Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 115
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 115
လူထုေဒၚအမာ
txl;aqmif;yg;
tusOf;om;trSwf 2992pD jidrf;csrf;
ျမင့္မိုရ္ေတာင္ေလးခမ်ာ
ေတာင္ပူစာေလးျဖစ္သြား႐ွာ
ေရးသူ- ညီပုေလး
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 115
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 115
txl;aqmif;yg;
tusOf;om;trSwf 2992pD jidrf;csrf;
ျမင့္မိုရ္ေတာင္ေလးခမ်ာ
ေတာင္ပူစာေလးျဖစ္သြား႐ွာ
ေရးသူ- ညီပုေလး
တ႐ုတ္ဒု-သမၼတ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း
သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ (၁၆) ခု လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုး
မီဒီယာကို ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဇာတ္သြင္းျခင္း
စိုးေနလင္း
yHkEdSyfrSwfwrf;
xxxxxx xxxxx
တေန႔.....
ေထာင္၀င္စာ လာတတ္တဲ့ရက္ေတြ ေတာ္ေတာ္ ေက်ာ္လြန္တဲ့တေန႔။
ေထာင္၀န္ထမ္းတေယာက္က လာေခၚတယ္။ ဒီ ၀န္ထမ္း ေထာင္၀င္စာတာ၀န္က်တဲ့
၀န္ထမ္းလည္း မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဘာမ်ားပါလိမ့္။ စိုးထိတ္မႈ ေတြ တသီတတန္းႀကီးနဲ႔
xxxx xxxx
xxxx xxxxx
ႏွစ္ေတြ ၾကာခဲ့ေပါ့.......။
အိမ္ျပန္ေရာက္လို႔ စာေရးစာပြဲ ထိုင္လိုက္တိုင္း ဒီအျဖစ္အပ်က္နဲ႔အတူ အေမ့ေက်းဇူးကို
ေအာက္ေမ့သတိရမိတယ္။
အေမကြယ္လြန္သြားခဲ့ၿပီ.... ဒါေပမယ့္ သတိရေနဆဲပါ။
အေမ့ေက်းဇူးေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးထဲက ေက်းဇူးတခုကို မွတ္တမ္းျပဳတာမွ်သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ညီပုေလး။
[ပိေတာက္ပြင့္သစ္မဂၢဇင္း၊ အမွတ္ ၂၈၊ ႏို၀င္ဘာ၊ ၂၀၀၉ မွ ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။]
အကန္ေတာ့ခံထိုက္တဲ့ စာေရးဆရာ
ေရးသူ- ၀င္းဦး
၀င္းဦး
၁၃၄၅ ခု၊ တန္ေဆာင္မုန္းလဆုတ္ (၃) ရက္။
[လူထုခ်စ္သမွ်.. လူထုဦးလွ စာအုပ္၊ ပထမအႀကိမ္၊ ၾသဂုတ္၊ ၁၉၈၄ မွ ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။]
သမိုင္းေခတ္ေၾကးမံုျပင္ေပၚက
မဟာဗီယက္နမ္စစ္ပြဲနဲ႔ အေမလူထုေဒၚအမာ
ေရးသူ- ႏိုင္ျမင့္ (လူထုစာၾကည့္တိုက္)
ရည္ညႊန္း။
၁။ လူထုဂ်ာနယ္မ်ား၊ လူထုသတင္းစာမ်ား၊
၂။ South East Asia in International relation by M. Jankover. Prague. IOJ. 1982
၃။ A Dictionary of Politics by Elliott and Summerskill, London, Penguin, 1961.
