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LEISURE
STUDIES
IN A
GLOBAL
Modern ERA
Vintage Homes
& Leisure Lives
Ghosts & Glamour
SAMANTHA HOLLAND
Leisure Studies in a Global Era
Series Editors
Karl Spracklen
Leeds Beckett University
Leeds, United Kingdom
Karen Fox
University of Alberta
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada
In this book series, we defend leisure as a meaningful, theoretical, fram-
ing concept; and critical studies of leisure as a worthwhile intellectual and
pedagogical activity. This is what makes this book series distinctive: we
want to enhance the discipline of leisure studies and open it up to a richer
range of ideas; and, conversely, we want sociology, cultural geographies
and other social sciences and humanities to open up to engaging with
critical and rigorous arguments from leisure studies. Getting beyond con-
cerns about the grand project of leisure, we will use the series to demon-
strate that leisure theory is central to understanding wider debates about
identity, postmodernity and globalisation in contemporary societies
across the world. The series combines the search for local, qualitatively
rich accounts of everyday leisure with the international reach of debates
in politics, leisure and social and cultural theory. In doing this, we will
show that critical studies of leisure can and should continue to play a
central role in understanding society. The scope will be global, striving to
be truly international and truly diverse in the range of authors and topics.
Editorial Board: John Connell, Professor of Geography, University of
Sydney, USA; Yoshitaka Mori, Associate Professor, Tokyo University of
the Arts, Japan; Smitha Radhakrishnan, Assistant Professor, Wellesley
College, USA; Diane M. Samdahl, Professor of Recreation and Leisure
Studies, University of Georgia, USA; Chiung-Tzu Lucetta Tsai, Associate
Professor, National Taipei University, Taiwan; Walter van Beek, Professor
of Anthropology and Religion, Tilburg University, The Netherlands;
Sharon D. Welch, Professor of Religion and Society, Meadville Theological
School, Chicago, USA; Leslie Witz, Professor of History, University of
the Western Cape, South Africa.
Modern Vintage
Homes & Leisure
Lives
Ghosts & Glamour
Samantha Holland
Leeds Beckett University
Leeds, United Kingdom
Cover illustration: Ford Motor Company Collection, Gift of Ford Motor Company and John
C. Waddell, 1987
Many thanks to the 20 participants of this study who gave up their time
and kindly allowed me a glimpse into their homes (and their cupboards
and wardrobes!).
Thank you to the participants who gave me permission to use their
photographs.
Thank you to the people who kindly filled in the online questionnaire;
many put a lot of time and thought into it and I appreciate it. I plan for
it to form the basis of further work.
Thank you to:
the owners of the vintage shop in which I collected observations and
data. They were very welcoming and helpful at all times;
the administrator/owner of ‘Coco Vintage’, the online vintage selling
group, for allowing me to post asking for respondents and participants—
and for our chats ‘behind the scenes’;
Vintage Life magazine for printing my letter;
Sharla Plant and Jack Redden at Palgrave Macmillan;
and Leeds Beckett University who funded the data collection.
Thanks also to my kind and eagle-eyed friend Sarah Kelsey and my
equally kind and eagle-eyed husband Sam Hinchliffe, for proofreading
and commenting on the chapters. (Of course all errors are my own.)
vii
viii Acknowledgements
Final Thoughts 62
References 63
Smoking200
Costume or Outfits? 203
References205
References245
Index255
List of Figures
xiii
xiv List of Figures
about having the time and money to search, but also shows an interest
in seeking the ghosts in things.
As Elizabeth E. Guffey (2006) tells us, ‘the resurgence of interest in the
art and design of the late nineteenth century suggests the beginning of a
unique post-war tendency: a popular thirst for the recovery of earlier, and
yet still modern, periods at an ever-accelerating rate’ (Guffey 2006, p. 8).
