Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္းမွ ဘုရားသားေတာ္မ်ား
ဆႎၬဴပသံဃာႎႀင့္ လူထုကို စစ္အစိုးရက
အဳကမ္းဖက္႓ဖိႂခၾင္းႎႀိမ္နင္း owif;aqmif;yg;rsm;
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အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္းမွ ဘုရားသားေတာ္မ်ား
ဆႎၬဴပသံဃာႎႀင့္ လူထုကို စစ္အစိုးရက
အဳကမ္းဖက္႓ဖိႂခၾင္းႎႀိမ္နင္း owif;aqmif;yg;rsm;
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Index: Polaris Burmese Library, LPK Library, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Bo Than
Shwe, Myanmar History, Myanmar Politic, Saffron Revolution,
UNITED NATIONS, Sept. 25 — President Bush today chided nations to live up to the
rights and freedoms the United Nations promised six decades ago, announced new
sanctions on Myanmar and denounced the governments of Belarus, Cuba, Iran,
North Korea, Syria and Zimbabwe as “brutal regimes.”
Appearing at the opening of the 62nd session of the General Assembly, Mr. Bush
called on members of the United Nations to do more to support nascent democracies
and to oppose autocratic and tyrannical governments.
“Every civilized nation also has a responsibility to stand up for the people suffering
under dictatorship,” Mr. Bush said.
Mr. Bush’s sharp comments were typical of his attacks on countries that the United
States groups among the least democratic in the world. In the case of Myanmar, Mr.
Bush excoriated the country’s military government, which in the last few weeks has
faced the most extensive public protests in nearly two decades.
“Americans are outraged by the situation in Burma, where a military junta has
imposed a 19-year reign of fear,” Mr. Bush said. “Basic freedoms of speech, assembly,
and worship are severely restricted. Ethnic minorities are persecuted. Forced child
labor, human trafficking, and rape are common.”
Mr. Bush held separate talks at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel today with Iraq’s prime
minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, today, in which the two leaders touched on the need
for national reconciliation in Iraq, the necessity of passing new important legislation
and the need for a stronger Iraqi security force,
They also discussed issues related to Blackwater USA, a private American security
company involved in a shooting in Baghdad this month in which 11 people were
killed.
Mr. Maliki has said that the shooting of the Iraqi civilians amounts to a challenge to
the nation’s sovereignty. The Iraqi government has said it expects to refer criminal
charges to its courts in connection with the shooting.
The Blackwater subject arose between Mr. Maliki and Mr. Bush as part of a general
discussion of the recognition of Iraqi sovereignty, the national security adviser,
Stephen J. Hadley, told reporters. But he added that Mr. Maliki discussed Blackwater
directly with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
“The United States and Iraq are working together to look at this incident and related
incidents,” he said.
At least 11 people were killed. It was the seventh episode in which the Iraqi
authorities had cited Blackwater for the injurious behavior of its guards toward
civilians.
After their talks, Mr. Bush expressed support and confidence in Mr. Maliki, reflecting
his administration’s decision to continue backing him, an apparent reprieve after
American talk of pushing him aside.
“And so I want to thank you for your dedication and your commitment to laws that
will help this young democracy reconcile and move forward,” Mr. Bush said.
He noted that Mr. Maliki was “sitting in a vital region, and when you succeed —
which I’m confident you will — it’ll send a message to other people who believe in
peace.”
At the General Assembly before his meeting with Mr. Maliki, Mr. Bush spoke to an
audience that included representatives of some of the countries he singled out for
criticism, including Iran’s president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Mr. Bush’s speech in
the assembly is likely to be the closest the two men come to each other this week.
Before the speech, Laura Bush, the first lady, walked directly past Mr. Ahmadinejad,
putting her right hand on the corner of his rostrum at one point, though no words
were exchanged.
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The Cuban delegation, led by the foreign minister, Felipe Pérez Roque, walked out
during Mr. Bush’s speech, at the point where Mr. Bush said that in Cuba “the long
rule of a cruel dictator is nearing its end.”
Mr. Bush called the government of Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe — the only world
leader he mentioned by name — “an assault on its people and an affront to the
principles” of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Mr. Bush referred repeatedly to the declaration, citing its first article — “All human
beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights” — as well as the 23rd, 25th and
26th articles, which call for access to employment, health care and education.
The protests in Myanmar are taking place under the shadow of the possibility of a
violent crackdown by the government. In 1988, some 3,000 people were killed when
the military crushed larger pro-democracy protests. Although some reports have said
that truckloads of soldiers moved into position at one point during the protests in
Yangon today, the day’s protests dispersed without incident.
Since 1988, Myanmar has become the focus of international condemnation for its
abuses of human and political rights and its treatment of the pro-democracy leader
Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest in Yangon for 12 of the past 18
years.
The United States has pressed for the release of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi. Myanmar’s
leaders, Mr. Bush said today, are “holding more than a thousand political prisoners”,
including Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party he said had been elected
overwhelmingly.
According to news reports from inside Myanmar, which is mostly sealed off to
foreign reporters, about 4,000 monks gathered today, cheered on by several
thousand supporters. A smaller number were reported marching in the country’s
second largest city, Mandalay. The government later imposed a curfew.
In his remarks to the assembly, Mr. Bush touched on the issue of institutional reform
of the United Nations, saying that the United States was open to the prospect of
reform to the Security Council, including an expansion of its membership.
Christine Hauser reported from New York. Seth Mydans contributed reporting
from Bangkok.
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon with President Bush today in New York.
(Reuters) - Myanmar soldiers and police have cracked down hard on the biggest
protests against military rule in 20 years, sealing off the Shwedagon Pagoda, firing
tear gas and arresting up to 200 monks on Wednesday.
Here is a timeline of the military's efforts to control the former Burma since it seized
power in a coup 45 years ago.
* March 1962: Army commander General Ne Win seizes power, ousting three-time
Prime Minister U Nu.
* March 1988: A fight between students and locals in a Yangon tea shop escalates
into demonstrations in which dozens of students are killed by riot police and troops.
-- September 18: General Saw Maung overthrows ruling Burma Socialist Programme
Party (BSPP) and establishes the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC) after two months of near daily demonstrations and food and fuel shortages
in Yangon. More than 3,000 demonstrators are killed in the days after the coup.
* August 1990: Several people reported killed during protests demanding elected
chamber after generals reject landslide election victory by Suu Kyi's National League
for Democracy.
* September 27, 1996: Police bar NLD from holding meeting at Suu Kyi's home.
Many party members are arrested.
* January 1997: 14 people, including five NLD members, jailed for seven years for
student demonstrations in December 1996.
-- March 16: Curfew imposed after anti-Muslim rioting in Mandalay. A week later, 100
monks are detained by security forces after attacking a mosque in Yangon in further
anti-Muslim unrest.
-- May 27: Roads closed around Suu Kyi's house to stop supporters marking
anniversary of 1990 election victory. Some 300 NLD members arrested.
* July-Aug 1988: Suu Kyi carries out series of roadside protests after her car is
halted outside Yangon. Students rally in Yangon. She returns home by ambulance.
* September 16, 2000: NLD announces it will draft a new state constitution in
defiance of a government ban.
* May, 2003 - Suu Kyi and many NLD leaders are put under "protective custody"
after clashes between her supporters and those of the junta. The government says
four people died and as many as 50 were injured. She remains in detention.
* March-April 2006: Troops wage biggest military offensive in 10 years to quell five-
decade insurgency by ethnic Karen rebels.
* Aug-Sept 2007: A sharp spike in fuel prices sparks the biggest protests in 20 years.
Tens of thousands of monks and civilians demonstrate in Yangon and other cities.
႓ခိမ္းေဴခာက္တားဴမစ္သည့္ဳကားမႀ
ရန္ကုန္တၾင္ သိန္းခဵီဆႎၬဴပ
2007.09.25
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/09/25/protests_continue_in_rangoon/
တိုင္းႎႀင့္ဴပည္နယ္မဵားတၾင္ ဆႎၬဴပပၾဲမဵား
ဆက္လက္ဴဖစ္ပၾား
2007.09.25
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/09/25/protests_in_other_parts_of_burma/
အဳကမ္းဖက္မႁမဵားေပၞေပၝက္လ႖င္
စစ္အစိုးရ၏ တာဝန္သာဴဖစ္
2007.09.24
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/09/24/britain_and_france_support_monks
_movement/
မႏၱေလးသံဃာမ်ား လုံၿခံဳေရးမ်ားႏွင့္
ထိပ္တိုက္ရင္ဆိုင္ကာ ဆက္လက္ႂကြခ်ီ
႐ုိးမ ၃။ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၆၊
၂၀၀၇http://www.yoma3.org/news/2007/september/260907mandalay_monks.html
သပိတ္ေမွာက္ သံဃာႏွင့္လူထုကို
နအဖလက္ကိုင္တုတ္မ်ားက ပစ္ခတ္ၿဖိဳခြဲ
NEJ/ ၂၆ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/september_2007/26-9-07g.php
၎က “သံဃာေတြက အလံကိုင္ၿပီး
ဘုရားေပၚတက္ဖို႔လာတယ္။ တက္မယ့္သံဃာေတြကိုတားတယ္။ ကိုယ္ေတာ္ေတြက
ဘာမွမေျပာဘူး၊ ေမတၱာထားၿပီး အဓိကလုပ္တယ္ဆိုေတာ့ ႐ုတ္႐ုတ္သဲသဲလည္း မျဖစ္ဘဲနဲ႔
သူတုိ႔ဘက္က စတင္ၿပီး မ်က္ရည္ယိုဗံုးခြဲၿပီးေတာ့ တုတ္ေတြနဲ႔၀င္႐ိုက္တယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး
ေသနတ္နဲ႔ပစ္တယ္။” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
သည္။
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/september_2007/27-9-07b.php
ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းမ်ားကို နအဖစစ္တပ္က
၀င္ေရာက္စီးနင္းကာ
သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအား အၾကမ္းဖက္ဖမ္းဆီး
NEJ/ ၂၇ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/september_2007/27-9-07c.php
ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္၏အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈကို
ကုလသမဂၢလံုၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီ စိုးရိမ္
AP / ၂၇ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/september_2007/27-9-07e.php
နအဖစစ္တပ္ ပစ္ခတ္မႈေၾကာင့္
ခြပ္ေဒါင္းတဦးက်ဆံုး
တာေမြအထက (၃) ေရွ႕၌
ေက်ာင္းသားမိဘမ်ားပါပစ္ခတ္ခံရ
NEJ / ၂၇ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၇ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/september_2007/27-9-
07g.php
ေက်ာင္းဆင္းခ်ိန္ျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားအား
လာႀကိဳသည့္ေက်ာင္းသားမိဘမ်ားလည္း ပစ္ခတ္ခံရၿပီး ယင္းေနရာ၌ ပစ္ခတ္မႈေၾကာင့္
အေသအေပ်ာက္မ်ားမည္ဟု မ်က္ျမင္မ်ားက
ခန္႕မွန္းၾကသည္။
(၃၂) ႏွင့္ (၃၃) ၾကား (၈၅) လမ္း၌ ပစ္ခတ္မႈ၊ ရိုက္ႏွက္မႈမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ရာ ဆႏၵျပသည့္ လူမ်ားကို
စစ္တပ္က မီးသတ္ကားျဖင့္လာ၍ အန႔ံဆိုး၀ါးသည့္ ေဆးရည္မ်ားေရာထားသည့္ ေရမ်ားျဖင့္
ပက္ခဲ့သည္ဟု မ်က္ျမင္မ်ားကေျပာသည္။
ရန္ကုန္ႏွင့္မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕၌ လူထုဆႏၵျပပြဲမ်ား
ဆက္လက္ျပဳလုပ္
ပီတာေအာင္ / ၂၈ စက္တင္ဘာ
၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/september_2007/28-9-07e.php
မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕၌ ယေန႔မြန္းလြဲပိုင္းက (၃၃/ ၈၄) လမ္းႏွင့္ (၃၄/ ၈၄) လမ္း အနီး၌ သံဃာႏွင့္ လူထု
အင္အား (၅) ေသာင္းခန္႔ဆႏၵျပေနရာသို႔ စစ္တပ္က ရဟတ္ယာဥ္မ်ားပ်ံ၀ဲကာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ခဲ့ၿပီး
႐ိုက္ႏွက္ ဖမ္းဆီးမႈမ်ားရွိသည္ဟု မႏၱေလးၿမိ္ဳ႕ခံတဦးက ေျပာသည္။
အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္းမွ ဘုရားသားေတာ္မ်ား
နိုင္ေက်ာ္http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/september_2007/28-9-07_naingkyaw.php
(၁)
(၂)
(၃)
(၄)
(၅)
ဂ်ပန္သတင္းေထာက္ေသဆံုးမႈ အျဖစ္မွန္
ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေပးရန္ ဂ်ပန္အစိုးရေတာင္းဆုိ
Reuters / ၂၈ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/september_2007/28-
9-07c.php
ဗြီဒီယိုၾကည့္ရန္- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WZmwaQrvF9c
သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား စတင္အၾကမ္းဖက္ခံရသည့္
ပခုကၠဴတြင္
သံဃာႏွင့္ျပည္သူ ပူးေပါင္းဆႏၵျပ
ဗထူး။ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၉၊
၂၀၀၇ http://www.yoma3.org/news/2007/september/290907pakhouku_demo.html
ရန္ကုန္ဆႏၵျပမႈ စတင္ၿပီ
လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား လူထုအတြင္း
ေဖ်ာက္၍လုိက္ပါၿပီ
ဗထူး။ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၉။ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.yoma3.org/news/2007/september/290907yangon_afternoon.html
ညအခ်ိန္ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းဝင္စီး၍
ျပည္သူမ်ားကိုပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့
႐ုိးမ ၃။ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၉၊
၂၀၀၇ http://www.yoma3.org/news/2007/september/290907yangon_dawpon.html
“ညက (၁၀) နာရီ (၃၅) မွာ ၀င္တာ၊ ေတာ္ေတာ္ကို ၾကမ္းၾကမ္းတမ္းတမ္းပဲ၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ သဒၵါ႐ုံ
လမ္းေပၚက (၂) ရပ္ကြက္က လူ ၅၀ ေလာက္ရွိမယ္၊ ထြက္ေအာ္ေတာ့ ေသနတ္နဲ႔ကိုပစ္တာ၊
ဘယ္သူေတြ ထိသြားတယ္ဆိုတာေတာ့ မသိဘူး”ဟု (၂) ရပ္ကြက္တြင္ေနထိုင္သူတဦးက
ဆိုသည္။
http://www.yoma3.org/multiarticle/index.html
‘ဘာအမႈတဲ့လဲကြာ’
‘ကံေဆာင္လုိ႔ဆုိလားပဲ’
‘ဘာလဲဟ ကံေဆာင္တယ္ဆုိတာ’
‘က်ဳပ္လည္း ေသခ်ာမသိဘူး အစုိးရကပ္တဲ့ဆြမ္း မစားဘူးဆုိလားပဲ’
‘မင္းဥစၥာက ဆုိလားပဲခ်ည္းပါလား၊ ဆရာေတာ္ကေကာ’
‘ဘြဲ႔ေတာ့ က်ဳပ္လည္းမသိဘူး၊ စာေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္တတ္တယ္ဆုိလားပဲ’
x x x x x x x
“ေဆးလာ စစ္တာလား”
“မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ေနမေကာင္းတာ”
“ဘာေရာဂါမ်ားလည္းကြာ”
☼☼☼☼☼
မင္းဒင္
(၂၄၊ ၉၊ ၀၇)
http://www.yoma3.org/feature/index.html
(၁)
အဲဒီလုိပဲ ...
