Lord Jesus for His birthday?"
"Oh, I don't know," said her mother. "I don't see how we can give Him anything."
"No," said little Angel sadly; "I've only got one penny,—that wouldn't buy anything good
enough. I would have liked to give Him something on His birthday; He did such a lot for
us."
"We can try to please Him, Angel," said her mother, "and do everything that we think
He would like."
"Yes," said little Angel, "we must try all day long."
That was a very happy Christmas Day for Angel and for her mother.
"This is the Lord Jesus' birthday," was Angel's first thought when she awoke in the
morning; and all through the day she was asking herself this question, "What would
Jesus like?" And whatever she thought He would like that she tried to do.
Angel's father was at home to dinner, and was very kind to her all day. He had not been
seen inside a public-house since Angel's birthday. It was a very good little Christmas
dinner. As they were eating it, Mr. Blyth said:
"Emily, have you seen those bills on the wall at the top of the court?"
Angel's mother said, "No; I have not been out to-day."
"There's to be a meeting to-night in that little schoolroom just a bit of way down the
street. That new young minister's going to speak; and it says on the bills it will all be
over in half an hour. I've a good mind to go and hear what he's got to say. Will you
come with me?"
"Yes, that I will," said Mrs. Blyth, with tears in her eyes. She had not been inside a
place of worship with her husband since the first year they were married.
"Can't Angel come too?" said her father, as he looked at her earnest little face.
"Not very well," said Mrs. Blyth; "we can't all go. Some one must stop with baby and
the children."
When Angel's large plum-pudding was put on the table, a sudden thought seized her.
"Mother," she whispered, "don't you think Jesus would like poor old Mrs. Sawyer to have
a bit of it?"
"Yes," said Mrs. Blyth, "I'll cut her a slice, and one for Annie too, poor girl. Will you take
them in?"
So Angel went next door with her two slices of plum-pudding. She found Mrs. Sawyer
and her niece Annie just beginning their dinner. There was nothing on the table but
some tea, and a loaf of bread with a few currants in it, so Angel felt very glad she had
brought the pudding. She was sure Jesus would be pleased they should have it; and she
thought it would make Him glad on His birthday to see how Mrs. Sawyer and Annie
smiled when they saw what she had brought them.
"Are you going to this meeting to-night?" said Annie, as Angel turned to go.
"No, I'm not going," said Angel; "but father and mother are. I must mind the children."
"I'll tell you what," said Annie; "if you'll bring them in here, I'll mind them. I can't leave
aunt, and they'll be a bit of company for her."
And so it came to pass that Pleasant Place beheld the wonderful sight of Mr. and Mrs.
Blyth and Angel all going together to the little meeting in the schoolroom.
A good many Pleasant Place people were there; and they looked round in astonishment
as Mr. Blyth came in, for they thought him about the most unlikely man in the whole
court to be there. And his wife and little Angel, as they sat beside him, prayed very
earnestly that he might get a blessing.
Mr. Douglas's text was a very strange one for Christmas Day—at least, so many of the
people thought when he gave it out. It had only four words, so that even little Angel
could remember it quite well—
"GIVE ME THINE HEART."
"Suppose," said the minister, "it was my birthday, and every one in my house was
keeping it. They all had a holiday and went out into the country, and there was a very
good dinner, which they all very much enjoyed, and altogether it was a very pleasant
day to them indeed."
"But suppose that I, whose birthday it was, was quite left out of it. No one gave me a
single present; no one even spoke to me; no one took the slightest notice of me. In
fact, all day long I was quite forgotten; I never once came into their thoughts."
"Nay, more. Not only did they do nothing whatever to give me pleasure, but they
seemed all day long to take a delight in doing the very things which they knew grieved
me and pained me, and were distressing to me."
"Surely, my friends, that would be a strange way of keeping my birthday; surely I
should feel very hurt by such conduct; surely it would be a perfect sham to pretend to
be keeping my birthday, and yet not take the slightest notice of me, except to annoy
and wound me! My friends," said the minister, "this afternoon I took a walk. In the
course of my walk I saw a number of people who pretended to be keeping a birthday.
And yet what were a great many of them doing? They were eating and drinking and
enjoying themselves, and having a merry time of it."