There are, of course, many epochs in history when design has co-opted
earlier periods such as the Grecian revival in the 1890s, or the Egyptian
revival in the 1920s, where Egyptian motifs were used in architecture,
decorative arts, clothes, jewellery, and furniture. This craze was inspired
by Howard Carter’s discovery of Tutankhamun’s tomb, but there were
earlier similar crazes, such as when Napoleon conquered Egypt in the late
1700s. So there is evidence that humans have always appreciated earlier
design styles. Old things, such as clothes, speak to us. As Elizabeth Wilson
(1985, p. 1) notes:
Even the most ‘out of fashion’ style is likely to return to being in vogue,
given long enough. However, as both Guffey (2006) and Angela
McRobbie (1994) point out, revival is now at an ever-increasing speed;
and unlike nineteenth-century revivalism such as that of the Pre-
Raphaelite Brotherhood, John Ruskin, and Augustus Pugin, retro or vin-
tage styles do not look to the distant past. Instead, we turn to the recent
past, often within living memory such as the continued popular interest
in clothes which belonged to famous women and which represent to us
both the icon herself and an era, for example, Jacqueline Kennedy’s
clothes at the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2001; and at the
Victoria and Albert Museum in London, Kylie Minogue’s outfits (2007);
The Supremes’ performance outfits (2008); and Grace Kelly’s clothes
including her wedding dress (2010) and clothing worn by Twiggy, Sandy
Shaw, and others from the 1960s (2016).
4 1 Introduction: Nostalgia, Stuff, Ghosts, and the Everyday
What Is Vintage?
There is an ever-increasing interest in ‘vintage’ as an academic subject,
with most of the studies being about design, consumption, and retailing,
such as studies about ‘retro’ retailers (Crewe et al. 2003; McColl et al.
2013; Baker 2012, 2013) or consumers (Cassidy and Bennett 2012;
Cervellon et al. 2012; Dowling Peters 2014; Hansson and Brembeck
2015). For example, Lauren Dowling Peters (2014) studies the shoppers
who attend the Brooklyn flea market, and Hansson and Brembeck (2015)
study the Gothenburg flea market, with attendant issues of authenticity
and performance of knowledge. McRobbie (1994), Jenns (2004, 2015),
Veenstra and Kuipers (2013), and Fischer (2015) also examine issues
about authenticity. Tracy Diane Cassidy and Hannah Rose Bennett
What Is Vintage? 5
(2012, p. 240) argue that the rise of vintage is a result of the current eco-
nomic climate, as well as a change in attitudes about old clothes and
other items, vintage nods in current fashion collections, a reaction against
‘fast fashion’, and a lack of individuality. Fred Davis, writing in 1979
about nostalgia, sees ‘retro’—that which we often now call vintage—as
an upheaval of taste, and a shake-up of the messages and meanings of
second hand. Davis’s understanding of the appeal of retro lay in the hip-
pie culture of the 1960s when a generation of young adults set out to
unpin ideas about what was tasteful or acceptable and to challenge the
messages and meanings of their social and cultural worlds. ‘The attributes
of retro, its self-reflexiveness, its ironic reinterpretation of the past, its
disregard for the sort of traditional boundaries that had separate “high”
and “low” art, all echo the themes found in Postmodern theory’ (Davis
1979, p. 21). Davis sees a nostalgia boom as a result of a period of social
upheaval and possible through technology. For example, with the advent
of the internet second-hand clothes can now be accessed easily, from sell-
ers anywhere in the world; in fact, such is the success of second-hand
clothes on eBay and other auction sites that charity shops have suffered as
a result. Expensive clothes were passed down through wealthy families,
or, conversely, through poor families who could not afford to buy more
(hand-me-downs). In the twentieth century, second-hand clothes became
the preserve of the art student or the hippy, finding items from charity
shops and markets. Angela McRobbie (1989, p. 42) describes how
second-hand style in the 1980s was ‘marked out by a knowingness, a will-
ful anarchy and an irrepressible optimism, as indicated by colour, exag-
geration, humour and disavowal of the conventions of adult dress’.