(၂)
ရွင္းပါတယ္၊ ဘယ္လုိေတြ႔ႏုိင္မွာလဲ…..
သူ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ပုံရတယ္။
ရွစ္ဆယ့္ရွစ္ကုိ တစုံတရာလႊတ္ေပး၊
အဲဒါေတြအကုန္လုပ္တယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္…..
ႀကံတုိင္းမျဖစ္ေတာ့ သူဘယ္ေလာက္စိတ္ဆုိးလုိက္မလဲ။
ဆုိးေပေတာ့။
(၃)
လမ္းေတြေပၚမွာ အသက္ပါေပးခဲ့ၿပီးၿပီ
သူ သိသိသာသာကုိ တုန္လႈပ္ေျခာက္ျခားလာတယ္။
(၄)
“၁၉ ႏွစ္ရွိခဲ့ပါၿပီ
က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ဟာ ျပန္ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။
၁၉ ႏွစ္ရွိခဲ့ေပမယ့္
ဒီပြဲမွာပဲ…..
ဒီဆုံး႐ႈံးမႈကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ရေအာင္
ၾကက္သီးထေလာက္တဲ့ ေျပာဆုိခ်က္ေတြပါ။
(၅)
လူထုဆႏၵျပပြဲေတြဟာ ရပ္လုိ႔မရေတာ့ဘူး။
တစ္စက္ကေန တမ်က္ႏွာျဖစ္လာေနၾကၿပီ။
(၆)
“ဒါေတြကုိ ဘယ္သူဖန္တီးတာလဲ”
“ဒါေတြကုိ ဘယ္သူေျမႇာက္ေပးတာလဲ”
NLD က ေျမႇာက္ေပးတယ္၊
ဒီလုိဆုိလာတယ္။
ဒါကို ၾကည့္လုိက္ရင္ပဲ …
(၇)
ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေတြကို ရမ္းေနၿပီ၊
ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားျပဳေကာ္မတီကို ရမ္းေနၿပီ၊
ႀကိဳက္သလုိရမ္းၿပီး ႀကိဳက္သလုိဆန္႔က်င္ပါေစ၊
သူ စိတ္တုိင္းက် က်စ္ပါေစ။
xxxxxxxxx
ဇြန္မႈိင္း
၆၊ ၉၊ ၂၀၀၇
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) aqmif;yg;rsm;twGJ – 12 55
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စစ္အစိုးရ ၿပိဳကြဲေနၿပီ
ေအာင္သူၿငိမ္း http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/ATN_Article.php
(၁)
လူ႔ယဥ္ေက်းမႈႀကီး ထိပ္တိုက္ေတြ႔ျခင္း
(၂)
စစ္တပ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုႏွင့္ အာဏာစီးဆင္းပံု လမ္းေၾကာင္း
ေအာင္သူၿငိမ္း
ဒီတခ်ီပဲ ညီေနာင္တို့ေရ
တင္းခံထားပါ။
အားလံုးကို ေလးစားဂုဏ္ျပဳပါတယ္။
အသက္ေပးသြားသူအားလံုးကို အေလးျပဳလွ်က္
ဘိုဘိုေက်ာ္ျငိမ္း
ဗန္းေမာ္ေထာင္မွာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား
အစာငတ္ခံ ဆႏၵျပေန
မ်ဳိးႀကီး (မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန)
စက္တင္ဘာလ ၂၉ ရက္၊ ၂ဝဝ၇ ခုႏွစ္။
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/detail.php?news_id=622&cat=7011
ေဒၚဝင္းျမျမကို ဖမ္းဆီး
မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန
စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၉ ရက္၊ ၂ဝဝ၇ ခုႏွစ္
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/detail.php?news_id=623&cat=7011
(၂)
(၃)
(၄)
ေနာက္တခုကေတာ့ လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္မႈပါ။
၁၉၉၀ခုႏွစ္မွာ စတင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့တဲ့ “စီးပြားေရးဦးပိုင္ လီမိတတ္” ရဲ႕ လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈပါ။
စစ္တပ္က စီးပြားေရးမွာ ၀င္ေရာက္လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္မႈပါပဲ။ စစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႕ အာဏာစီးဆင္းမႈ
စာရင္းအရ နံပါတ္ (၃-၄) အဆင့္ ရွိတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးတဦးက ဦးပိုင္ရဲ့ ဥကၠ႒
အျဖစ္တာ၀န္ယူၿပီးလုပ္ပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ေတြက လီမိတက္ရဲ႕ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြပါ။
`မ´ တည္အရင္းအႏွီးက ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ႕ ဘ႑ာေငြနဲ႔ စပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ဘ႑ာေငြဆုိတာက
သိၾကတဲ့အတုိင္း ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ အခြန္ဘ႑ာ ေတြပါ။ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ခံစားၾကရတာကေတာ့
စစ္တပ္ရဲ့ ေဆြေတာ္ မ်ဳိးေတာ္တသင္းပါပဲ။
ကိုးကား....
-၂၀၀၁၊ ၀၂ ဦးပုိင္လီမိတက္ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစီရင္ခံစာ
- စီအာပီပီ၏ တႏွစ္ျပည့္ အစီရင္ခံစာ
-ေက်ာ္၀င္း၏ ႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၏ဓန
- ၁၉၉၆ ခုႏွစ္ ၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလထုတ္ ဓနမဂၢဇင္းတြင္ပါရွိသည့္ စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္မ်ားစကား၀ုိင္း
မွတ္ဥာဏ္နည္းတဲ့ လူလိမ္မ်ား.....
(၁)
ငါးပါးသီလထဲမွာ ...
သူ႔အသက္ကို သတ္လား စစ္အုပ္စုက မေရွာင္ၾကဥ္။ သတ္ပါတယ္။
သူမ်ားသားမယားအေပၚ ကာမေဖာက္ျပန္က်ဴးလြန္သလား တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ား မျငင္းႏုိင္။
စစ္ေၾကာင္းမ်ားက တုိင္းရင္းသူ ပ်ဳိပ်ဳိအိုအို အားလံုးအား အဓမၼလိင္ဆက္ဆံၾကပါတယ္။
သူတပါး ပစၥည္းအား သေဘာမတူ မၾကည္ျဖဴပါပဲ ခိုး၀ွက္လုယူပါသလား ေမးမေနနဲ႔။ ေျမယာဧက
ေထာင္ေသာင္း တုိ႔အား လယ္သမားမ်ားထံက အဓမၼလုယူပါတယ္။
အရက္ေသစာ ဘိန္းဘင္းကေဇာ္ကိစၥကေတာ့ ေျပာမေနပါနဲ႔တာ့။
(၂)
(၃)
တာ၀န္ရွိသည့္ ပုဂၢဳိလ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည္။”
ဒီေတာ့ ၁/၉၀ရဲ႕ ေဖာ္ျပခ်က္ေတြကိုပဲ စစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႕ ကတိစကားေတြလို႔ အတိယူၿပီး
ၾကည့္ရေအာင္ပါ။
ကိုးကား .....