"But I noticed that the One whose birthday it was, was quite forgotten: they had not
given Him one single present all day long they had never once spoken to Him; all day
long He had never been in their thoughts; all day long He had been completely and
entirely passed by and forgotten."
"Nor was this all. I saw some who seemed to be taking a pleasure in doing the very
things He does not like, the very things which offend and grieve Him—drinking and
quarrelling, and taking His holy name in vain."
"And yet all these, my friends, pretended to be keeping the Lord Jesus Christ's
birthday!"
"But, I trust, by seeing you here to-night, that you have not been amongst their
number. I would therefore only put to you this one question—"
"The Lord Jesus Christ's birthday! Have you made Him a present to-day?"
"A present!" you say. "What can I give Him? He is the King of kings and Lord of lords.
What have I that is fit for a present to a king?"
"Give Him what He asks for, my friends. He says to you to-night, 'Give Me thine heart.'"
"That is the birthday present He is looking for. Will you hold it back?"
"Oh, think of what we are commemorating to-day. Think how He left His glory, and
came to be a poor, helpless babe for you; think, my friends, of all His wonderful love to
you. And then I would ask you, Can you refuse Him what He asks? Can you say—"
"Lord, I cannot give Thee my heart. I will give it to the world, to pleasure, to sin, to
Satan, but not to Thee,—no, not to Thee. I have no birthday present for Thee to-night?"
"Oh, will you not rather say—"
"'Lord, here is my heart; I bring it to Thee; take it for Thine own.
Cleanse it in Thy blood; make it fit to be Thine'"?
"Will you not this night lay at your King's feet the only birthday present you can give
Him—the only one He asks for—your heart?"
"Mother," said little Angel, as they walked home, "we can give Him a present, after all."
It was her father who answered her.
"Yes, Angel," he said, in a husky voice; "and we mustn't let Christmas Day pass before
we have done it."
And that night amongst the angels in heaven there was joy—joy over one sinner who
repented of the evil of his way, and laid at his Lord's feet a birthday present, even his
heart.
There was joy amongst the angels in heaven; and a little Angel on earth shared in their
joy.
"PLEASE, MR. SOLEMN, WHEN YOU DIE,
WHO'LL HAVE TO DIG YOUR GRAVE?"
LITTLE DOT
CHAPTER I
OLD SOLOMON'S VISITOR
IT was a bright morning in spring, and the cemetery on the outskirts of the town looked
more peaceful, if possible, than it usually did. The dew was still on the grass, for it was
not yet nine o'clock. The violets and snowdrops on little children's graves were peeping
above the soil, and speaking of the resurrection. The robins were singing their sweetest
songs on the top of mossy gravestones—happy in the stillness of the place. And the
sunbeams were busy everywhere, sunning the flowers, lighting up the dewdrops, and
making everything glad and pleasant. Some of them even found their way into the deep
grave in which Solomon Whitaker, the old grave-digger, was working, and they made it
a little less dismal, and not quite so dark.
Not that old Whitaker thought it either dismal or dark. He had been a grave-digger
nearly all his life, so he looked upon grave-digging as his vocation, and thought it, on
the whole, more pleasant employment than that of most of his neighbours.
It was very quiet in the cemetery at all times, but especially in the early morning; and
the old man was not a little startled by hearing a very small voice speaking to him from
the top of the grave.
"What are you doing down there, old man?" said the little voice.
The grave-digger looked up quickly, and there, far above him, and peeping cautiously
into the grave, was a child in a clean white pinafore, and with a quantity of dark brown
hair hanging over her shoulders.
"Whoever in the world are you?" was his first question.
His voice sounded very awful, coming as it did out of the deep grave, and the child ran
away, and disappeared as suddenly as she had come.
Solomon looked up several times afterwards as he threw up fresh spadefuls of earth,
but for some time he saw no more of his little visitor. But she was not far away; she
was hiding behind a high tombstone, and in a few minutes she took courage, and went
again to the top of the grave. This time she did not speak, but stood with her finger in
her mouth, looking shyly down upon him, as her long brown hair blew wildly about in
the breeze.
Solomon thought he had never seen such a pretty little thing. He had had a little girl
once, and though she had been dead more than thirty years, he had not quite forgotten
her.