၄။ 'သစ္ခုတ္သမား ႏိုးၾကားေလာ့' ေရးသူ နီ႐ူဒါ၊ ဘာသာျပန္သူ ျမသန္းတင့္၊ ရန္ကုန္၊
စိတ္ကူးခ်ိဳခ်ိဳ၊ ၂၀၀၃။
၅။ 'ေငြႏွင့္လက္နက္' ေရးသူ အန္နာလူ၀ီစတေရာင္း၊ ဘာသာျပန္သူ လူထုေဒၚအမာ၊
မႏၱေလးႀကီးပြါးေရး ပံုႏွိပ္တိုက္၊ ၁၉၆၃။
အိုမင္းရင့္ေရာ္ေတာ့
အေမ့ေမ့အေလ်ာ့ေလ်ာ့နဲ႔ပါ
ေရးသူ- လူထုေဒၚအမာ
ေဒၚအမာ။
[ပိေတာက္ပြင့္သစ္မဂၢဇင္း၊ အမွတ္ ၂၈၊ ႏို၀င္ဘာ၊ ၂၀၀၉ မွ ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။]
သမိုင္းေကာင္းတဲ့လူထု
ျပည္သူခ်စ္တဲ့စာေရးဆရာ
ေရးသူ- လူထုစိန္၀င္း
"ဒီႏွစ္ႏို၀င္ဘာမွာ ဘာလုပ္ဦးမွာလဲ"
စက္တင္ဘာကုန္တာနဲ႔ စာေပသမားေတြ ေမးၾကတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းပါ။ လာသမွ်လူတိုင္း
ေမးၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ေတာင္သမန္ကို လြမ္း႐ွာၾကတာကိုး။
အေမလူထုေဒၚအမာ အသက္ ၇၀ ျပည့္တဲ့ေန႔က စၿပီး လူငယ္စာေပသမားေတြ
စတင္လႈ႔ံေဆာ္က်င္းပ ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ေတာင္သမန္အင္းေစာင္းက ေမြးေန႔အခမ္းအနားကို
ႏွစ္ေပါင္းႏွစ္ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ ႏွစ္စဥ္မပ်က္ တက္ခဲ့ၾကတာ ဆိုေတာ့ လြမ္းသင့္တာပါ့ေလ။ အေမမာက
ဒါမ်ိဳးေတြ မႀကိဳက္ေပမယ့္ ႏိုင္ငံတနံတလ်ားက စာေပသမား လူငယ္လံုမငယ္ေတြကို
စုစုစည္းစည္းေတြ႔ရတာကိုေတာ့ ၾကည္ႏူး႐ွာတယ္။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ လူငယ္ေတြ လုပ္ၾကတာကို
မတားျမစ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ဒီပြဲကို လူငယ္ေလးေတြသာမက အေမ့ထက္ေတာင္ နည္းနည္းပိုႀကီးေသးတဲ့
ရန္ကုန္ စာေပေလာက စာအုပ္တိုက္ႀကီးရဲ႔ဖခင္ႀကီး သခင္ခင္ညြန္႔လို ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ိဳးလည္း ႀကိဳးစားၿပီး
အေရာက္လာေလ့ ႐ွိတယ္။ စာေရးဆရာေတြ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားေတြသာမကဘူး၊ စစ္ကိုင္း၊ ေ႐ႊဘို၊
မံု႐ြာ စတဲ့ ေဒသမ်ားက ေက်ာင္းသူ ေက်ာင္းသားအ႐ြယ္ ခပ္ငယ္ငယ္ကေလးေတြလည္း
ႏွစ္စဥ္မပ်က္မကြက္ ေရာက္လာၾကတယ္။ ဆရာေတာ္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားလည္း စကု၊ စလင္း၊
မင္းဘူးစတဲ့ ေဒသမ်ားက ေရာက္လာၾကတယ္။ ခ်င္းေတာင္တန္းက သံဃာမ်ားလည္း ႏွစ္စဥ္
လာေလ့႐ွိတယ္။ ႏွစ္စဥ္ႏွစ္တိုင္း ရဟန္း႐ွင္လူ ေလး၊ ငါး၊ ေျခာက္ရာေလာက္ ေရာက္ၾကျမဲ
ျဖစ္တယ္။