သံဃာႎႀင့္လူထုကို အာဏာပိုင္မဵား၏
အဳကမ္းဖက္ႎႀိမ္နင္းမႁမဵား
2007.09.28
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/09/28/brutal_crackdowns_in_rangoon/
စကၤာပူျမန္မာသံ႐ုံးေရွ႕တြင္
အတုိက္အခံဒီမုိကရက္မွ ရက္ရွည္ဆႏၵျပ
ေက်ာ္ထင္(ထုိင္း) / ၁ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/1-10-07_a.php
မစၥတာအီဘရာဟင္ ဂမ္ဘာရီ
နအဖကိုေထာက္ခံသည့္ တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရကို
တ႐ုတ္ျပည္သူမ်ားက စတင္ေ၀ဖန္လာ
NEJ/ ၁ ေအာက္တိုဘာ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/1-10-
07_b.php
http://www.hittaing.org/feature/
တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ နား၊ မ်က္စိ၊ ပါးစပ္ ဆိုတဲ႕ စာေပ၊ မီဒီယာလဲ သူတို႕ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးေတြ ထိုင္ၿပီး
စီစစ္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာ ဘယ္ေနရာမွ မၾကားဘူးတဲ႕ဟာကို…… တို႕လိုခ်င္က တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ နား၊
မ်က္ေစ႕၊ ပါးစပ္ေတြဖြင္႕ေပးပါ၊ ေရးခ်င္တဲ႕ သူကလည္းေရး ထုတ္ခ်င္တဲ႕သူေတြကလဲထုတ္
ေျပာခ်င္တဲ႕ သူကလဲေျပာ ဒါေတြမမွန္ဘူးလား။ သူမ်ားႏိုင္ငံေတြလိုပဲ တရားစြဲေပါ႕၊ အခုဟာက
သူတို႕ကိုယ္၌ က ဥပေဒစိုးမိုးမႈ မဲ့ေနတာ၊ မင္းတုန္းမင္းလက္ထက္က သက္ဦးဆံပိုင္စနစ္မွာေတာင္
ဘုရင္ကေျပာခဲ႕ေသးတာပဲ။ သတင္းစာ ဆရာႀကီးဘိုး၀ဇီရကို “ငါမေကာင္း ငါ့ေရး၊ ငါ့မိဖုရား
မေကာင္း ငါ႕မိဖုရားကိုေရး” ဆိုၿပီး ေျပာခဲ့ေသးတယ္ မဟုတ္လား၊ ဒီလိုလြတ္လပ္ခြင္႕ ညြန္ျပတဲ႕
ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြက်ေတာ့ ေထာင္ခ်ထားတယ္။ ဒီလိုဆို ဘုန္းႀကီးအျမင္ေတာ့ ဒီႏိုင္ငံေတာ႕
ပ်က္စီးသြားၿပီ။ သူတို႕လည္း အခုထိ သတိတရား မရၾကေသးဘူး။
By Larry Jagan (Larry Jagan previously covered Burma politics for the British
Broadcasting Corp. He is currently a freelance journalist based in Bangkok. )
BANGKOK ? Burma's protests have lost steam as security forces clamp down, killing
over a dozen and arresting as many as 1,000 people involved in the recent street
protests that have grabbed global headlines. Now there are indications that the ruling
State Peace and Development Council's (SPDC's) top two generals are at
loggerheads over how to proceed in the aftermath of the crackdown.
General Than Shwe, the SPDC's top general, personally gave the orders to the local
commanders in Rangoon to shoot into the crowd, a military source told Asia Times
Online. "The two main commanders in Rangoon have told their subordinates that the
senior general directly ordered the attack last week," he said. That shoot-to-kill policy
has backfired on the junta, with international condemnation coming from the West as
well as neighboring countries included in the 10-member Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Burma is a member.
United Nations special envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari met with detained
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Sunday and is reportedly now pressing to
meet with both Than Shwe and Maung Aye. So far the SPDC leadership has
declined to meet with the UN envoy, perhaps, some analysts speculate, precisely
because the top two generals now view the next steps in dealing with the crisis
differently.
"If the current crackdown results in more bloodshed, a mutiny within the 400,000-
strong armed forces is a distinct possibility," said Win Min, a Burma analyst based in
Chiang Mai, Thailand. "Family members of the grassroots soldiers are suffering from
increasing food and fuel prices like the people who are demonstrating, though top
level officers are getting amazingly rich."
Indeed, there have already been notable instances of a breakdown in the chain of
command, according to diplomats. On September 20, for still unclear reasons
security forces positioned at the barricades blocking access to Aung San Suu Kyi's
house allowed marching monks to pass and pray in front of the house, an episode
that was widely reported worldwide. The following day, however, another group of
monks bidding to pass her compound was turned away by a larger number of
security personnel.
On Saturday, Maung Aye personally took control of the operations in Rangoon and
he reportedly posted soldiers with sub-machine guns at the entrance to University
Avenue where Suu Kyi is under house arrest.
It is unclear if the apparent divergent views between the SPDC's top two generals
have resulted in a full-blown rift. But there are signs that Than Shwe fears a possible
internal military power play, similar to the one in 1992 that resulted in his rise to
power.
Maung Aye apparently believes the use of the civilian organization, the Union
Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), to control the crowds is damaging
the army's authority and threatens even broader instability, according to a source
close to his family. Plainclothes USDA members have used crude weapons and
taken the lead in brutally assaulting and detaining protestors. Notably, the
organization is the brainchild of Than Shwe, which he helped to establish in 1993 to
create the illusion of grassroots support for the military's civilian programs and has
relied on in the past to crack down on political opposition.
Key opposition figures, among them actors, artists, journalists and writers, including
even the renowned comedian Zargana, have also been detained. Most of the leading
members of Suu Kyi's pro-democracy party, the National League for Democracy
(NLD), have likewise been arrested in recent days.
While there is a lull in the street protests at present, with both the military and
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protestors apparently regrouping and reorganizing, there is little doubt that a major
movement to overthrow the military regime is in the making. While the monks were
the leading force in recent weeks, former and current activists and student leaders
are now reportedly organizing behind the scenes.
Senior monks and students recently formed a joint "strike committee" to lead future
demonstrations. "We are going for it, this is our time. We have to take this chance
now as there may never be another one," a senior former student leader recently told
Asia Times Online from hiding inside the country. "The students will support the
monks' peaceful protests," he said.
After weeks of mainly peaceful protests led by the monks, the regime finally dropped
their policy of restraint last week and hit back, killing at least 13 and injuring many
more. Dusk-to-dawn curfews are now in place in Rangoon and Mandalay and more
than 20,000 troops have been deployed in the former capital. Soldiers are stationed
outside Buddhist monasteries and temples to prevent the monks from returning to
the streets and they have reportedly been warned that they would be shot if they
ignored the warning.
Up until a week ago the monks had been primarily protesting against the local
authorities' use of violence to quell an earlier march near Mandalay, where several
monks were badly beaten by violent vigilantes wielding sticks. All along, though, the
monks have also been calling on the government to reduce prices, supporting the
first of the public protests that broke out more than a month ago after the
government raised certain fuel charges by up to 500%.
"They know better than anyone the impact the rising fuel and food prices is having
on the people at the grassroots," said Burma analyst Aung Naing Oo, noting that
monks rely on the donation of daily alms for their survival. "They understand that this
has become harder and harder, especially over the last two years. What they used to
collect from four or five houses, now takes more than 30," he said.
But Buddhist monks are now clearly in the political vanguard, depending on which
monks you listen to, alternatively for national reconciliation, dialogue between the
military and the political opposition National League for Democracy, or outright
regime change through popular protests. The fact that the Buddhist clergy has
recently taken on such an overt political role is exceptional.
After the military first assaulted monks near Mandalay, a new group emerged known
as the All Burma Monks Alliance, which represents a younger, more radical segment
of the Buddhist clergy. They have since urged ordinary people "to struggle peacefully
against the evil military dictatorship until it is banished from the land".
"Normally monks are not political," said Win Min, based at Chiang Mai University in
northern Thailand. "They focus on their individual enlightenment according to
traditional Buddhism. What is happening now shows that the situation has reached
the point where they can no longer tolerate it."
So far Suu Kyi's NLD has been a bystander and her members seemingly uninvolved
in organizing the spontaneous monk-led marches. But the charismatic leader is
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known to have strong support among the protesting monks and she would seem to
be the key to any potential political settlement to the recent unrest.
Than Shwe is known to harbor a strong personal grudge against her and he would
likely be unwilling to enter into any compromise that shared power with her NLD. The
wildcard is whether another military faction inside the SPDC views things differently
and might be willing to take the chance of trying to remove their recalcitrant leader
for their own political gain.
“ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးႏွင့္
တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္မ်ားအား ဂုဏ္ျပဳျခင္း”
ရဲေဘာ္ႏိုင္http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/october_2007/2-7-07_yaebawnaing.php
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ႏွင့္
ဒုကၡခံစားေနရသည္မဟုတ္ဘဲ အလုပ္အကိုင္ရွားပါးျခင္း၊ စီးပြားေရးက်ပ္တည္းျခင္းတို႔ေၾကာင့္
ဘ၀ရွင္သန္ေရးအတြက္ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာလူငယ္မ်ား အိမ္နီးနားျခင္းႏိုင္ငံတြင္
ရရာအလုပ္ လုပ္ေနၾကသည္။ ထိုႏိုင္ငံအိမ္ရွင္တို႔၏ သားမယားျပဳျခင္း၊ ပုလိပ္ႏွင့္ လူဆိုးမ်ား
အႏိုင္က်င့္ျခင္းတို႔ေၾကာင့္ မိန္းကေလးမ်ားစြာ ဘ၀ပ်က္ခဲ့ရသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံျခား ေရာက္သူတို႔မွာ
မိဘေသ၊ ေဆြမ်ဳိးေသလည္း အိမ္မျပန္ႏိုင္ၾကေၾကာင္း။ အျပန္လြယ္သေလာက္ အလာခက္သည္။
ေငြကုန္ေၾကးက်မ်ားၿပီး အႏၱရာယ္လည္းမ်ားသည္။ ကား၀မ္းထဲတြင္ ပိတ္က်ပ္၍ မႊန္ၿပီးေသသူ၊
ကုန္ကားကို မသကၤာ၍ စူးႏွင့္ထိုးခံရသျဖင့္ ေသသူ အမ်ားအျပားရွွိသည္။ ျပည္တြင္း မွာလည္း
ကုန္ေစ်းႏႈန္းႀကီးျမင့္မႈေၾကာင့္ အေနဆင္းရဲ၊ အစားဆင္းရဲ ဒုကၡႀကံဳေတြ႔ေနရသည္ကို ေန႔စဥ္ႏွင့္အမွ်
ျပည္သူတို႔၏ ရင္ဖြင့္သံႏွင့္ အေမးအေျဖလုပ္ရာတြင္ သိရသည္။ ယင္းဒုကၡ အလံုးစုံ တို႔သည္
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) aqmif;yg;rsm;twGJ – 12 89
ppftmPm&Sifpepf wdkufzsufa&;onf trsdK;om;a&;wm0efjzpfonf/
တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးေပါင္းစုံ မေလးရွားတြင္
ဆႏၵျပ
ေက်ာ္ထင္(ထုိင္း) / ၂ ေအာက္တုိဘာ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/2-10-07_b.php
နအဖစစ္တပ္မွ ဗိုလ္မႉးတဦး
ေကအန္အယ္လ္ေအသို႔ လာေရာက္ပူးေပါင္း
NEJ / ၂ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/2-10-07_c.php
နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ျမန္မာသံအမတ္ကို
ၾသစေၾတးလ်လက္မခံ
AP/Radio New Zealand/ ၂ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/2-10-07_d.php
သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုက
ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေသာနည္းလမ္းျဖင့္
တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ႏိုင္ေရး အဆင့္ ထပ္မံတိုးျမႇင့္
NEJ / ၂ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/2-10-
07_e.php
အဆင့္ (၁) အျဖစ္ စက္တင္ဘာ (၂၃) မွ (၂၅) အထိ ညစဥ္ (၈) နာရီတိတိမွ (၁၅) မိနစ္တိတိ
ေမတၱာပို႔စာပိုဒ္ ႏွစ္ပိုဒ္ကို ႐ြတ္ဆိုရန္ သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုမွ ႏိႈးေဆာ္စာထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသုိ႔ေရာက္ရွိေနသည့္ ကုလသမဂၢအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္
၏ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ မစၥတာ အီဘရာဟင္ ဂမ္ဘာရီသည္ ယေန႔ နအဖ
စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊနွင့္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္၌ ေတြ႔ဆံုေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္မွလာေသာ
ေအပီသတင္းတြင္ေဖာ္ျပသည္။
ၾကည့္႐ႈေလ့လာသြားေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕၏ ေသြးစြန္းေသာေန႔
ၾကည္ေ၀ | စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၈၊ ၂၀၀၇
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/articles2007/September/06.html
ငရဲေခြးႀကီးမ်ား လြတ္ေနသည္
ေအာင္ေဇာ္ | ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၊
၂၀၀၇http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/articles2007/October/01.html
Sources say the recent protests have tested unity among Myanmar's military rulers [Reuters]
From the outside, the crackdown by Myanmar's rulers against anti-government protests gives the
appearance that the military is united in its response to dissent.
But Al Jazeera has learnt that a power struggle may be taking place at the highest-levels of the regime,
between Senior General Than Shwe and his second in command, Maung Aye.
Than Shwe has been head of state since 1992, but almost all of Myanmar's 50 million people have
never heard him speak.
For years this shadowy leader has managed to neutralise all threats to his rule.