Conversely, the participants of my study (who dress in vintage all of the
time, and style their homes entirely in vintage, and consider themselves
‘purists’ in that they don’t mix eras), in fact, also wore colourful and exag-
gerated outfits, but outfits which were dependent on the fashions of pre-
vious decades, relying on the conventions of adult dress, on embodied
and gendered labour (such as glamour), on knowledge of social and fash-
ion history, and subcultural capital. McRobbie notes that 1980s second-
hand styles ‘play[ed] with the norms, conventions and expectations of
femininity, post-feminism. Each item is worn self-consciously with an
emphasis on the unnatural and the artificial’. But the styles adopted by
6 1 Introduction: Nostalgia, Stuff, Ghosts, and the Everyday
the participants predate second wave feminism and the gains for women
that feminism fought for; the styles favoured by the participants have few
or none of the gender-neutral or physically freeing aspects of feminist and
post-feminist attire. Many of the participants came from subcultures
such as those McRobbie describes, and as a result had a reserve of dress
knowledge. All of the participants had an interest in fashion history,
including fashion photography, which, surprisingly, neither are at all nec-
essary if you follow mainstream/current fashion. Aleit Veenstra and
Giselinde Kuipers (2013, p. 355) look at vintage collection as ‘a form of
consumption rather than an expression of subcultural identity’ but my
data, particularly from the ‘full-time vintage’ participants, refutes that
and shows that they are sufficiently cohesive as a group or community to
justify using the term ‘subculture’—I return to these definitions in Chap.
9. Interestingly, whilst refuting subculture as a way of conceptualising
collecting vintage, Veenstra and Kuipers go on to mention it on almost
every page, perhaps revealing that, after all, vintage does have links to
subcultural elements. However, they also (ibid., p. 363) argue that whilst
vintage is not subcultural they also point out that it isn’t mainstream
either, which I did find.
What is thought of as ‘vintage’ has become increasingly flexible with
even relatively new clothes now listed as ‘vintage’ or ‘retro’ in order to
maximise their appeal. The meaning has been ‘gradually creeping into
daily usage over the past thirty years’ (Guffey 2006, p. 9; also see Fischer
2015). I mentioned it in 2004. Despite the term vintage enjoying an
ever-increasing everyday usage, there remains a lack of precise definition
(Jenss 2005 in Palmer and Clark 2005; Jenss 2015; Mackinney-Valentin
2010). As Julie McColl, Catherine Canning, Louise McBride, Karina
Nobbs, and Linda Shearer argue, ‘the term vintage is multi-faceted’
(McColl et al. 2013, p. 140), an assertion which is quickly apparent when
searching for an absolute definition, or any attempt to clarify one. And
this lack of clarity has persisted, due to the fluctuations of vintage mar-
kets and fashions, from Nicky Gregson and Louise Crewe in 2003 to
Aleit Veenstra and Giselinde Kuipers writing a decade later in 2013. For
example, Baker (year) uses ‘retro’ to apply to what I am calling ‘vintage’,
although my own preference is ‘second-hand’. Veenstra and Kuipers
What Is Vintage? 7
(2013, p. 356) state that vintage began in the 1990s and that to count as
‘vintage’ items must be at least 25 years old. I have read or been told 20
years, or 30, but the general idea seems to be agreed. For example, during
my research for this book I had a conversation with a colleague aged in
her twenties during which she told me she collects vintage handbags. I
enthusiastically asked for more detail, to which she told me she collects
1980s bags, considerably deflating my enthusiasm. We then had a mod-
erately intense but good-natured discussion about why I thought the
1980s cannot count as vintage, and she thought that they could. Much
of my argument was that vintage referred to items of an identifiably dif-
ferent era from the current one, and to me the 1980s did not offer enough
distance or difference (yet) to be included. But to my colleague the 1980s
were a dim and distant time, most of which was before she was even born.
I used this discussion later, during some of the interviews, as a way to
elicit definitions and meanings from them. I discuss the definitions and
personal meanings of different terms in later chapters, using interview
data from participants and questionnaire data from respondents. For
example, the participant Dorothy said, ‘I suppose I would use the term
vintage, or I would say original. I use the term original quite a bit as well,
so it’s original 50s, original 60s, or whatever.’ But I focus in this chapter
on the understandings of vintage used in existing literature.