"What do they call you, my little dear?" said he, as gently as his husky old voice would
let him say it.
"Dot," said the child, nodding her head at him from the top of the grave.
"That's a very funny name," said Solomon. "I can't think on that I ever heard it afore."
"Dot isn't my real name; they call me Ruth in my father's big Bible on our parlour
table."
"That's got nothing to do with Dot as I can see," said the grave-digger musingly.
"No," she said, shaking her long brown hair out of her eyes; "it's 'cause I'm such a little
dot of a thing that they call me Dot."
"Oh, that's it, is it?" said Solomon; and then he went into a deep meditation on names,
and called to mind some strange ones which he read on the old churchyard
gravestones.
When Solomon was in one of his "reverdies," as his old wife used to call them when she
was alive, he seldom took much notice of what was going on around him, and he had
almost forgotten the little girl, when she said suddenly, in a half-frightened voice—
"I wonder what they call you, old man?"
"Solomon," said the grave-digger; "Mr. Solomon Whitaker—that's my name."
"Then, please, Mr. Solemn, what are you doing down there?"
"I'm digging a grave," said Solomon.
"What's it for, please, Mr. Solemn?" asked the child.
"Why, to bury folks in, of course," said the old man.
Little Dot retreated several steps when she heard this, as if she were afraid Mr. Solomon
might want to bury her. When he looked up again there was only a corner of her white
pinafore in sight. But as he went on quietly with his work, and took no notice of her, Dot
thought she might venture near again, for she wanted to ask Mr. Solomon another
question.
"Please," she began, "who are you going to put in that there hole?"
"It's a man as fell down dead last week. He was a hard-working fellow, that he was,"
said the grave-digger; for he always liked to give people a good word when digging
their graves.
Dot now seemed satisfied; and, on her side, told the old man that she had come to live
in one of the small cottages near the cemetery gates, and that they used to be "ever so
far off" in the country.
Then she ran away to another part of the cemetery, and old Solomon shaded his eyes
with his hand to watch her out of sight.
CHAPTER II
DOT'S DAISIES
DOT'S mother had lived all her life in a remote part of Yorkshire, far away from church
or chapel or any kind of school. But her husband had been born and brought up in a
town, and country life did not suit him. And so, when Dot was about five years old, he
returned to his native place, and took one of the cottages close to the cemetery, in
order that his little girl might still have some green grass on which to run about, and
might still see a few spring flowers.
The cemetery was some way out of the town; and Dot's mother, having had but little
education herself, did not think it at all necessary that Dot, at her tender age, should go
to school, and therefore the little girl was allowed to spend most of her time in the
cemetery, with which she was very well pleased. She liked to run round the
gravestones, and climb over the grassy mounds, and watch the robins hopping from
tree to tree.
But Dot's favourite place was by old Solomon's side. She went about with him from one
part of the cemetery to another, and he liked to feel her tiny hand in his. She took a
great interest, too, in the graves he was digging. She watched him shaping them neatly
and making them tidy, as he called it, until she began, as she fancied, to understand
grave-digging nearly as well as he did. But she sometimes puzzled the old man by her
questions, for Dot always wanted to know everything about what she saw.
"Mr. Solemn," she said one day, "shall you make me a little grave when I die?"
"Yes," he said, "I suppose I shall, little woman."
Dot thought this over for a long time.
"I don't want to go into a grave," she said; "it doesn't look nice."
"No," said the grave-digger, "you needn't be frightened; you won't have to go just yet.
Why, you're ever such a little mite of a thing!"
"Please, Mr. Solemn, when you die, who'll have to dig your grave, please?"
"I don't know," said Solomon uneasily; "they'll have to get a new digger, I suppose."
"Maybe you'd better dig one ready when you've a bit of time, Mr. Solemn."
But though Solomon was very fond of digging other people's graves—for he was so
much used to it that it had become quite a pleasure to him—he had no wish to dig his
own, nor did he like thinking about it, though Dot seemed as if she would not let him
forget it.
Another day, when he was working in a distant part of the cemetery, she asked him—
"Whereabouts will they bury you, Mr. Solemn?"
And when they were standing over a newly made grave, and Solomon was admiring his
work, she said—
"I hope they will make your grave neat, Mr. Solemn."