That aura of mystery and fear took a blow in 2006, when images of his daughter's wedding were leaked
on the internet.
Video footage showed Thandar Shwe, the grinning bride, covered in glittering jewels and gold cloth,
receiving gifts worth tens of millions of dollars.
Guests were seen enjoying champagne fountains and an elaborate feast - extravagant scenes in one of
the poorest nations in South-East Asia.
Heavy pressure
Second-in-command to Than Shwe is General Maung Aye, vice chairman of the State Peace and
Development Council, the military's self-styled government of Myanmar.
Sources say his supporters wanted him to take direct control of Yangon, to crush the recent protests -
effectively sidelining Than Shwe.
But Maung Aye is reported to have been "too hesitant". In the end he didn't take action, despite heavy
pressure.
Now Maung Aye is possibly in danger - as Than Shwe considers him a threat to his leadership.
In 2004 the then prime minister, General Khin Nyunt, was suddenly retired from office and immediately
placed under house arrest.
What happened exactly is unclear, but Khin Nyunt was seen by some observers as among the more
pragmatic figures in the military – a position that hardliners such as Than Shwe saw as a threat to the
military's iron-grip on power.
'Insular regime'
Myanmar's government is a deeply secretive and insular regime – its officials clearly believe their own
propaganda about self-reliance and rejecting foreign interference.
A leaked video of Than Shwe's daughter's lavish wedding damaged the regime
They blame the United States for Myanmar's problems and tend to see the United Nations as
Washington's instrument.
"The United States of America interfered in Iraq's affairs by misusing the United Nations," Brigadier-
General Kyaw Hsan, Myanmar's information minister told Al Jazeera, reading from a carefully prepared
statement during a visit last year.
The ruling generals want their legacy to compare with Myanmar's ancient empires.
But in the wake of the recent protests - the strongest challenge to the ruling generals in almost two
decades - there are deep disagreements within the bureaucracy over how to proceed.
Professor Bridget Welsh, an expert on Southeast Asian affairs at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore
in the US, says that could be crucial.
"Not everybody in the military needs to be written off," she told Al Jazeera.
"There needs to be dialogue with different parts of the military and that's another key step as we move
forward."
Source: Al Jazeera
............ ..
BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) - One hundred shot dead outside a Myanmar school. Activists burned alive
at government crematoriums. Buddhist monks floating face down in rivers.
After last week's brutal crackdown by the military, horror stories are filling Myanmar blogs and dissident
sites. But the tight security of the repressive regime makes it impossible to verify just how many people
are dead, detained or missing.
``There are huge difficulties. It's a closed police state,'' said David Mathieson, a consultant with Human
Rights Watch in Thailand. ``Many of the witnesses have been arrested and are being held in areas we
don't have access to. Other eyewitness are too afraid.''
``We do believe the death toll is higher than acknowledged by the government,' ' Shari Villarosa, the top
U.S. diplomat in Myanmar, told The Associated Press Monday. ``We are doing our best to get more
precise, more detailed information, not only in terms of deaths but also arrests.''
Villarosa said her staff had visited up to 15 monasteries around Yangon and every single one was
empty. She put the number of arrested demonstrators - monks and civilians - in the thousands.
``I know the monks are not in their monasteries, '' she said. ``Where are they? How many are dead?
How many are arrested?''
She said the true death toll may never be known in a Buddhist country where bodies are cremated.
``We're not going to find graves like they did in Yugoslavia ... We have seen few dead
bodies. The bodies are removed promptly. We don't know where they are being taken,''
Villarosa said.
Dissident groups have been collecting accounts from witnesses and the families of victims, and
investigating reports of dead bodies turning up at hospitals and cemeteries in and around Yangon.
The U.S. Campaign For Burma, a Washington-based pro-democracy group, says more than 100
people were killed in downtown Yangon after truckloads of government troops fired automatic weapons
last Thursday at thousands of demonstrators. It also claims that 100 students and parents were killed
the same day at a high school in Tamwe, in northeastern Yangon, after troops shot at them as school
let out.
The Democratic Voice of Burma, a Norway-based dissident news organization, has received reports of
soldiers burning protesters alive at the Yae Way cemetery crematorium on the outskirts of Yangon. The
group also shot video Sunday of a dead monk, badly beaten and floating face down in a Yangon river.
The Democratic Voice of Burma has put the death toll at 138, based on a list compiled by the 88
Student Generation, a pro-democracy group operating in Myanmar.
``This 138 figure is quite credible because it's based on names of victims,'' Aye Chan Naing, the chief
editor, told the AP Monday. ``I also think the figure is accurate because of the pictures coming from
inside Burma. The way they were shooting into the crowds with machine guns means dozens of people
could have died.''
The Democratic Voice of Burma also estimates that about 6,000 demonstrators - including at least
1,400 monks from seven now-empty monasteries - are being held at makeshift detention centers set up
at universities, old factories and a race track in Yangon. There are already an estimated 1,100 political
prisoners languishing in Myanmar's jails.
The military junta did not respond to AP requests for comment Monday. It is impossible to
independently verify the death toll because Myanmar is virtually off limits to journalists.
Lars Bromley of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in Washington said his
agency has ordered up satellite images of four Myanmar cities, including Yangon, since the crackdown.
He said satellite imagery - along with clear skies and exact locations from witnesses - could help locate
massacre sites, and also give some sense of the military presence around cities and monasteries.
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) aqmif;yg;rsm;twGJ – 12 105
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``If there are several suspected burial sites, we could help narrow it down or identity the site,'' said
Bromley, who last week identified evidence that Myanmar's military destroyed border villages and
forcibly relocated ethnic minorities in eastern Myanmar last year. ``But we need a little information to go
on.''
Most analysts said the fallout from the protests was not surprising, given the regime's history of
brutality. It may be impossible to ever verify how many people are dead or detained.
``We cannot say exactly and we are unlikely to know for sure,'' Win Hlaing of the dissident group
National League for Democracy-Liberated Area said of the death toll. ``(But) the junta never declares
the real number of people killed.''
Myanmar's military also opened fire on the country's 1988 democratic uprising. Human Rights Watch
estimates that at least 3,000 protesters were killed, but other reports cite up to 10,000. The media,
diplomats and activists have been denied access to documents that could shed light on the shootings.
And so, to this day, the exact death toll remains shrouded in secrecy.
BEIJING, Oct 1 (IPS) - Jarring against a dearth of official news about the turmoil in Burma, the
‘Southern Weekend’ -- one of China’s more liberal official newspapers -- has chosen to run a lengthy
feature about an ethnic Chinese entrepreneur striking it rich in the jade business in that neighbouring
country.
But the feature was curiously apt. Describing the country as the "jade kingdom on earth"
where fortune is easily made as long as one is hard-working, the article effectively
perpetuated a centuries-old perception here of Burma here as a country of riches from which
successive Chinese dynasties commanded a tribute.
Tellingly, the weekender article steered around Burma’s current state of turmoil and the brutal
suppression by the military junta of peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks.
The event eerily resembles China’s own suppression, in 1989, of student-led democracy protests. And
it comes at a time when Beijing is preparing to hold the 17th congress of its ruling Communist Party and
is wary of anything could jeopardise the country’s fragile social stability.
However much the official Chinese press chooses to ignore popular calls for political change in Burma,
China’s rulers have a long history of involvement in the country’s fortunes and hold a unique capacity to
influence its future.
Going back 800 years to the Yuan Dynasty, the Mongol rulers of China invaded Burma three times.
There were two more invasions by the succeeding Ming Dynasty. And under the sway of the last
imperial dynasty, the Qing, Burma came to be regarded as a vassal state whose kings were regularly
sending tributary missions to Beijing along with gifts of elephants.
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) aqmif;yg;rsm;twGJ – 12 106
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This traditional patron-vassal relationship became fiercely ideological under the reign of China’s
communist Chairman Mao Zedong (1949-1976) when Beijing wanted to establish itself as the leader of
a world revolution and take over the leadership of the communist movement from Moscow.
Under Mao, China financed and trained long-running insurgencies over the whole of South-east Asia. In
Burma, it supported the now defunct Burmese Communist Party, which several times came close to
winning power.
Over the years the Chinese grew to dominate Burmese trade in many commodities, including rice.
Resentment sometimes exploded into anti-Chinese riots. Chinese shops and warehouses were
ransacked and Chinese homes burnt down.
Such anti-Chinese riots gave China an excuse to invade Burma in 1968. In an undeclared war, that was
little noticed because it took place during the Tet offensive in Vietnam, Beijing sent 30,000 heavily
armed troops who rapidly occupied swaths of the country and forced the government of Gen. Ne Win to
negotiate.
But the effort to spearhead a communist revolution across the region and the cost of subsidising large-
scale insurgencies like that in Burma had exhausted communist China -- itself impoverished and
starving.
The death of Mao in 1976 signalled the end of an era of ideological crusades and failed industrial
campaigns. China assumed a low profile in international affairs and concentrated on rebuilding relations
and gaining an economic foothold in the region.
Since 1990 China has been the only big country backing the military junta that rules Burma, supplying it
with aid and arms. Observers reckon Beijing has provided the generals with more than two billion
dollars worth of arms and ammunition. In return, China has received teak and gems, promises of
Burma’s oil and gas reserves through a planned pipeline and access to a large market for its cheap
consumer goods.
Around a million Chinese are said to have migrated to Burma, dealing in trade, constructing dams and
laying a road that, when ready, will stretch from the Chinese border across Burma to its shores. Isolated
by western countries, Burma’s rulers have become ever more dependent on trade with China. Two-way
trade doubled between 1999 and 2005 to 1.2 billion US dollars.
Protecting its investments and business interests, China has also come to play the role of Burma’s
staunchest supporter at the United Nations. It has consistently resisted action against Rangoon,
insisting that its behind-the-scenes political negotiations work better with the regime than imposing
sanctions.
While the international community deplored the bloodshed in Rangoon and other cities last week, China
blocked calls for a strong statement condemning Burma’s repressive actions. China’s U.N. ambassador
Wang Guangya told the media afterwards that the situation in Burma did not "constitute a threat to
international and regional peace", the formal threshold needed for Security Council action.
Yet despite appearances of inaction on Beijing’s part, foreign diplomats here believe China would seek
to exert pressure on the Burmese military to prevent a repetition of the 1988 massacre, when 3,000
peaceful protesters were killed by the army.
The approach of the 2008 Beijing Olympics has brought heightened international scrutiny on China and
its leaders are loath to see the preparations marred by any association with a Burmese massacre that
some are already calling the "Asian Darfur".
In meetings with Burmese leaders last month, Chinese diplomats were unusually forthright about the
possibility of violent suppression of peaceful protests that were gathering momentum in Rangoon and
other cities.
"China, as a friendly neighbour of Myanmar (Burma’s formal name as used by the junta), sincerely
hopes Myanmar would restore internal stability as soon as possible, properly handle issues and actively
promote national reconciliation, " the Xinhua News agency quoted state councillor Tang Jiaxuan as
telling visiting junta leader Gen. Than Shwe.
(END/2007)
ယာေတာကသာေဴဗာ - သံဃာသရဏံဂစၥာမိ ဳက
မဵက္ေမႀာက္ေရးရာ - သူတိုႛအာေဘာ္
Tuesday, 02 October 2007 http://moemaka.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=585&Itemid=1
သံဃာသရဏံဂစၥာမိ ဳကေပေတာ့ …
ယာေတာကသာေဴဗာ
ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၊ ၂၀၀၇
ကိုဟိုဒင္းေရ …
လူကိုေခၾးသတ္တာသာမက သံဃာကိုေခၾးသတ္တာပၝ ကဵေနာ္တိုႛေတၾႛေနဳကရ႓ပီဗဵာ။
ဗမာဴပည္သမိုင္းမႀာ အဆိုးဆံုးအဴဖစ္ကို ကဵေနာ္တိုႛမဵက္ဴမင္ကိုယ္ေတၾႛ
ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရတာပၝလားဗဵာ။ ဒၝဗမာႎိုင္ငံမႀ ဟုတ္ပၝေလစ၊ ၂၁ရာစုမႀ ဟုတ္ပၝေလစ … လိုႛ
ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကို အ႒ကိမ္႒ကိမ္ ဴပန္ေမးေနမိေတာ့တယ္။
အဂႆလိပ္ကိုလိုနီအစိုးရလက္ထက္ ၁၉၃၆ခုႎႀစ္၊ မႎၨေလးအာဇာနည္ (၁၇)ဦး အေရးအခင္းမႀာ
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) aqmif;yg;rsm;twGJ – 12 108
ppftmPm&Sifpepf wdkufzsufa&;onf trsdK;om;a&;wm0efjzpfonf/
အရႀင္ဉာဏိက - လၾတ္လပ္တဲ့သူ
လၾတ္လပ္တဲ့သူ
အရႀင္ဉာဏိက
စက္တင္ဘာ ၃၀၊ ၂၀၀၇
“Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death”.