Cassidy and Bennett (2012, p. 240) also trace the beginning of the
popularity of vintage to the 1990s which might surprise people who were
mods or rockabillies in the 1980s. Several studies conflate the meanings
of vintage and retro. Guffey’s (2006) book concentrates on the history of
design, choosing to call all revivals and pastiches of older design styles
‘retro’. Guffey (2006, p. 6) argues that it is a ‘kind of subversion in which
the artistic and cultural vanguard began looking backwards in order to go
forwards’. But she also adds that ‘“retro” can serve as little more than a
trendy synonym for “old-fashioned” or simply “old” … [or] as shorthand
for a period style situated in the immediate post-war years’ (ibid., p. 9).
Similarly, Sarah Elsie Baker’s (2013) small-scale study referred to the
terms vintage and mid-century modern, but used the term retro to cover
all periods and types of post-war design. Baker’s data collection was con-
ducted primarily in 2005 and 2006, the same period as the publication
8 1 Introduction: Nostalgia, Stuff, Ghosts, and the Everyday
of Guffey’s book, and since then the popularity, accessibility, and value of
‘retro’ items has shifted considerably, so that neither book now feels to be
defining retro adequately. Retro, after all, is Latin for ‘back’ or ‘back-
ward’, whereas vintage has traditionally and commonly been used to refer
to something which has both age and value (particularly of a high-quality
wine). There are many layers of meaning, both individual and collective,
which lend the terms for post-war design more nuance than simply lump-
ing them together under the banner of ‘retro’. I have reached an under-
standing of the different forms of vintage from my reading, participant
observation, and data collection, particularly using the replies given when
I asked for a definition. So in this book the terms are used as follows:
vintage for anything second-hand from the 1930s to the end of the
1960s. For my participants, anything after the late 1960s is not yet old
enough to be desirable as an example of vintage design. The 1970s is
‘retro’, as are design items like furniture or radios, which explicitly copy
or hark back to earlier eras. The 1980s and 1990s are the recent past, too
recent to yet be counted.
Mid-century modern refers to style and design from the end of the
1940s to the early 1960s.
Antique is the 1920s or earlier.
Repro refers to the ‘reproduction’ of vintage clothes, made from origi-
nal patterns, often with original fabric or, at least, with original buckles,
buttons, and other notions. There is a debate about the difference between
‘good’ and ‘bad’ repro, which I return to in later chapters.
The terms ‘vintage’ and ‘second-hand’ were once interchangeable and
in the following chapters I use both. Second-hand is a term now used by
only the most stalwart and/or long-term collectors and enthusiasts.
Second-hand is my preference.
Maria Mackinney-Valentin (2010) divides ‘vintage’ into three categories:
long do people want to keep their items, what narratives can we build
around these items, how can we ensure that people bond sufficiently with
their things so that they don’t want or expect to throw them out after only
a short time? Amy Twigger Holroyd (2016, p. 276) argues that in order to
slow down our turnover and consumption of new products, we look more
closely at the meanings and practices of what we currently consume:
The Study
The study is based on original empirical international data. It is about a
group of people who wear vintage all the time (of different eras, not all
are 1950s, e.g. although some are) and their homes are styled entirely or
almost entirely the same. I wanted to try to understand the meanings of
‘vintage’ for them (when vintage was their everyday life) through their
daily practices and accrued knowledge.
The first thing I did was to design an online questionnaire, to provide
me with a broad overview of how and where vintage fans were, what they
do, and what they like. Ultimately I had so many detailed and interesting
questionnaire responses (more than 200) that Chap. 3 is dedicated to
them. The respondents differed from the participants in that many of
them mixed eras and decades, and some of them were new to vintage.
I talked to people in the UK in person, and I conducted online inter-
views with people in other countries (the USA, Australia, and mainland
Europe); the attitudes, beliefs, aesthetics, and practices were remarkably
similar across all the countries, which is one of the things I hoped to
ascertain. I saw (in person or in photographs) the participants’ homes,
décor, wardrobes, cupboards, and collections.