အေမက ျပည္သူခ်စ္ေသာ စာေရးဆရာမႀကီးတေယာက္ ျဖစ္တာကိုး။ အေမကလည္း
ျပည္သူေတြကို ခ်စ္ပါတယ္။
လူထုစိန္၀င္း
[ပိေတာက္ပြင့္သစ္မဂၢဇင္း၊ အမွတ္ ၂၈၊ ႏို၀င္ဘာ၊ ၂၀၀၉ မွ ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။]
က်မေတာ္ေတာ္ညံ့ခဲ့ပါတယ္
ေဟာေျပာသူ- ဂ်ဴး
"သမီး ဒီ၀တၳဳကို ဖတ္စမ္း" လို႔ က်မကို ေျပာပါတယ္။ အဲ့ဒီ၀တၳဳက 'မာလာ' ၀တၳဳပါ။ က်မက
စာအုပ္ႀကီးကို ၾကည့္ၿပီးေတာ့ လန္႔သြားတယ္။ "အား စာအုပ္ႀကီးက အထူႀကီးပါလားေမေမ" လို႔
ေျပာေတာ့ "ေအး ထူေတာ့ ထူတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ သမီး စိတ္၀င္စားမွာပါ" တဲ့။ သမီးတို႔
ေမာင္ႏွမေတြဟာ စကားေျပာရင္ အင္မတန္ ႐ိုင္းတယ္တဲ့။ ကိုကိုရယ္၊ ညီမေလးရယ္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ
စကားမေျပာဘူး၊ ေမာင္ႏွမအခ်င္းခ်င္း အႀကီးနဲ႔အငယ္ကို နင္, ငါ သံုးတယ္တဲ့။ အဲ့ဒါ
မေကာင္းဘူးတဲ့၊ ဒီေတာ့ သမီး ဒီစာအုပ္ကို ဖတ္တဲ့အခါမွာ ဖတ္ၿပီးသြားရင္ သမီး
ယဥ္ေက်းသိမ္ေမြ႔လာလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒီစာအုပ္ထဲမွာ လူေတြဟာ စကားေျပာရင္ သိပ္ယဥ္ေက်းတာပဲတဲ့။
ဖတ္ၾကည့္ပါတဲ့။ အဲ့ဒီေတာ့ က်မကလဲ ေမေမက ဖတ္ခိုင္းတယ္ဆိုရင္ ငါဖတ္ဖို႔ သင့္တာေပါ့။
ကိုယ့္ဖာသာကိုယ္ ေတြးၿပီးေတာ့ ေမ့ေမ့ေ႐ွ႔မွာပဲ အဲ့ဒီစာအုပ္ကို က်မ ဖြင့္ဖတ္ လိုက္ပါတယ္။ စ
ဖြင့္ဖြင့္ခ်င္းပဲ အဲ့ဒီစာအုပ္ကို က်မ စိတ္၀င္စားသြားတယ္။ သူက အခန္း(၁) အဖြင့္မွာ
အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တခုရဲ႔ ျမင္ကြင္းနဲ႔ စထားပါတယ္။ အဲ့ဒီ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲမွာ၊ အခ်ဳပ္ခန္းထဲမွာ၊
သံတိုင္ေတြေနာက္မွာ အက်ဥ္းသား ၁၀ ေယာက္ အက်ဥ္းက် ေနပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ကေတာ့
မုန္းတီးသူမ်ား
ေန႔စဥ္စားသံုးရင္း
ခြန္အားသစ္ေတြ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ၿပီ။
မုန္းတီးမႈမ်ား
ေန႔စဥ္စားသံုးရင္း
ႏွစ္သံုးဆယ္ၾကာတဲ့ မီးလွ်ံမ်ား
ေလတိုက္စားလို႔ ၿငိမ္းခဲ့ၿပီ။
လြဲေခ်ာ္သြားတဲ့ နာရီမ်ားအတြက္
အိပ္မက္ေတြကို ႐ွက္တိုင္း
အနက္႐ိႈင္းဆံုးဆိုတဲ့ ေသာကမ်ား
ဘုရားတရင္း စိန္ေခၚခဲ့ရၿပီ။
ဂုဏ္သိကၡာေတြ ေႂကြမြၿပီး
စီးထားတဲ့ ဖိနပ္ေအာက္
အမွန္တရားေတြ ေမွာက္က်သြားတဲ့အခါ
ဘ၀ဆိုတာ ေကာလဟလပါပဲ။
ေ႐ႊ႐ွာသူမ်ား
ေငြ႐ွာသူမ်ား
ေနရာယူသူမ်ား
အားလံုးရဲ႔ေနာက္မွာ
ငါ....