American Revolutionary War တနည္းအားဴဖင့္ American War of Independence လုိႛ
မႀတ္တမ္းတင္ဳကတဲ့ အေမရိကန္ႎုိင္ငံ လၾတ္လပ္ေရးတုိက္ပၾဲ ၀င္စဥ္ကာလက "ပစ္ထရစ္ ဟင္နရီ"
ေဴပာဳကားတဲ့ စကားတစ္ခၾန္းပၝ။ ကမၲာအရပ္ရပ္ရႀိ လၾတ္လပ္ေရးအတၾက္ တုိက္ပၾဲ၀င္ေနဳကတဲ့
ေတာ္လႀန္ေရးသမားမဵားအားလုံး၊ အဖိႎႀိပ္ခံလူထုအေရး အသက္ေသၾးေခ႗း စေတးေပးဆပ္ကာ
ေတာင္းဆုိေနဳကတဲ့သူေတၾ အားလုံး ဒီစကားကုိ ဳကားဖူးဳကမႀာပၝ။
ဴမန္မာဴပည္ကုိ အဂႆလိပ္အုပ္စုိးစဥ္ကလည္း "က႗န္သေပၝက္တစ္ေယာက္အဴဖစ္
အသက္ရႀင္ေနရတာထက္ ေသရတာမႀ ဴမတ္ေသးတယ္" ရယ္လုိႛ လၾတ္လပ္ေရးအတၾက္
တုိက္ပၾဲ၀င္စိတ္ဓာတ္နဲႛ ဴမန္မာ့အာဇာနည္ သူရဲေကာင္းမဵားလည္း အလားတူစကားမဵႂိးကုိ
ေဴပာခဲ့ဖူးဳကပၝတယ္။
ငယ္စဥ္က သမုိင္းစာအုပ္ထဲမႀာ ဒီစကားမဵားကုိ ဖတ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဘာေဳကာင့္
ေတာ္လႀန္ေရးေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾက ဒီစကားမဵႂိးေဴပာခဲ့ဳကတာလဲ။ လၾတ္လပ္မႁဆုိတာ
ဘ၀ရပ္တည္မႁအတၾက္ ဘယ္ေလာက္အေရး႒ကီးလုိႛ ခုလုိစကားမဵႂိးကုိ ဆုိခဲ့ဳကတာပၝလဲ။
အဲဒီတုန္းကေတာ့ ဴပည့္ဴပည့္၀၀ နားမလည္ခဲ့ပၝဘူး။ သုိႛေပမယ့္ ဒီစကားထဲမႀာ
ခၾန္အားတစ္ခုခုပၝေနသလုိပဲ ဆုိတာကုိေတာ့ ခံစားခဲ့မိတယ္။ က႗န္ဴဖစ္ရတာ မေကာင္းဘူး
ဆုိတာေလာက္ေတာ့ နားလည္ခဲ့တယ္။ အရၾယ္ရလာလုိႛ အသိဉာဏ္ရင့္လာတာနဲႛအမ႖ ဒီစကားကုိ
ပုိမုိနားလည္လာတယ္။
http://www.theage.com.au/news/world/web-of-cash-power-and-
cronies/2007/09/28/1190486569946.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap2
Much attention is placed on China and its coming hosting of the Olympic Games as a
diplomatic pressure point on the rampant Burmese junta. But there is a group of government
businessmen-technocrats in Singapore who will also be closely monitoring the brutality in
Rangoon. And, were they so inclined, their influence could go a long way to limiting the
misery being inflicted on Burma's 54 million people.
Collectively known as "Singapore Inc", they gather around the $A150 billion state-owned
investment house Temasek Holdings, controlled by a member of the ruling Lee family.
With an estimated $A3 billion staked in the country (and a more than $20 billion stake in
Australia), Singapore Inc companies have been some of the biggest investors in and
supporters of Burma's military junta — this while its Government, on the rare times it is
asked, suggests a softly-softly diplomatic approach towards the junta.
When it comes to Burma, Singapore pockets the high morals it likes to wave at the West
elsewhere. Singapore's one-time head of foreign trade once said as his country was building
links with Burma in the mid-1990s: "While the other countries are ignoring it, it's a good time
for us to go in … you get better deals, and you're more appreciated … Singapore's position is
not to judge them and take a judgemental moral high ground."
Withdraw that financial support and Burma's junta would be substantially weakened, perhaps
even fail. But after two decades of profitable business with the trigger-happy generals and
their cronies, that's about the last thing Singapore is likely to do. There's too much money to
be made.
Hotels, airlines, military materiel and training, crowd control equipment and sophisticated
telecoms-monitoring devices for its secret police — Singapore is manager and supplier to the
junta, and the "cronified" economy it controls.
It's impossible to spend any time in Burma and not make the junta richer, thanks to Singapore
suppliers' contracts with the tourism industry. Singapore's hospitals also keep Burma's leaders
alive — 74-year-old junta leader Than Shwe has been getting his intestinal cancer treated in a
Singapore government hospital, protected by Singapore security. Singapore's boutiques keep
junta wives and families cloaked in Armani, and its banks help launder their money and that
of Burma's crony drug lords.
Much of Singapore's activity in Burma has been documented by an analyst working in Prime
Minister John Howard's direct chain of command, in the Office of National Assessments.
Andrew Selth is recognised as an authority on the Burmese military. Now a research fellow at
Queensland's Griffith University, Mr Selth has written extensively on how close Singapore is
to the junta.
Often writing as "William Ashton" in the authoritative Jane's Intelligence Review, Mr Selth
has described in various articles how Singapore has sent the junta guns, rockets, armoured
personnel carriers and grenade launchers, some of it trans-shipped from stocks seized by
Israel from Palestinians in southern Lebanon.
Singaporean companies have provided computers and networking equipment for Burma's
defence ministry and army, while upgrading the bunkered junta's ability to network with
regional commanders — so crucial as protesting monks take to the streets of 20 Burmese
cities, causing major logistical headaches for the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military.
"Singapore cares little about human rights, in particular the plight of the ethnic and religious
minorities in Burma," Mr Selth writes.
"Having developed one of the region's most advanced armed forces and defence industrial
support bases, Singapore is in a good position to offer Burma a number of inducements which
other ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations) countries would find hard to
match."
Mr Selth says Singapore also provided the equipment for a "cyber war centre" to monitor
dissident activity while training Burma's secret police, whose sole job seems to be ensuring
pro-democracy groups are crushed.
Monitoring dissidents is an area where Singapore has particular expertise. After almost five
decades in power, the Lee family-controlled People's Action Party ranks behind only the
communists of China, Cuba and North Korea in leadership longevity, skilled in neutralising
opposition.
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"This centre is reported to be closely involved in the monitoring and recording of foreign and
domestic telecommunications, including the satellite telephone conversations of Burmese
opposition groups," Mr Selth writes.
He notes that Singapore's ambassadors to Burma have included a former senior Singapore
armed forces officer, and a past director of Singapore's defence-oriented Joint Intelligence
Directorate, people with a military background rather than professional diplomats.
He writes that after the 1988 crackdown, when the junta killed 3000 protesters, "the first
country to come to the regime's rescue was in fact Singapore".
When I interviewed Singapore Technologies chief executive Peter Seah at his office in
Singapore, I asked about the scale model of an armoured personnel carrier made by his
company on his office table. He said ST sold the vehicles "only to allies".
Does that include Burma, I asked, given that Singapore controversially helped sponsor the
military regime into ASEAN?
Mr Seah was non-specific: "We only sell to allies and we make sure they are responsible." He
didn't say how. ST and Temasek don't respond to questions about their activities in Burma.
Singapore is so close to Burma that one of its diplomats there wrote a handbook for its
business people there. Matthew Sim's Myanmar on my Mind is full of useful tips for
Singaporean business people in Burma. "A little money goes a long way in greasing the
wheels of productivity," he writes.
A chapter headed "Committing Manslaughter when Driving" describes the appropriate action
if a Singaporean businessman accidentally kills a Burmese pedestrian. "Firstly, the
international businessman could give the family of the deceased some money as
compensation and dissuade them from pressing charges. Secondly, he could pay a Myanmar
citizen to take the blame by declaring that he was the driver in the fatal accident. An
international businessman should not make the mistake of trying to argue his case in a court
of law when it comes to a fatal accident, even if he is in the right."
Mr Sim says many successful Myanmar businessmen have opened shell companies in
Singapore "with little or no staff, used to keep funds overseas". The companies are used to
keep business deals outside the control of Burma's central bank, enabling Singaporeans and
others to transact with Burma in Singapore.
He may be referring to junta cronies such as Tay Za and the drug lord Lo Hsing Han. Lo is an
ethnic Chinese, from Burma's traditionally Chinese-populated and opium-rich Kokang region
in the country's east, bordering China. He controls a massive heroin empire, and one of
Burma's biggest companies, Asia World, which the US Drug Enforcement Agency describes
as a front for his drug-trafficking. Asia World controls toll roads, industrial parks and trading
companies. Singapore is the Lo family's crucial window to the world, as it controls a number
of companies there. His son Steven, who has been denied a visa to the US because of his
links to the drug trade, married a Singaporean, Cecilia Ng, and the two reportedly control
Singapore-based trading house Kokang Singapore.
Tay Za, who is romantically linked to a daughter of junta leader Than Shwe, is also well
known in Singapore. He was prominent in the Singapore media last year, toasting the launch
of his airline Air Bagan with the head of Singapore's aviation authority. Dissident groups say
the trade-off for Tay Za's government business contracts in Burma is to fund junta leaders'
medical trips to Singapore.
Revolution in Myanmar
If the world acts in concert, the violence should be the last spasm of a vicious regime
in its death throes
Reuters"FEAR" , the lady used to say, "is a habit." This week, inspired in part by the
lady herself, Aung San Suu Kyi, partly by the heroic example set by Buddhist monks,
Myanmar's people kicked the addiction.
Defying the corrupt, inept, brutal generals who rule them, they took to the streets in
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ppftmPm&Sifpepf wdkufzsufa&;onf trsdK;om;a&;wm0efjzpfonf/
their hundreds of thousands to demand democracy. They knew they were risking a
bloody crackdown, like the one that put down a huge popular revolt in 1988, killing
3,000 people or more. In 1988 Burma's people were betrayed not just by the
ruthlessness of their rulers, but also by the squabbling and opportunism of the
outside world, which failed to produce a co-ordinated response and let the
murderous regime get away with it. This time, soldiers are once again shooting and
killing unarmed protesters (see article). Can the world avoid making the same
mistake twice?
In New York for the United Nations General Assembly, Western leaders, led by
George Bush, harangued the junta, and threatened yet more sanctions. They have
probably already shot their bolt. Western sanctions have been tried and have failed,
in part because Myanmar's neighbours have for years followed a different approach.
Its fellow members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations waffled about
"constructive engagement" while making economic hay in Myanmar from the West's
withdrawal. India, too, anxious about China's growing influence, and hungry for oil
and gas, has swallowed its democratic traditions and courted the generals.
Comrades-in- arms
China itself has built an ever-closer relationship. The two countries, after all, have a
lot in common beyond a shared border. Since the 1980s a wave of "people-power"
revolutions has swept aside tyrannies around the world. Mercifully few regimes, and
few armies, are willing to kill large numbers of their own people to stay in power. Two
big exceptions have been Myanmar and China, whose government in 1989 likewise
stayed in power through a massacre.