But though these questions and remarks made old Whitaker very uneasy—for he had a
sort of uncomfortable feeling in his heart when he thought of the day when his grave-
digging would come to an end—still, for all that, he liked little Dot, and he would have
missed the child much if anything had kept her from his side. She took such an interest
in his graves, too, and watched them growing deeper and deeper with as much pleasure
as he did himself. And, whether we be rich or poor, high or low, interest in our work
generally wins our hearts. And by and by Dot found herself a way, as she thought, of
helping old Solomon to make his graves look nice.
He was working one day at the bottom of a grave, and Dot was sitting on the grass at a
little distance. He thought she was busy with her doll, for she had not been talking to
him for a long time, and he gave a jump as he suddenly felt something patting on his
head, and heard Dot's merry little laugh at the top of the grave. She had filled her
pinafore with daisies, and thrown them upon him in the deep grave.
"Whatever in the world is that for?" said the old man, good-naturedly, as he shook the
flowers off his head.
"It's to make it pretty," said Dot. "It'll make it white and soft, you know, Mr. Solemn."
Solomon submitted very patiently; and from that time the child always gathered daisies
to scatter at the bottom of Solomon's graves, till he began to look upon it as a
necessary finish to his work. He often thought Dot was like a daisy herself, so fresh and
bright she was. He wondered at himself when he reckoned how much he loved her. For
his own little girl had been dead so many years; and it was so long now since he had
dug his old wife's grave, that Solomon had almost forgotten how to love. He had had no
one since to care for him, and he had cared for no one.
But little Dot had crept into his old heart unawares.
CHAPTER III
THE LITTLE GRAVE
OLD Solomon was digging a grave one day in a very quiet corner of the cemetery. Dot
was with him, as usual, prattling away in her pretty childish way.
"It's a tidy grave, is this," remarked the old man, as he smoothed the sides with his
spade; "nice and dry too; it'll do me credit."
"It's a very little one," said Dot.
"Yes, it's like to be little when it's for a little girl; you wouldn't want a very big grave,
Dot."
"No," said Dot; "but you would want a good big one, wouldn't you, Mr. Solemn?"
The mention of his own grave always made Solomon go into one of his "reverdies." But
he was recalled by Dot's asking quickly—
"Mr. Solemn, is she a very little girl?"
"Yes," said the old man; "maybe about your size, Dot. Her pa came about the grave. I
was in the office when he called, 'and,' said he, 'I want a nice quiet little corner, for it is
for my little girl.'"
"Did he look sorry?" said Dot.
"Yes," he said; "folks mostly do look sorry when they come about graves."
Dot had never watched the digging of a grave with so much interest as she did that of
this little girl. She never left Solomon's side, not even to play with her doll. She was
very quiet, too, as she stood with her large eyes wide open, watching all his
movements. He wondered what had come over her, and he looked up several times
rather anxiously as he threw up the spadefuls of earth.
"Mr. Solemn," she said, when he had finished, "when will they put the little girl in?"
"To-morrow morning," said the old man, "somewhere about eleven."
Dot nodded her head, and made up her mind she would be in this corner of the
cemetery at eleven o'clock.
When Solomon came back from his dinner, and went to take a last look at the little
grave, he found the bottom of it covered with white daisies which Dot had thrown in.
"She has made it pretty, bless her!" he murmured.
Dot crept behind the bushes near the chapel the next day, to watch the little girl's
funeral arrive. She saw the small coffin taken from the hearse, and carried on in front.
Then she watched the people get out of the carriages, and a lady and gentleman, whom
she felt sure were the little girl's father and mother, walked on first. The lady had her
handkerchief to her eyes, and Dot could see that she was crying. After her walked two
little girls, and they were crying also.
There were a few other people at the funeral, but Dot did not care to look at them; she
wanted to see what became of the little girl's coffin, which had just been carried into
the chapel. She waited patiently till they brought it out, and then she followed the
mournful procession at a little distance, till they reached the corner of the cemetery
where Solomon had dug the grave.
Solomon was there, standing by the grave, when the bearers came up with the coffin.