I spent a year attending vintage events, spaces, shops, festivals, dance
classes, themed cafes—in fact, anywhere I thought I could observe vin-
tage fans and their actions. (This was less arduous than it perhaps sounds
as I regularly attend vintage events anyway and have done for many
years.) I also spent some time observing in one particular vintage shop, to
give me an insight into how people ‘experience’ old clothes. The study
was given ethical approval by my institution, and the respondents, par-
ticipants, and shop customers all remain anonymous.
Love has a presence throughout this book; it is worth remembering that
love is often a great motivator, in everything we do, if we are lucky—
romantic love, filial love, but also underrated sorts of love such as that for
a pet, who feels like a family member. It is even possible for love to
motivate academic work. It is also true about the participants of this study,
who loved collecting, wearing, and living with second-hand things. And
whilst I mention love in Chaps. 4 and 6 (and emotion in Chap. 2) you
will not find it in the following pages as much as it should be, especially
12 1 Introduction: Nostalgia, Stuff, Ghosts, and the Everyday
Book Outline
This book does three key things:
and theory or ‘findings’ are all interconnected which is why I include that
chapter. Historically and currently, too many researchers give no sense of
what they did and whether they feel any responsibility to their ‘subjects’
(which I enclose in disapproving air quotes). The researcher and the par-
ticipants do not exist in isolation, there is necessarily a relationship and
the power dynamics may work both ways but only the researcher is
obliged to act ethically and respectfully. The methods will always impact
on the resulting theory.
Each chapter from 3 onwards will draw on empirical data from the
questionnaire, the interview transcripts, and observations from my field
diary. The overall structure reflects the main themes and practices dis-
cussed in the interviews: home, shopping and selling, collecting, clothes
and storage, and networks and events.
Chapter 3 looks at the questionnaire data, including ideas about ghosts
and spectral remains, provenance, and nostalgia.
Chapter 4 is about identity, emotional durability, hauntings, and the
history of kitchens.
Chapters 5 and 6 focus on shopping, knowledge and expertise, authen-
ticity, on collecting, hoarding, and divesting.
Chapters 7 and 8 examine wardrobes, clothing, glamour, and embody-
ing the past including discussions about real fur, smoking, wearing hats,
and representations of women in period films.
Chapter 9 looks at subcultural capital and production, and at the
events and spaces where vintage fans go.
Finally, in the Conclusion I return to the main themes of the chapters,
through a discussion about what we might have learnt about the mean-
ings and practices of living entirely ‘vintage’.
References
Baker, S. E. (2012). Retailing Retro: Class, Cultural Capital and the Material
Practices of the (Re)valuation of Style. European Journal of Gender Studies,
15(5), 621–641.
Baker, S. E. (2013). Retro Style. Class, Gender and Design in the Home. London:
Bloomsbury.
14 1 Introduction: Nostalgia, Stuff, Ghosts, and the Everyday
Bedat, M., & Shank, M. (2016, November 16). There Is a Major Climate Issue
Hiding in Your Closet: Fast Fashion. Co.Exist. https://www.fastcoexist.
com/3065532/there-is-a-major-climate-issue-hiding-in-your-closet-fast-
fashion. Accessed 21 Nov 2016.
Cassidy, T. D., & Bennett, H. R. (2012). The Rise of Vintage Fashion and the
Vintage Consumer. Fashion Practice, 4(2), 239–262.
Cervellon, M. C., Carey, L., & Harms, T. (2012). Something Old, Something
Used. International Journal of Retail and Distribution Management, 40(12),
956–974.
Chapman, J. (2015). Emotionally Durable Design: Objects, Experiences and
Empathy. London: Routledge.
Churchwell, S. (2015, January 9). Max Factor Can’t Claim Credit for Marilyn
Monroe. The Guardian Online.https://www.theguardian.com/commentis-
free/2015/jan/09/max-factor-cant-claim-marilyn-monroe. Accessed 15 Mar
2017.
Crewe, L., Gregson, N., & Brooks, K. (2003). The Discursivities of Difference:
Retro Retailers and the Ambiguities of the Alternative. Journal of Consumer
Culture, 3(1), 61–82.
Davis, F. (1979). Yearning for Yesterday: A Sociology of Nostalgia. New York: Free
Press.