ေလဆာေရာင္ျခည္ေသနတ္နဲ႔ လူသတ္ခ်င္တယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္
ဘာေတြမွ ေတြးမေနနဲ႔။
တိမ္ေတြကိစၥ
ရာသီေတြရဲ႔ကိစၥ
ေလာကကို မေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ေလနဲ႔
အိေျႏၵႀကီးတဲ့ေကာင္းကင္လို ေနလိုက္ေပါ့။
ဂ်ဴး
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏အမႈ အယူခံျပင္ဆင္ခြင့္
ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ကို ဗဟိုတရား႐ုံးက လက္ခံ
NEJ/ ၂၁ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
Refill ကတ္ကို (၁) ေသာင္းက်ပ္၊ (၃) ေသာင္းက်ပ္၊ အက္ဖ္အီးစီ (၂၀)၊ အက္ဖ္အီးစီ (၅၀)
တန္ဖိုးရွိ ကတ္ (၄) မ်ဳိး ထုတ္လုပ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာ့ဆက္သြယ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းက
သတ္မွတ္ေပးသည့္ဆိုင္မ်ားတြင္ ေရာင္းခ်ေပးမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
လမ္း (၄၀) တြင္ ေနထိုင္သူတဦးကလည္း “က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ လမ္း (၄၀) မွာလည္း ဒီဇင္ဘာ (၁၇)
ရက္ေန႔က စာရင္းလာေကာက္ တယ္။ မဲေပးဖို ့လူစာရင္းကို ေကာက္တာလို ့ေျပာတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္
က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က မယုံဘူး။ စာရင္းေကာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ စာရင္းေပးသူေတြအားလံုး သူတို႔ကို
ေထာက္ခံသူေတြလို႔ စာရင္းယူမသြားဘူးလို႔ ဘယ္သူေျပာႏုိင္လို႔လဲ” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
တ႐ုတ္ဒု-သမၼတ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း
သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ (၁၆) ခု လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုး
ေပါက္ေပါက္/ ၂၁ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/211209a.php
နာဂႏွစ္သစ္ကူးပြဲေတာ္သုိ႔ ကမာၻလွည့္
ခရီးသြားမ်ားကို ပိတ္ပင္
တက္လူ/ ၂၂ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/221209b.php
ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးဖြင့္ပဲြ
ေဒသခံမ်ားကို အတင္းအက်ပ္ တက္ခိုင္း
ခိုင္လင္း/ ၂၂ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/221209a.php
(ကိုဝိုင္း တည္းျဖတ္သည္။)
(ကိုဝိုင္း တည္းျဖတ္သည္။)
ပညာလုိခ်င္လို႔ အိမ္ေဖာ္လုပ္တာ
လ | တနလၤာေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၁ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၇ နာရီ ၂၈ မိနစ္
နယူးေဒလီ (မဇိၥ်မ)။ ။ “ရန္ကုန္ကုိ မေရာက္လာႏိုင္ခဲ့ရင္ သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြလို ဒီအခ်ိန္ဆို
ဘိန္းစားျဖစ္မလား၊ စစ္သား ျဖစ္မလား၊ ဘိန္းစို္က္ ေနမလား၊ လယ္စိုက္ စားမလား မသိေတာ့ဘူး”
ဟု ကိုဆိုင္းပီးက တယ္လီဖုန္း လိုင္းေပၚမွ တဆင့္ တံု႔ဆုိင္းတံု႔ဆိုင္း ေျပာေနသည္။
ခံတပ္တခု ၿပိဳျခင္း
မင္းေဆြသစ္ | အဂၤါေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၂ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၄ နာရီ ၀၈ မိနစ္ ေဆာင္းပါး
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/edop/songpa/4426-2009-12-22-07-55-21.html
(၁)
(၂)
(၃)
ဆရာက … ငယ္စဥ္ကပင္ မိဘႏွစ္ပါးလံုးကမရွိ…။ အဘိုး၊ ဘၾကီး၊ အေဒၚတို႔၏ လက္ဝယ္တြင္ပင္
ၾကီးျပင္းခဲ့ရ၏။ အိမ္ေတာင္မရွိ တကိုယ္ေရ၊ တကာယသမား ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ဘၾကီး၊ အေဒၚတို႔ႏွင့္
အတူေန၍ ဘၾကီး၊ အေဒၚတုိ႔ကို ျပဳစုေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရ၏။ ဓႏုျဖဴမွ အားလံုးေျပာင္းေရႊ႔ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး၊
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ေတာင္ဥကၠလာပ၊ မဂၤလာလမ္း ၁၂ ရပ္ကြက္ရွိ ေနအိမ္တြင္ ေနသည္။
လမ္း၏တဖက္ ၁၃ ရပ္ကြက္ထိပ္တြင္က ဆရာဗန္းေမာ္တင္ေအာင္ ေန၏။
(၄)
စာအုပ္အငွားဆုိင္ ‘ေနရဥၥရာ’ မဖြင့္မီက … ဆရာသည္ ျမစ္႐ိုး၊ ေခ်ာင္း႐ိုးတေလွ်ာက္ …. တ႐ိုးဝင္၊