Dot could see him quite well, and she could see the minister standing at the end of the
grave, and all the people in a circle round it. She did not like to go very near, but she
could hear the minister reading something in a very solemn voice, and then the coffin
was let down into the grave. The little girl's mamma cried very much, and Dot cried too,
she felt so sorry for her.
When the service was over, they all looked into the grave, and then they walked away.
Dot ran up as soon as they were gone, and, taking hold of Solomon's hand, she peeped
into the grave. The little coffin was at the bottom, and some of Dot's daisies were lying
round it.
"Is the little girl inside there?" said Dot in an awestruck voice.
"Yes," said Solomon, "she's in there, poor thing. I'll have to fill it up now."
"Isn't it very dark?" said Dot.
"Isn't what dark?"
"In there," said Dot. "Isn't it very dark and cold for the poor little girl?"
"Oh, I don't know that," said Solomon. "I don't suppose folks feels cold when they are
dead; anyhow, we must cover her up warm."
But poor Dot's heart was very full; and, sitting on the grass beside the little girl's grave,
she began to cry and sob as if her heart would break.
"Don't cry, Dot," said the old man; "maybe the little girl knows nothing about it—maybe
she's asleep like."
But Dot's tears only flowed the faster. For she felt sure if the little girl were asleep, and
knew nothing about it, as old Solomon said, she would be waking up some day, and
then how dreadful it would be for her.
"Come, Dot," said Solomon at last, "I must fill it up."
Then Dot jumped up hastily. "Please, Mr. Solemn, wait one minute," she cried, as she
disappeared amongst the bushes.
"Whatever is she up to now?" said the old grave-digger.
She soon came back with her pinafore full of daisies. She had been gathering them all
the morning, and had hid them in a shady place under the trees. Then, with a little sob,
she threw them into the deep grave, and watched them fall on the little coffin. After this
she watched Solomon finish his work, and did not go home till the little girl's grave was
made, as old Solomon said, "all right and comfortable."
CHAPTER IV
LILIAN AND HER WORDS
DOT took a very great interest in "her little girl's grave," as she called it. She was up
early the next morning; and as soon as her mother had washed her, and given her her
breakfast, she ran to the quiet corner in the cemetery to look at the new-made grave. It
looked very bare, Dot thought, and she ran away to gather a number of daisies to
spread upon the top of it. She covered it as well as she could with them, and she patted
the sides of the grave with her little hands, to make it more smooth and tidy. Dot
wondered if the little girl knew what she was doing, and if it made her any happier to
know there were daisies above her.
She thought she would ask Solomon; so when she had finished she went in search of
him. He was not far away, and she begged him to come and look at what she had done
to her little girl's grave. He took hold of Dot's hand, and she led him to the place.
"See, Mr. Solemn," she said, "haven't I made my little girl pretty?"
"Aye," he answered; "you have found a many daisies, Dot."
"But, Mr. Solemn," asked Dot anxiously, "do you think she knows?"
"Why, Dot, I don't know—maybe she does," he said, for he did not like to disappoint
her.
"Mr. Solemn, shall I put you some daisies at the top of your grave?" said Dot, as they
walked away.
Solomon made no answer. Dot had reminded him so often of his own grave, that he had
sometimes begun to think about it, and to wonder how long it would be before it would
have to be made. He had a vague idea that when he was buried, he would not come to
an end.
He had heard of heaven and of hell; and though he had never thought much about
either of them, he had a kind of feeling that some day he must go to one or other. Hell,
he had heard, was for bad people, and heaven for good ones; and though Solomon tried
to persuade himself that he belonged to the latter class, he could not quite come to that
opinion. There was something in his heart which told him all was not right with him, and
made the subject an unpleasant one. He wished Dot would let it drop, and not talk to
him any more about it; and then he went into a reverie about Dot, and Dot's daisies,
and all her pretty ways.
It was the afternoon of the same day, and Dot was sitting beside her little girl's grave,
trying to make the daisies look more pretty by putting some leaves among them, when
she heard footsteps crossing the broad gravel path. She jumped up, and peeped behind
the trees to see who was coming. It was the lady and gentleman whom she had seen at
the funeral, and they were coming to look at their little grave. Dot felt very shy, but she
could not run away without meeting them, so she hid behind a hawthorn bush at the
other side.