Downing Peters, L. (2014). Performing Vintage: The Cultivation and
Dissemination of Vintage Sensibilities at the Brooklyn Flea. Canadian Review
of American Studies, 44(2), 214–239.
Edensor, T. (2008). Mundane Hauntings: Commuting Through the
Phantasmagoric Working-Class Spaces of Manchester, England. Cultural
Geographies, 15(3), 313–333.
Fischer, N. L. (2015). Vintage, the First 40 Years: The Emergence and Persistence
of Vintage Style in the United States. Culture Unbound, 7, 45–66.
Guffey, E. E. (2006). Retro. The Culture of Revival. London: Reaktion Books.
Hansson, N., & Brembeck, H. (2015). Market Hydraulics and Subjectivities in
the ‘Wild’. Culture Unbound, 7, 91–121.
Highmore, B. (2011). Ordinary Lives. Studies in the Everyday. Abingdon:
Routledge.
Holroyd, A. T. (2016). Perceptions and Practices of Dress-Related Leisure:
Shopping, Sorting, Making and Mending. Annals of Leisure Research, 19(3),
275–293.
Jenss, H. (2004). Dressed in History: Retro Styles and the Construction of
Authenticity in Youth Culture. Fashion Theory, 8(4), 387–404.
References 15
Jenss, H. (2015). Fashioning Memory: Vintage Style and Youth Culture. London:
Bloomsbury.
Kawakami, H. (2016). The Nakano Thrift Shop. London: Portobello Books.
Macdonald, S. (2013). Memorylands: Heritage and Identity in Europe Today.
London: Routledge.
Mackinney-Valentin, M. (2010). Old News? Understanding Retro Trends in the
21st Century Fashion. Multi, 3(1), 67–84.
McColl, J., Canning, C., McBride, L., Nobbs, K., & Shearer, L. (2013). “It’s
Vintage Darling!” An Exploration of Vintage Fashion Retailing. The Journal
of the Textile Institute, 104(2), 140–150.
McRobbie, A. (Ed.). (1989). Zoot Suits and Second-Hand Dresses. London:
Macmillan.
McRobbie, A. (1994). Postmodernism and Popular Culture. London: Routledge.
Palmer, A., & Clark, H. (Eds.). (2005). Old Clothes, New Looks. Oxford: Berg.
Rothschild, H. (2015). The Improbability of Love. London: Bloomsbury.
Veenstra, A., & Kuipers, G. (2013). It Is Not Old-Fashioned, It Is Vintage:
Vintage Fashion and the Complexities of 21st Century Consumption
Practices. Sociology Compass, 7(5), 355–365.
Wilson, E. (1985). Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity. London: Virago.
2
Studying Vintage (Or, What I Did)
I would echo Shane Blackman (2007, p. 708) here, who discloses that
he undertook research with ‘New Wave girls’ out of ‘emotional commit-
ment and love’, in my case the ‘love’ being that for second-hand things
and for people who appreciate them. I also agree with Rachel Thomson
{389}
"ARTICLE 54.
It shall be the duty of commanding officers of military
districts, immediately after the publication of this order, to
recommend to the office of the military governor in which towns
within their commands municipal governments shall be
established, and upon approval of recommendations, either
personally or through subordinate commanders designated by
them, to issue and cause to be posted proclamations calling
elections therein. Such proclamations shall fix the time and
place of election and shall designate three residents of the
town who shall be charged with the duty of administering
electors' oaths; of preparing, publishing, and correcting,
within specified dates, a list of electors having the
qualifications hereinbefore set forth, and of presiding at and
making a due return of the election thus appointed. The
proclamation shall specify the offices to be filled, and in
order to determine the number of councilors the commanders
charged with calling the election shall determine, from the
best available evidence, the class to which the town belongs,
as hereinbefore defined; the classification thus made shall
govern until the taking of an official census. The first
alcaldes appointed under the provisions of this order shall
take and subscribe the oath of office before the commanding
officer of the military district or some person in the several
towns designated by said commanding officer for the said
purpose; whereupon the alcalde so sworn shall administer the
said oath of office to all the other officers of the municipio
there elected and afterwards appointed. The election returns
shall be canvassed by the authority issuing the election
proclamation, and the officers elected shall assume their
duties on a date to be specified by him in orders.