Yet it is China that now offers the best hope the outside world has of changing
Myanmar for the better. Admittedly, it is a thin hope. There are plenty of reasons to
doubt China's willingness to upset Myanmar's generals. China's traditional posture,
heard again this week, is to oppose any "interference in the internal affairs of another
country". It trots out this formula so often when foreigners criticise its own behaviour
that, even if it supports change, it is hard for it to utter more than platitudes, as it has
this month, about the desirability of a "democracy process that is appropriate for the
country".
China has also been the chief beneficiary of the partial Western boycott. Myanmar
offers two of the prizes China values most in its foreign friends: hydrocarbon
resources and a friendly army, willing to give it access to facilities on its coast on the
Bay of Bengal. China has become the junta's biggest commercial partner and
diplomatic supporter.
Nevertheless there are two reasons why China might now see its own interests as
best served by assisting a peaceful transition in Myanmar. The first is that China
wants stability on its borders, and it is becoming obvious that the junta cannot
provide it. The generals' economic mismanagement has helped reduce a country
blessed with rich resources to crippling poverty. Fleeing economic misery as much
as political oppression, up to 2m migrants from Myanmar are in Thailand. And it was
an economic grievance—a big, abrupt rise in fuel prices—that sparked the present
unrest.
The junta has at least succeeded in cobbling together ceasefire agreements with
most of the two dozen armed insurgencies lining its borders. But the price has been
lawless zones where banditry and illegal-drug production are rife. Myanmar's slice of
It is of course wrong to assume that China can dictate to Myanmar. In the generals'
deluded world-view, only they can preserve Myanmar's independence. They will take
orders from no other country. China's role is crucial, nonetheless. It must not blunt
the impact of measures taken by other countries and provide the junta with a shield
to fend off demands to do what it should.
That, at least, is easy to prescribe. It should stop shooting protesters; free all political
prisoners, including Miss Suu Kyi; scrap the constitutional guidelines drawn up by its
farcical "national convention"; and start serious talks with all groups, including Miss
Suu Kyi and her party. The aim of those talks should also be clear: to arrange a
transition to civilian, democratic rule. For their part, provided free and fair new
elections are held, Miss Suu Kyi and her party should not insist on the results of the
election they won in a landslide in 1990 being honoured. And, unpalatable as it is,
they should offer the generals whatever incentive they need to go quietly. This all
sounds a pipedream. It will certainly remain so if the outside world does not unite
around a set of demands, and agree on the sticks and carrots that might make deaf
old soldiers listen.
၀တ္ျပဳဆုေတာင္းပြဲမ်ားက်င္းပ၍
လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ျပန္လည္စတင္ရန္
သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား
စုေပါင္းေၾကညာ
NEJ/ ၃ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/3-10-
07_e.php
မစၥတာဂမ္ဘာရီ၏ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခရီးစဥ္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ထပ္မံေတြ႕ဆံုအဆံုးသတ္
NEJ/ ၃ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/3-10-
07_b.php
ဂမ္ဘာရီ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ
အစီရင္ခံစာျပင္ဆင္
ဉာဏ္ေမာင္။ ေအာက္တုိဘာ ၃၊
၂၀၀၇ http://www.yoma3.org/news/2007/october/gambari_trip.html
Even as Gambari was meeting the generals, security forces in Rangoon, nearly 400
km to the south, were tightening their steel grip over the city, continuing their raids on
city homes and reportedly sending arrested monks to detention camps far removed
from the former capital.
At least 2,000 monks and protesters are being detained in detention centers and
jails. No one knows their fate. Many could already have died from abuse, torture and
from the wounds they received during their clash with troops and police. Secret
military courts have sentenced an unknown number of monks to long terms of
imprisonment.
It’s clear that Gambari was in no position, and possessed no real authority, to
challenge the generals directly. He is just the latest in a line of UN special envoys
who, between then, have achieved absolutely nothing.
By sending them on futile missions to Burma, the UN has only raised false hopes
and has contributed to the generals’ grip on power.
On a previous visit to Burma, Gambari said the junta appeared ready to “turn a new
page.” It must have been a blank page. Arousing false hope in this way only helps
the generals survive.
The Burmese people are crushed by the junta and powerless to resist. But must this
mean that the UN is to remain powerless to help them?
Betrayed by their own government, the Burmese people are now betrayed by the
UN, from whom they can expect no help. Instead of being part of the solution to the
Burmese crisis, the UN is in reality part of the problem.
But the Burmese people’s struggle is not yet over. More blood will inevitably flow.
And Gambari, or whoever the UN sends on a next junket to Burma, will again be
seen shaking the blood-soaked hands of the generals.
Irrawaddy.org
http://www.irrawadd y.org/
UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari’s four-day shuttle diplomacy between Burma’s top
generals and the country’s detained democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi concluded on
Tuesday.
Several of the photographs of the special envoy’s meeting with Suu Kyi appeared in the
international media. In some of the photographs, her face expressed grave unhappiness and
sent a clear message to the world community: the generals' crack down on the Buddhist
monks’ peaceful demonstrations prove UN action on Burma is urgently needed.
In one photograph, Suu Kyi wore a yellow, traditional style blouse—the color represents
Buddha’s Sasana (the Order of Buddha). She shrewdly showed her support of the Buddhist
monks’ efforts to bring about peace and national reconciliation in the country.
Detained since May 2003, she had recently appeared in public wearing the same yellow dress
when she paid homage to protesting sons of Buddha who had gathered in front of her home to
chant the “Metta Sutta” (the Buddha’s words on loving kindness) on September 22.
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This time, there is no doubt that she, through the good office of the UN secretary-general,
would seek a way to bring about reconciliation in the country while the fear-driven generals
at Naypyidaw seek to deceive the world.
The six-week long protests have further diminished the generals' seven-step political road
map to democracy, which, in fact, is a way to cement the generals' power, legitimately, under
the forthcoming new constitution.
The generals' pathetic attempt to stage pro-regime rallies for the benefit of special envoy
Gambari showed their callous disregard for reality. Are they oblivious to the fact that the
Burmese people have voted against them with their lives?
Since 1991, the United Nations General Assembly has adopted a series of resolutions on the
Burma situation but to no avail. Now is the time for the UN Security Council to adopt a
binding resolution to restore reconciliation and democracy in Burma.
The UN Human Rights Council’s special session on Burma on October 2-3 in Geneva said it
“strongly deplored the continued violent repression of peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar
[Burma].” This time, the resolution was adopted by consensus with the cooperation of the
regime’s strongest supporter, China.
Unfortunately, the body has no power to help the oppressed people of Burma by sending a
mission to investigate the regime’s brutal killings, as requested by more than 200 human
rights and civil society organizations in 17 countries.
How long will the civilized world ignore the notorious generals' slaughter of innocent
people?
“The world is watching and while the time for mere words has passed, decisive action is now
needed. No State can condone such actions,” Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, the special rapporteur on
the situation of human rights in Burma, told the session in Geneva on October 2.
However, the Burmese people are exhausted by such words. Many people now believe that
democracy will come only with the sacrifice of tens of thousands of lives.
မဵက္ဴမင္ဳကံႂသူ ဆၾီဒင္သံအမတ္က
ရက္စက္မႁမဵားကို ဖၾင့္ခဵေဴပာဆို
2007.10.03