The little girl's papa and mamma came close to the grave, and Dot was so near that, as
they knelt down beside it, she could hear a great deal of what they were saying. The
lady was crying very much, and for some time she did not speak. But the gentleman
said—
"I wonder who has put those flowers here, my dear; how very pretty they are!"
"Yes," said the lady, through her tears; "and the grave was full of them yesterday."
"How pleased our little girl would have been!" said he. "She was so fond of daisies! Who
can have done it?"
Little Dot heard all this from her hiding-place, and she felt very pleased that she had
made her little girl's grave so pretty.
The lady cried a great deal as she sat by the grave; but just before they left, Dot heard
the gentleman say—
"Don't cry, dearest; remember what our little Lilian said the night before she died."
"Yes," said the lady, "I will not forget."
And she dried her eyes, and Dot thought she tried to smile as she looked up at the blue
sky. Then she took a bunch of white violets which she had brought with her, and put
them in the middle of the grave, but she did not move any of Dot's daisies, at which she
looked very lovingly and tenderly.
As soon as they were gone, Dot came out from behind the hawthorn bush. She went up
to her little girl's grave, and kneeling on the grass beside it she smelt the white violets
and stroked them with her tiny hand. They made it look so much nicer, she thought; but
she felt very glad that the lady had liked her daisies. She would gather some fresh ones
to-morrow.
Dot walked home very slowly. She had so much to think over. She knew her little girl's
name now, and that she was fond of daisies. She would not forget that. Dot felt very
sorry for the poor lady; she wished she could tell her so. And then she began to wonder
what it was that her little girl had said the night before she died. It must be something
nice, Dot thought, to make the lady wipe her eyes and try to smile. Perhaps the little
girl had said she did not mind being put into the dark hole. Dot thought it could hardly
be that, for she felt sure she would mind it very much indeed. Dot was sure she would
be very frightened if she had to die, and old Solomon had to dig a grave for her. No, it
could not be that which Lilian had said. Perhaps Solomon was right, and the little girl
was asleep. If so, Dot hoped it would be a long, long time before she woke up again.
Solomon had left his work, or Dot would have told him about what she had seen. But it
was tea-time now, and she must go home. Her mother was standing at the door looking
out for her, and she called to the child to be quick and come in to tea.
Dot found her father at home, and they began their meal. But little Dot was so quiet,
and sat so still, that her father asked her what was the matter. Then she thought she
would ask him what she wanted to know, for he was very kind to her, and generally
tried to answer her questions.
So Dot told him about her little girl's grave, and what the lady and gentleman had
talked about, and she asked what he thought the little girl had said, which had made
her mother stop crying.
But Dot's father could not tell her. And when Dot said she was sure she would not like to
be put in a hole like that, her father only laughed, and told her not to trouble her little
head about it: she was too young to think of such things.
"But my little girl was only just about as big as me," said Dot, "'cause Mr. Solemn told
me so."
That was an argument which her father could not answer, so he told Dot to be quick
over her supper, and get to bed. And when she was asleep, he said to his wife that he
did not think the cemetery was a good place for his little girl to play in—it made her
gloomy. But Dot's mother said it was better than the street, and Dot was too light-
hearted to be dull long.
And whilst they were talking little Dot was dreaming of Lilian, and of what she had said
the night before she died.
CHAPTER V
DOT'S BUSY THOUGHTS
A DAY or two after, as Dot was putting fresh daisies on the little grave, she felt a hand
on her shoulder, and looking up she saw her little girl's mamma. She had come up very
quietly, and Dot was so intent on what she was doing that she had not heard her. It was
too late to run away; but the lady's face was so kind and loving that the child could not
be afraid. She took hold of Dot's little hand, and sat down beside her, and then she said
very gently—
"Is this the little girl who gathered the daisies?"
"Yes," said Dot shyly, "it was me."
The lady seemed very pleased, and she asked Dot what her name was, and where she
lived. Then she said—
"Dot, what was it made you bring these pretty flowers here?"
"Please," said the child, "it was 'cause Mr. Solemn said she was ever such a little girl—
maybe about as big as me."
"Who is Mr. Solemn?" asked the lady.
"IS THIS THE LITTLE GIRL WHO GATHERED THE DAISIES?"