တေခ်ာင္းကူးႏွင့္ ေစ်းေရာင္းခဲ့ေသး၏။ ဆရာတုိ႔ေနသည့္ ေတာင္ဥကၠလာ ၉ ရပ္ကြက္တြင္ ဓႏုျဖဴမွ
ဦးဘုိးခ်မ္း၏ သမီး ေဒၚစိန္ေသာင္း ေန၏။ ေဒၚစိန္ေသာင္းက ေရႊရည္စိမ္လုပ္ငန္း လုပ္၏။
လက္စြပ္၊ လက္ေကာက္၊ ဆြဲၾကိဳး … ဆြဲျပား၊ နာရီၾကိဳး၊ ဟမ္းခ်ိန္း … ေရႊရည္စိမ္မ်ား…။
ေရႊရည္စိမ္လက္ရာက ေရႊႏွင့္ ခြဲမရ…။
ခိုင္ရႊန္းလဲ့ရည္ ေနာက္ဆက္တဲြသတင္း
အပိတ္ခံရ
MONDAY, 21 DECEMBER 2009 18:07 ဧရာဝတီ
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕မွ SSC အထူးကု ေဆးခန္းက ေအာက္တုိဘာလတြင္ ကြယ္လြန္သြားေသာ
မခိုင္ရႊန္းလဲ့ရည္၏ က်န္ရစ္သူ မိသားစုကုိ ေလ်ာ္ေၾကး က်ပ္သိန္းတေထာင္ ေပးအပ္ခဲ့သည္
ဟူေသာ သတင္းမွာ စာနယ္ဇင္းမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ မရေသးေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္ အေျခစုိက္
စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားမ်ားက ေျပာသည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ျပစ္မႈဆိုင္ရာ
ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ကို ဗဟို
တရားရုံးက လက္ခံ
MONDAY, 21 DECEMBER 2009 18:14 ကိုေထြး
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2316-2009-12-21-11-17-17
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အယူခံႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ျပစ္မႈဆိုင္ရာ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ကို
ဗဟို တရားရုံးခ်ဳပ္က လက္ခံ လိုက္သည္ဟု ေရွ႕ေန ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္းက ဆိုသည္။
အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ
ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေဖာက္ဖ်က္သည္ဟု
ဆုိကာ ၾသဂုတ္လ အတြင္းတြင္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္
၃ ႏွစ္ စီရင္ခ်က္ ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည္။ ထုိ႔ေနာက္
စစ္အစိုးရ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး
သန္းေရႊ၏ အမိန္႔ျဖင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ကုိ
ထက္ဝက္ ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ကာ ဆိုင္းငံ့ ျပစ္ဒဏ္၊
ေနအိမ္ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ ၁ ႏွစ္ခြဲ က်ခံေစခ့ဲသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံ Cox’s Bazar ခရိုင္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္း၂ ခုတြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္ အျဖစ္
တရား၀င္ အသိအမွတ္ ျပဳခံထား ရသူ စုစုေပါင္း ၂၀၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ ေနထိုင္လ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း
သိရသည္။
စင္ကာပူေရာက္ ျမန္မာမ်ားအတြက္
စိတ္အာဟာရေန႔
MONDAY, 21 DECEMBER 2009 19:23 ေကအက္စ္
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/articles/2-articles/2319-2009-12-21-12-34-
32
လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ရက္ပိုင္းမ်ားက မိုးရြာေနတတ္ ေသာ္လည္း ထိုေန႔အဖို႔ စင္ကာပူ ကၽြန္းႏိုင္ငံ၏
ရာသီဥတုက ၾကည္လင္ေနသည္။ NTUC Centre တြင္ ျမန္မာ စကားေျပာသံမ်ား ဆူဆူညံညံျဖင့္
စည္ကားေနၿပီ။
စင္ကာပူေရာက္ ျမန္မာမ်ားႏွင့္
စာေရးဆရာမ်ားကို ဤသို႔ ရင္းရင္းႏွီးႏွီး
ေတြ႕ရသည္ (ဓာတ္ပံု - ပီတီ)
ဆရာက ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးတို႔သည္
အတိတ္သမိုင္းရွိေသာ လူမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊
ကိုယ္ပိုင္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ကိုယ္ပိုင္
အႏုပညာတို႔ျဖင့္ စည္းစနစ္က်န ခိုင္မာစြာ
ရပ္တည္ခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း၊ ႏူးညံ့သိမ္ေမြ႕ေသာ
ႏွလံုးသား ပိုင္ရွင္မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကေၾကာင္း၊ ယခင္က
စာသင္ေက်ာင္းမ်ားတြင္ စာကိုသာမက
စိတ္ကိုပါ သင္ၾကားေပးခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္းကို
ပစၥဳပၸန္ထက္ ပိုေကာင္းေသာ
အနာဂတ္မ်ားကို ဖန္တီးရန္ မ်ိဳးဆက္မ်ားတြင္