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/10/03/swedish_ambassador_speaks_out_a
trocities/
ဂ်ပန္သတင္းေထာက္၏႐ုပ္အေလာင္း
ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံျပန္ေရာက္
AFP/NE/ ၄ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/4-10-
07_a.php
အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးအေပၚ
ဆန္းစစ္ခ်က္စာတမ္းျဖန္႔ခ်ိ
ပီတာေအာင္/ ၄ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/4-
10-07_b.php
Email: pubsunit@iseas.edu.sg
Website- http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg
ဥေဒၝင္း
ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၃၊ ၂၀၀၇
http://moemaka.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=592&Itemid=1
(စစ္တပ္မႀ မပစ္မီ ဴပည္တၾင္းမႀ ေရးပိုႚထားသည့္စာ)
၁၉၈၈ ႎႀင့္ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႎႀစ္ အေဴခအေနမဵားကို ႎိႁင္းယႀဥ္ဳကည့္ရလ႖င္ -
၁၉၈၈ ဳသဂုတ္လ
ႎိုင္ငံတၾင္ အာဏာအရႀိဆံုးသူ ဦးေန၀င္း၊ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီး အ႓ငိမ္းစား၊ စစ္ေကာ္မရႀင္ ဥကၠဌ၊
မဆလဥကၠဌမႀ လတ္တေလာႎုတ္ထၾက္ထား၊ ပၝတီစံုဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ႎႀင့္ တပၝတီစနစ္
ေရၾးခဵယ္ခိုင္းရာ မဆလပၝတီမႀာ တပၝတီစနစ္ကိုသာ ေရၾးခဵယ္လိုက္၊ တပ္မေတာ္ကာကၾယ္ေရး
ဦးစီးခဵႂပ္ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီးေစာေမာင္၊ ဦးေန၀င္းမိသားစုဓနပိုင္ဆိုင္မႁႎႀင့္ မဆလထိပ္ပိုင္း
ေခၝင္းေဆာင္မဵား၏ ခဵမ္းသား႐ကၾယ္၀မႁမႀာ အကဵင့္ပဵက္ခဵစားမႁႎႀင့္ ဆိုရႀယ္လစ္စနစ္ေအာက္၌
အကန္ႛအသတ္ႎႀင့္သာ။
၂၀၀၇ စက္တင္ဘာလ
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) aqmif;yg;rsm;twGJ – 12 135
ppftmPm&Sifpepf wdkufzsufa&;onf trsdK;om;a&;wm0efjzpfonf/
ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္မႀႃး႒ကီးသန္းေရၿ၊ န၀တဥကၠဌ၊ ႒ကံ့ဖၾံႛအဖၾဲႛ နာယက၊ တပ္မေတာ္
ကာကၾယ္ေရးဦးစီးခဵႂပ္၊ လမ္းစဥ္ (၇) ရပ္၊ အေဴခခံဥပေဒမူဳကမ္း အ႓ပီးသတ္ႎိုင္ရန္ အေသးစိတ္
အေဴခခံမူမဵား ခဵမႀတ္ႎုိင္။
ဗိုလ္သန္းေရၿမိသားစု စီးပၾားေရးမႀာ တႎိုင္ငံလံုးအႎႀံႛအဴပား၊ ေတဇႎႀင့္ ထူးကုမၯဏီလုပ္ငန္းစု၊
ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္မဵား၊ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ေဟာင္းမဵား၏ စီးပၾားေရးကုမၯဏီမဵားက ႎိုင္ငံတၾင္ အဓိကလည္ပတ္ေန၊
အကဵင့္ပဵက္ခဵစားမႁမဵား။
အင္အား အေဴခခံ
၈၈ - အဓိက ဦးေဆာင္ဆႎၬဴပသူေကဵာင္းသားမဵား၊ မဵႂိးဆက္ကၾာဟမႁဴပႍနာႎႀင့္
စည္းကမ္းေသ၀ပ္မႁေလဵာ့ရဲ ေကဵာင္းပိတ္ထား၊ ေနရာစုစည္းမႁခက္ခဲေနထိုင္စားေသာက္မႁ ဴပႍနာ။
၂၀၀၇ - သံဃာေတာ္မဵားက ဦးေဆာင္၊ မယံုႎိုင္စရာစည္းကမ္းေသ၀ပ္ကဵနမႁ၊
ႎိုင္ငံတကာအေတၾႛအ႒ကံႂ၊ ေကဵာင္းတိုက္မဵား ပိတ္လိုက္လဵက္ပင္ ဆက္လက္ေနထိုင္ႎိုင္မႁ၊
တနပ္စာဆၾမ္း။
ဆက္သၾယ္မႁ
၈၈ - ႎိုင္ငံတကာႎႀင့္ ဆက္သၾယ္ရန္ တယ္လီဖုန္းသာရႀိ၊ သတင္းဴဖန္ႛခဵီရန္ စာေစာင္မဵားႎႀင့္
လက္တေလာထုတ္ေ၀ေသာ ဂဵာနယ္မဵား
၂၀၀၇ - လက္ကိုင္ဖုန္းအမဵႂိးမဵႂိး၊ အင္တာနက္ႎႀင့္ ဘေလာ့မဵား၊ ကင္မရာမဵား၊
ဗီဒီယိုရိုက္ကူးစက္မဵား။
စစ္တပ္
၈၈ - လံုထိန္းမဵားက လံု႓ခံႂေရးကို အဓိက ထိန္းသိမ္းထား၊ ေနာက္ဆံုး စစ္တပ္မႀ
လံုးလံုးတာ၀န္ယူမႁ၊ စစ္တပ္၏ အဳကမ္းဖက္ ႓ဖိႂခၾဲမႁမဵား၊
၂၀၀၇ - လံု႓ခံႂေရး ဴပည္သူကို ဴပည္သူဆိုေသာ ႒ကံ့ခိုင္ေရးႎႀင့္ စၾမ္းအားရႀင္မဵားက
အဳကမ္းဖက္႓ဖိႂခၾဲ၊ စစ္တပ္မႀ ဴပည္သူႛေရႀႛသိုႛ ယခုထိ ထၾက္မလာေသးမႁ၊
ေထာက္လႀမ္းေရး
၈၈ - စနစ္ကဵ၍ ရက္စက္ေသာ စစ္ေထာက္လႀမ္းေရးမႀ အတၾင္းကဵကဵထိ ထိုးေဖာက္
၀င္ေရာက္ႎိုင္မႁ
၂၀၀၇ - ရဲေထာက္လႀမ္းေရး၊ ေနာက္ကၾယ္မႀ စစ္ဘက္လံု႓ခံႂေရးအဖၾဲႛ၊ စၾမ္းအားရႀင္ပၝတီ
ပၝတီ ႎႀင့္ အဖၾဲႚအစည္းမဵား
၈၈ - မဆလပၝတီသာရႀိ႓ပီး ေနာက္ဆံုးဖဵက္သိမ္း
၂၀၀၇ - NLD ၊ တစည၊ အစိုးရသိမ္းတိုင္းရင္းသားပၝတီမဵား၊ ႓ငိမ္းအဖၾဲႛမဵား၊ NLD
ေအာက္ေဴခပၝတီ၀င္မဵား၏ တက္႐ကၾစၾာ ပၝ၀င္လႁပ္ရႀားမႁ၊ အေရးေပၞအစည္းအေ၀းလုပ္ရန္
စီစဥ္ေနသည့္ NLD's CEC, ထိန္းသိမ္းခံ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္၊ ၈၈ မဵႂိးဆက္ေကဵာင္းသားမဵား၊
ကုလသမဂၢ၊ ဴပည္ပေရာက္ သိန္းခဵီေသာ ဴမန္မာမဵား၊
ႎိုင္ငံတကာ အင္အားစုမဵား
၈၈ - ဒီမိုကေရစီႎိုင္ငံမဵား၊ ဆိုရႀယ္လစ္ႎုိင္ငံမဵား (လက္၀ဲ၊ လက္ယာ)
၂၀၀၇ - ကုလညႀိႎိႁင္းေရးမႀႃး ေပဵာက္ကၾယ္ေန၊ ဴမန္မာဴပည္၀င္ခၾင့္၊ ဴမန္မာရုပ္ရႀင္ထဲက
ရဲမဵားလို ဇာတ္ကား႓ပီးမႀ ေပၞထၾက္လာႎိုင္မႁ
အိမ္နီးခဵင္း တရုတ္
၈၈ - ဗကပႎႀင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖၾဲႛအစည္းမဵားကို တဖက္မႀ
ကူညီေနေသာ္လည္း အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ပိုမိုရင္းႎႀီးေသာ ဆက္သၾယ္မႁ
၂၀၀၇ - အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ပိုမိုရင္းႎႀီးေသာ ဆက္သၾယ္မႁရႀိေသာ္လည္း ဆန္ႛကဵင္ဘက္ႎႀင့္ ႓ငိမ္း
တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖၾဲႛမဵားမဵားကို တဖက္မႀ ကူညီေနမႁ။ သူႛအေပၞကဵေရာက္လာမည့္
ႎိုင္ငံတကာဖိအားကို စိုးရိမ္ေနမႁ၊ ပီကင္းအိုလံပစ္၊
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) aqmif;yg;rsm;twGJ – 12 136
ppftmPm&Sifpepf wdkufzsufa&;onf trsdK;om;a&;wm0efjzpfonf/
စစ္တပ္မႀ ႓ခိမ္းေဴခာက္မႁ
၈၈ - ဦးေန၀င္း၊ စစ္တပ္ဆိုတာ မိုးေပၞေထာင္မပစ္၊ တည့္တည့္ပစ္မည္ဟု ေဴပာဆိုခဵက္၊
လူသတ္ေကာင္ စိန္လၾင္
၂၀၀၇ - ၀န္႒ကီးအဆင့္၊ ဓမၳစက္ႎႀင့္ ေဴဖရႀင္းမရလ႖င္ အာဏာစက္ဴဖင့္ ႎႀိပ္ကၾပ္မည္ဟု
ေဴပာဆိုခဵက္၊ သံဃာ့မဟာနယကအဖၾဲႛ၊ ယခင္ေဳကညာခဵက္မဵား။
ဴပည္သူလူထု
၈၈ - ေကဵာင္းသား၊ ရဟန္း၊ အလုပ္သမား၊ ႎိုင္ငံ၀န္ထမ္း၊ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမား၊
စစ္တပ္ပၝ၀င္မႁမရႀိ၊ မဆလဖဵက္သိမ္းမႁ၊
၂၀၀၇ - ရဟန္း၊ ေကဵာင္းသား၊ ဴပည္သူ ပၝ၀င္။ အလုပ္သမား၊ ႎိုင္ငံ၀န္ထမ္း၊
ကုမၯဏီ၀န္ထမ္း၊ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမား၊ စစ္တပ္၊ ရဲမဵား ပၝ၀င္မႁ မရႀိေသး။
ဆႎၬဴပမႁ ပံုသၸာန္
၈၈ - စီတန္းလႀည့္လည္မႁ၊ ေနႛ/ည သပိတ္စခန္း၊ လူထုေဟာေဴပာမႁ၊ အစိုးရမႀ စီစဥ္သည့္
ေဖာက္ထၾင္းလုယက္သူမဵား။ မေအာင္ဴမင္ေသာ ဳကားဴဖတ္အစိုးရဖၾဲႛရန္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဵက္
၂၀၀၇ - ေမတၨာပိုႛဴခင္း၊ စီတန္းလႀည့္လည္မႁ ေနႛတ၀က္လႁပ္ရႀားမႁဴဖစ္၍ ပၝ၀င္သည့္
ထင္ရႀားေသာ ဴပည္သူမဵား ညအခၝ အဖမ္းခံရႎိုင္မႁ၊ လိုအပ္ေသာ အမဵႂိးသားဴပန္လည္သင့္ဴမတ္ေရး
ညႀိႎိႁငး္မႁ ဦးေဆာင္ေကာ္မတီ။
ဆႎၬဴပပၾဲႎႀိမ္နင္းမႁ ပံုသၸာန္
၈၈ - အဳကမ္းဖက္ပစ္ခတ္မႁ၊ ေဖာက္ထၾင္းလုယက္မႁ၊ မာရႀယ္ေလာ
၂၀၀၇ - ေနႛခင္းဘက္၌ ပစ္ခတ္ရဴခင္း၊ မဵက္ရည္ယိုဗံုး၊ ရန္ကုန္တၾင္
ႎႀိမ္နင္းမႁနည္းေသာ္လည္း ႎိုင္ငံတကာလက္လႀမ္းမမႀီႎိုင္သည့္ အေ၀းေဒသမဵားတၾင္ ႎႀိပ္ကၾပ္မႁ
႓မိႂႛေတာ္
၈၈ - ရန္ကုန္၊ အစိုးရယႎၨရား႓ခိမ္းေဴခာက္ႎိုင္မႁ၊ ဴပည္သူလၿတ္ေတာ္ဖဵက္သိမ္းဴခင္း၊ မဆလ
ဖဵက္သိမ္းဴခင္း။
၂၀၀၇ - ေနဴပည္ေတာ္၊ ဆႎၬဴပရာေဒသမဵားႎႀင့္ အလႀမ္းေ၀း၊
အစိုးရမႀ ဴပင္ဆင္မႁ
၈၈ - မဆလဖဵက္သိမ္း၊ ပၝတီစံုေရၾးေကာက္ပၾဲ ကဵင္းပေရးေကာ္မရႀင္ဖၾဲႛစည္း။
၂၀၀၇ - စစ္တပ္၊ ဆက္လက္ရႀိေနဆဲ ႒ကံ့ခိုင္ေရးအဖၾဲႛ၊ ႓ပီးဆံုးသၾားေသာ အမဵႂိးသားညီလာခံ၊
ေရးရဦးမည့္ အေဴခခံဥပေဒမူဳကမ္း၊ လမ္းစဥ္ (၇) ရပ္။
အားလံုးကို ႓ခံငံုသံုးသပ္ရပၝလ႖င္ ရက္စက္မႁ အစဥ္အလာရႀိေသာ စစ္တပ္သည္
ပစ္ခတ္႓ဖိႂခၾင္းမည့္အလားအလာရႀိ၍ ရဟန္းရႀင္လူဴပည္သူမဵား အကဵအဆံုးရႀိႎိုင္သလို၊ စစ္တပ္မႀ
ပစ္ခတ္သည့္ ကဵည္ဆံမဵားသည္ တရုတ္အစိုးရ၏ အသဲႎႀလံုးကိုပင္ ထိမႀန္သၾားႎိုင္ပၝသည္။
၈၈ က စစ္တပ္မႀ လႀည့္စား၍ အလၾယ္တကူ အာဏာသိမ္းႎိုင္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ယခုအခဵိန္တၾင္
စစ္တပ္မႀ အာဏာသိမ္းယူလုိပၝက ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္အခဵင္းခဵင္း၏ ႎိုင္ငံေရးႎႀင့္ စစ္ေရးအာဏာကိုသာမက
စီးပၾားေရးအာဏာကိုပၝ သိမ္းယူရန္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရေပမည္။
BANGKOK, Thursday, Oct. 4 — The United Nations secretary general, Ban Ki-moon,
said Wednesday that his special envoy to Myanmar had delivered a “strong message”
to the country’s leaders about the harsh crackdown on recent protests, but he also
said he could not call the trip a “success.”
Mr. Ban said the envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, would brief the Security Council on Friday
about his trip, and that the Council would then discuss which actions it might take.
“You cannot call it always ‘success,’” Mr. Ban said of the mission, according to a
transcript of remarks he made in New York that were released by his office. But he
added that he was relatively relieved that Mr. Gambari had been able to meet with
top government officials and with the pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
The leader of Myanmar’s junta, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, had kept Mr. Gambari
waiting for three days after his arrival before meeting with him.
On Wednesday, a local staff member of the United Nations in Myanmar and three of
her family members were taken from their home in Yangon before dawn as part of a
continuing crackdown on demonstrators, a United Nations official in Myanmar said.
Charles Petrie, the most senior official for the United Nations in Myanmar, said the
38-year-old woman, her husband and two relatives were detained by security forces
at 4 a.m.
Yangon residents say helicopters fly over the city throughout the night as military
trucks patrol the streets with loudspeakers blaring intimidating messages.
Shari Villarosa, the highest-ranking United States diplomat in Myanmar, said the
message, broadcast in Burmese, was roughly this: “We have your pictures. We’re
going to come and get you.”
“I think they just are arresting anybody that they have the least bit of suspicion
about,” Ms. Villarosa said. “This is a military that rules by fear and intimidation.
Wouldn’t you be terrified if you were subject to being rousted out of bed at 2 o’clock
in the morning, taken away and never knew why?”
The issue of night raids was raised by Mr. Gambari, the United Nations envoy, during
a meeting on Tuesday with Myanmar’s top general. Three United Nations workers
Mr. Gambari, who was scheduled to fly to New York late Wednesday, declined to
speak with reporters during a stopover in Singapore.