"It's an old man—him as digs the graves; he made my little girl's grave," said Dot,
under her breath, "and he filled it up and all."
The tears came into the lady's eyes, and she stooped down and kissed the child.
Dot was beginning to feel quite at home with the little girl's mamma, and she stroked
the lady's soft glove with her tiny hand.
They sat quite still for some time. Dot never moved, and the lady had almost forgotten
her—she was thinking of her own little girl. The tears began to run down her cheeks,
though she tried to keep them back, and some of them fell upon Dot as she sat at her
feet.
"I was thinking of my little girl," said the lady, as Dot looked sorrowfully up to her face.
"Please," said Dot, "I wonder what your little girl said to you the night before she died?"
She thought perhaps it might comfort the lady to think of it, as it had done so the other
day.
The lady looked very surprised when Dot said this, as she had had no idea that the little
girl was near when she was talking to her husband.
"How did you know, Dot?" she asked.
"Please, I couldn't help it," said little Dot; "I was putting the daisies."
"Yes?" said the lady, and she waited for the child to go on.
"And I ran in there," said Dot, nodding at the hawthorn bush. "I heard you—and,
please, don't be angry."
"I am not angry," said the lady.
Dot looked in her face, and saw she was gazing at her with a very sweet smile.
"Then, please," said little Dot, "I would like very much to know what the little girl said."
"I will tell you, Dot," said the lady. "Come and sit on my knee."
There was a flat tombstone close by, on which they sat whilst the girl's mamma talked
to Dot. She found it very hard to speak about her child, it was so short a time since she
had died. But she tried her very best, for the sake of the little girl who had covered the
grave with daisies.
"Lilian was only ill a very short time," said the lady; "a week before she died she was
running about and playing—just as you have been doing to-day, Dot. But she took a bad
cold, and soon the doctor told me my little girl must die."
"Oh," said Dot, with a little sob, "I am so sorry for the poor little girl!"
"Lilian wasn't afraid to die, Dot," said the lady.
"Wasn't she?" said Dot. "I should be frightened ever so much—but maybe she'd never
seen Mr. Solemn bury anybody; maybe she didn't know she had to go into that dark
hole."
"Listen, Dot," said the lady, "and I will tell you what my little girl said the night before
she died."
"'Mamma,' she said, 'don't let Violet and Ethel think that I'm down deep in the
cemetery; but take them out, and show them the blue sky and all the white clouds, and
tell them, Little sister Lilian's up there with Jesus.' Violet and Ethel are my other little
girls, Dot."
"Yes," said Dot, in a whisper; "I saw them at the funeral."
"That is what my little girl said, which made me stop crying the other day."
Dot looked very puzzled. There was a great deal that she wanted to think over and to
ask Solomon about.
The lady was obliged to go home, for it was getting late. She kissed the child before she
went, and said she hoped Dot would see her little girl one day, above the blue sky.
Dot could not make out what the lady meant, nor what her little girl had meant the
night before she died. She wanted very much to hear more about her, and she hoped
the lady would soon come again.
"Mr. Solemn," said Dot the next day, as she was in her usual place on the top of one of
Solomon's graves, "didn't you say that my little girl was in that long box?"
"Yes," said Solomon—"yes, Dot, I said so, I believe."
"But my little girl's mamma says she isn't in there, Mr. Solemn, and my little girl said so
the night before she died."
"Where is she, then?" said Solomon.
"She's somewhere up there," said Dot, pointing with her finger to the blue sky.
"Oh, in heaven," said Solomon. "Yes, Dot, I suppose she is in heaven."
"How did she get there?" said Dot. "I want to know all about it, Mr. Solemn."
"Oh, I don't know," said the old man. "Good folks always go to heaven."
"Shall you go to heaven, Mr. Solemn, when you die?"
"I hope I shall, Dot, I'm sure," said the old man. "But there, run away a little; I want to
tidy round a bit."
Now, Solomon had very often "tidied round," as he called it, without sending little Dot
away; but he did not want her to ask him any more questions, and he hoped she would
forget it before she came back.
But Dot had not forgotten. She had not even been playing; she had been sitting on an
old tombstone, thinking about what Solomon had said. And as soon as he had finished
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