"ARTICLE. 55.
Until the appointment of governors of provinces their duties
under this order will be performed by the commanding officers
of the military districts. They may, by designation, confer on
subordinate commanding officers of subdistricts or of other
prescribed territorial limits of their commands the
supervisory duties herein enumerated, and a subordinate
commander so designated shall perform all and every of the
duties herein prescribed for the superior commanding officer.
"ARTICLE. 56.
For the time being the provisions of this order requiring that
alcaldes be elected, in all cases shall be so far modified as
to permit the commanding officers of military districts, in
their discretion, either to appoint such officers or to have
them elected as hereinbefore prescribed. The term of office of
alcaldes appointed under this authority shall be the same as
if they had been elected; at the expiration of such term the
office shall be filled by election or appointment.
"ARTICLE 57.
The governments of towns organized under General Orders No.
43, Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army
Corps, series 1899, will continue in the exercise of their
functions as therein defined and set forth until such time as
municipal governments therefor have been organized and are in
operation under this order."
"At the same time the commission should bear in mind, and the
people of the islands should be made plainly to understand,
that there are certain great principles of government which
have been made the basis of our governmental system which we
deem essential to the rule of law and the maintenance of
individual freedom, and of which they have, unfortunately,
been denied the experience possessed by us; that there are
also certain practical rules of government which we have found
to be essential to the preservation of these great principles
of liberty and law, and that these principles and these rules
of government must be established and maintained in their
islands for the sake of their liberty and happiness, however
much they may conflict with the customs or laws of procedure
with which they are familiar. It is evident that the most
enlightened thought of the Philippine Islands fully
appreciates the importance of these principles and rules, and
they will inevitably within a short time command universal
assent. Upon every division and branch of the government of
the Philippines, therefore, must be imposed these inviolable
rules: That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or
property without due process of law; that private property
shall not be taken for public use without just compensation;
that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the
right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the
nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the
witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for
obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance
of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail shall not be
required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual
punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in
jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal
case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be
secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be
violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall
exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of
attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed; that no law
shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the
press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and
petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that no
law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free
exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship
without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed.
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"The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and
obligations of the people should be maintained with as little
interference as possible. Changes made should be mainly in
procedure, and in the criminal laws to secure speedy and
impartial trials, and at the same time effective
administration and respect for individual rights. In dealing
with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the commission
should adopt the same course followed by Congress in
permitting the tribes of our North American Indians to
maintain their tribal organization and government, and under
which many of those tribes are now living in peace and
contentment, surrounded by a civilization to which they are
unable or unwilling to conform. Such tribal governments
should, however, be subjected to wise and firm regulation;
and, without undue or petty interference, constant and active
effort should be exercised to prevent barbarous practices and
introduce civilized customs. Upon all officers and employés of
the United States, both civil and military, should be
impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the
material but the personal and social rights of the people of
the islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and
respect for their personal dignity which the people of the
United States are accustomed to require from each other. The
articles of capitulation of the City of Manila on the 13th of
August, 1898, concluded with these words: 'This city, its
inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its
educational establishments, and its private property of all
descriptions, are placed under the special safeguard of the
faith and honor of the American Army.' I believe that this
pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred an
obligation rests upon the Government of the United States to
give protection for property and life, civil and religious
freedom, and wise, firm, and unselfish guidance in the paths
of peace and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine
Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full
performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and
conscience of their country, in the firm hope that through
their labors all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may
come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave
victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under
the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United
States.
WILLIAM McKINLEY."
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"In order to end our appeal we will say, with the learned
lawyer, Senor Mabini: 'To govern is to study the wants and
interpret the aspirations of the people, in order to remedy
the former and satisfy the latter.' If the natives who know
the wants, customs, and aspirations of the people are not fit
to govern them, would the Americans, who have had but little
to do with the Filipinos, be more capable to govern the
latter? We have, therefore, already proven—
Congressional Record,
January 10, 1901, page 850.