About 3,000 United Nations staff members are in Myanmar, mainly working on
alleviating poverty.
Mr. Petrie said, “We’re concerned with what seems to be happening at night — there
are arrests and people being detained.” But he added, “Our sense is that the U.N. is
not being targeted,” but rather was “being caught up in broader events.” Some 80
monks and 149 women, possibly nuns, who had been rounded up last week were
freed Wednesday, according to Reuters. The news agency quoted one of the monks
saying he had been interrogated but not physically abused.
A relative of three of the released women was also quoted as saying that those being
interrogated were divided into four categories of connection to the demonstrations:
passers-by, those who watched, those who clapped and those who joined in.
The government says 10 people were killed in the crackdown, including Kenji Nagai,
a Japanese journalist, whose body was flown back to Japan on Thursday.
Diplomats and Burmese dissident groups say they believe that the death toll is
higher.
Japan’s foreign minister, Masahiko Komura, said Wednesday that Tokyo was
considering cutting back its aid to Myanmar to protest Mr. Nagai’s death and the
crackdown, according to the Kyodo news agency. Annual aid to Myanmar from Japan
is about $25 million.
The European Union agreed Wednesday to toughen sanctions against Myanmar but
did not announce specifics — final details will be decided at a meeting for foreign
ministers on Oct. 15, an official said.
The Union suspended trade privileges and defense cooperation with Myanmar in the
1990s and restricts its aid to humanitarian assistance.
နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေရႊက
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္
ေတြ႕ဆုံရန္ေၾကညာ
NEJ / ၅ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/5-10-
07_statement.php, http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/5-10-07_d.php
အမိန္႔အရ
ပုံ သန္႔ရွင္း
ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီး၊ အတြင္းေရးမႉး။
ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕။
ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီလႈပ္ရွားမႈကို
၀ိုင္း၀န္းကူညီၾကရန္
အန္စီယူဘီ ေတာင္းဆို
ပီတာေအာင္/ ၅ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/5-
10-07_g.php
ေျပာသည္။
အေမရိကန္သံတမန္ေရးအရာရိွ
ျမန္မာစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ေတြ႕ဆုံမည္
The Guardian/ ၅ ေအာက္တိုဘာ
၂၀၀၇http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/october_2007/5-10-07_b.php
တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္၏ ဟုိမွာဘက္တြင္
ျပည္ပေရာက္ ျမန္မာဘေလာ့ဂါတစု
http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/october_2007/5-10-07_blogers.php
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း
၁၉၄၆ ခုႏွစ္
ဖဆပလ ညီလာခံ မိန္႔ခြန္းမွ ေကာက္ႏုတ္ခ်က္၊
စစ္တပ္က စီးနင္းဖမ္းဆီးမႈမ်ားတြင္
အန္အယ္လ္ဒီ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ ၂၀၀ ခန္႔ ဖမ္းဆီးခံရ
ေအးလဲ့ | ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၅၊
၂၀၀၇http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/news2007/October/oct_05b_07.html
အၾကမ္းဖက္ဖမ္းဆီးႏွိမ္နင္းမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္
သံဃာတခ်ိဳ႕ နယ္စပ္ေရာက္
ကိုသက္ | ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၅၊
၂၀၀၇http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/news2007/October/oct_05_07.html
ကိုဟိုဒင္းေရ-
ဘယာေဘးကြာေ၀းၾကပါေစ။
xxxxxxxxx
ယာေတာက သာေျဗာ
http://www.yoma3.org/feature/index.html
Understanding Myanmar
Jayshree Bajoria
Council on Foreign Relations
Friday, October 5, 2007; 10:22 AM
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
dyn/content/article/2007/10/05/AR2007100500914_pf.html
The September 2007 protests by Buddhist monks in Myanmar have put a spotlight on the
little-known Southeast Asian country for the first time in nearly twenty years. Protests in
1988 led to a crackdown by the ruling military junta that left an estimated three thousand
people dead and intensified the country's isolation and poverty. Still known as Burma by
some states, the country faces new scrutiny by the international community and competing
calls for sanctions and greater engagement with the regime.
Myanmar, a country of 56 million people, has abundant natural resources such as oil, natural
gas, timber, and minerals. Once known as the rice bowl of the world, it was the richest
country in the region at the time it gained independence from colonial rule in 1948. But
decades of military rule have ravaged the country. In 2005, according to the United Nations
Statistics Division, Myanmar's per capita gross domestic product (GDP) was only $217,
making it one of the twenty-poorest countries in the world.
A government decision to make cuts to national fuel subsidies in mid-August increased diesel
prices by a reported 100 percent and caused a five-fold increase in the price of compressed
natural gas, placing inflationary pressure (PINR) on an economy already facing estimated
inflation levels of 21.4 percent in 2006. The surging fuel prices provoked public protests,
joined by thousands of monks, attracting international attention.
The United States imposed sanctions on the country after the 1988 crackdown, including a
ban on the export of financial services and a freeze on the assets of certain Burmese
institutions. Washington announced new sanctions in September 2007 after the junta moved
to crush dissent. Since 2000, the United Nations has sent special envoys several times to
promote political dialogue with the government and the opposition towards democratic
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reform but has made little progress. Several European Union states have also imposed
sanctions on the regime. But, according to analysts, real influence lies with Myanmar's
neighbors, Thailand, China and India.
Myanmar is "essentially a client state of China," says Mathea Falco, president of the
Washington-based research institution Drug Strategies and chair of a 2003 CFR Independent
Task Force on Myanmar. Bilateral trade between China and Myanmar exceeds $1.5 billion
and China is one of the major suppliers of arms to the junta. China, along with Russia, has
consistently defended the government against efforts by mainly Western states to press UN
sanctions; in January 2007 they vetoed a Security Council resolution calling for democratic
reform in the country. India, competing with China for Myanmar's oil and natural gas
resources, shares extensive bilateral relations with the junta that include supplying it arms and
conducting joint security operations.
Analysts still believe that the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN)--which
accepted Myanmar as a member in 1997--may be able to put pressure on the junta to change
its ways. But all earlier efforts by the bloc to seek political reconciliation in Myanmar have
fallen on deaf ears. The Asian Development Bank (PDF) says Myanmar's junta made exports
worth $4.3 billion and imported goods worth $3.9 billion in 2006.
Political History
A colony of the British Empire for more than a century, Myanmar achieved independence in
1948. The Union of Burma, as the newly independent country was called, started as a
parliamentary democracy like most of its neighbors in the subcontinent that had recently
gained freedom from colonial rule. It was beset by ethnic strife from the start. British
authorities had been able to bring the different ethnic groups under some central
administration. Soon after independence, however, the different groups began to resist
domination by the Burman, the majority ethnic group. Burmans formed around 60 percent to
70 percent of the population in Burma; the remaining 30 percent to 40 percent was comprised
of 135 different ethnic groups, with Karen, Shan, Rakhine, Chinese, Mon, and Indian among
the largest.
By mid-1988, food shortages and economic discontent led to mass protests, often
spearheaded by monks and students. The army seized power in a coup, abolished the 1974
constitution and silenced the protests by opening fire on unarmed dissidents, leaving more
than three thousand dead, according to official figures. A year later in 1989, this new military
regime, the junta changed the country's name from the Union of Burma to the Union of
Myanmar and the capital Rangoon was renamed Yangon. While the change in names has
been accepted by the United Nations, countries such as the United States and Britain still
refer to it as Burma. The junta also relocated the capital from the largest city Yangon to a
remote mountainous town, Nay Pyi Taw, citing security reasons.
During the 1988 protests, Aung San Suu Kyi rose to prominence as the leader of the main
opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). In 1990, the junta held
elections in which Suu Kyi garnered 82 percent of the vote despite being under house arrest.
The military government refused to acknowledge the results, imprisoned many politicians,
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forced others to flee, and continued to clamp down on dissent, closing the country to the
outside world. The junta renamed itself the State Peace and Development Council in
November 1997 and continues under this name to the present day.
Largely a Buddhist country (90 percent of the population are devout followers of Buddha),
Myanmar has around four-hundred thousand monks (Slate) and as many army personnel. The
army has doubled in size since the 1988 uprising and now consumes over 40 percent (PINR)
of the government's annual budget. The military has extensive economic interests and its
members occupy top positions in almost every government agency. Only military personnel
are allowed to own shares in the military-run corporations that form a significant part of the
economy.
Falco of Drug Strategies says, "Myanmar does not have a civil society." Thaung Htun, a pro-
democracy activist in exile in United States, says that many self-help groups work
clandestinely in communities to offer relief and humanitarian assistance. Htun says members
of such groups are often arrested and beaten by the military.
A likely cause for the latest unrest is frustration that the junta has failed to deliver basic
services. According to the CFR Task Force report, in 2000, the government spent less than
0.5 percent of GDP on education, leaving 57 percent of the households without access to
basic education. Spending on health is even more negligible. Even with hundreds of
thousands of people living with HIV in Myanmar, (making it one of the highest HIV-
infected countries in Asia) the junta spent only 0.17 percent of GDP on health in 2000.
According to the World Health Organization, Myanmar's health system is the world's second
worst. UNICEF says the country is facing a health crisis of epidemic proportions; HIV/AIDS
is spreading rapidly, and malaria, tuberculosis, leprosy, maternal mortality and malnutrition
are pervasive.
Human-rights monitors report abuses by the military junta are commonplace, including the
following:
Labor: Forced labor is widespread and systematic, according to the International Labor
Organization, and is targeted particularly at the ethnic minorities living in the border regions
such as Karen, Mon, Shan, and Karenni. The International Committee of the Red Cross says
there are about ninety prisons and labor camps in the country.
Population flight: Refugees International estimates that around one million people have fled
due to military excesses and fear of persecution and around five hundred thousand are
internally displaced in the eastern part of the country.
Sexual Violence: The military's use of sexual violence against women has dramatically
escalated in recent years, especially in dissident ethnic areas. Refugees International says rape
is systematically used by the military as a weapon to suppress ethnic communities.
Child soldiers: Myanmar has the world's largest number of child soldiers (under the age of
18) and the number is growing. Human Rights Watch said there were about seventy thousand
child soldiers as of 2002, most of them forcibly recruited by the country's army.
The junta has repeatedly denied any human-rights violations and condemns efforts by the
United Nations to place it on the discussion agenda of the Security Council. Myanmar's
foreign minister called the latest efforts by the international community to pressure his
Monks in Myanmar have had a history of political activism dating back to colonial times.
Monks enjoy the highest moral authority in Myanmar and monasteries play a prominent role
in society, filling the gap in social services created by the government. Many poor families
enlist their sons into monasteries where they are provided free food and education. In
Buddhist tradition, laymen earn spiritual credit by offering alms to the monks and it is their
route towards achieving Nirvana--freedom from the cycle of rebirth.
Monks participated in the 1988 protests; in the 2007 demonstrations, they came to symbolize
the voice of dissent against the junta. Htun says the political consciousness of the monks is in
keeping with Buddha's teachings. "Buddha lays down a code of conduct for the rulers," says
Htun, "and if the rulers fail to follow it, it is then the responsibility of the monks to bring
them back to the right path."
News reports (NPR) frequently note the broad support for Suu Kyi--who won the 1990
elections with an overwhelming majority--as the legitimate leader of the country. Experts and
pro-democracy activists hope that through international pressure and multilateral diplomatic
approaches (such as the approach taken with North Korea on its nuclear program),
Myanmar's junta can be brought to the table to talk to other stakeholders, including political
parties and various ethnic groups, and to embark on a path towards national reconciliation.
Many civil society activists also hope that the monks' dissent may lead to resistance within
the army, forcing the junta to rethink its ways. A Foreign Affairs article notes that potential
chinks are appearing in the junta's armor. If it were faced with an offer of new economic and
political opportunities, write Michael Green and Derek Mitchell of the Center for Strategic
and International Studies, "some of its members might eventually feel compelled to seek a
different course for themselves and their country."
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးၾကီးသန္းေရႊ ေတြ႔ဆံုရန္ အစီအစဥ္
အန္အယ္လ္ဒီ ပယ္ခ်
ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၅။ ေအအက္ဖ္ပီ၊ HT
႐ုိက္တာ
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