တာ၀န္ရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ပိုေကာင္းေသာ
အနာဂတ္မ်ားအတြက္
အားမေလွ်ာ့သင့္ေၾကာင္း မွတ္သားဖြယ္
စကားမ်ားႏွင့္အတူ ဆရာမဂ်ဴးက ဆရာ
မင္းသု၀ဏ္၏ “သေျပညိဳ” ကဗ်ာကို
ရြတ္ဆိုကာ ေဟာေျပာမႈကို
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 115 106
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
အဆံုးသတ္သြားသည္။
စစ္အတြင္းကာလက ေျပးလႊားရင္း
US Message to Burma:
'Engagement' Must Bring Results
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17447
By WAI MOE Tuesday, December 22, 2009
The Burmese junta could face tougher US financial sanctions if Washington's new
economic weapon if talks with Myanmar [Burma] fail to achieve democratic reform:
The agency report said the US Congress had already approved powers enabling the
The Administration's new policy on Burma links sanctions with direct engagement.
The Burmese regime has, in effect, been served notice that sanctions will continue as
long as no progress is scored in the contacts now taking place between US and junta
officials.
This “carrot and stick” policy is the subject of wide discussion among US diplomats
in Southeast Asia. Some senior US diplomats in the region told The Irrawaddy
recently that if the junta generals believe engagement with Washington is giving
One diplomat said if the engagement policy produces no results within one year,
Some critics of the new policy point out that a similar approach followed by the US
toward North Korea for more than 15 years had failed to prevent Pyongyang’s nuclear
program.
The US diplomat said, however: “The Burma issue is quite different from North
Korea. All in Washington know the US cannot engage with the junta without result.”
The US announced the conclusion of its Burma policy review on September 28. On
the following day, Kurt Campbell, US assistant secretary of state for East Asian
In early November, Campbell paid a landmark visit to Burma, where he met Burmese
Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as well
While directly engaging with the junta, the US continues to monitor business
contacts closely. On Dec. 16, the US Treasury Department announced it was fining
the Swiss banking giant Credit Suisse AG US $536 million for working with countries
on the US sanctions list, including Burma. The fine is the biggest in the history of the
“The great majority of the transactions involved Iran, although there were also
Cuba, and the former Liberian regime of Charles Taylor,” the US Treasury
Department announced.
Singapore-based banks, the Overseas Chinese Banking Corporation (OCBC) and DBS
repositories” for the Burmese junta’s revenues from the Yadana gas project. The
Burma observers suspect that the Burmese generals and their cronies have lodged
and Dubai.
Many senior and junior officials in the Burmese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in
In the reshuffle of personnel, two directors, four deputy directors, eight assistant
Han Thu, the ministry's director of planning and administration, was transferred to
Washington, DC.
Yin Yin Oo, the director of the ministry's influential political department, was
transferred to Saudi Arabia to assume the ministry counselor post at the Burmese
embassy. Sources described her as “shrewd and efficient,” with good relationships
Her brother, Kyaw Thu, a former deputy foreign minister, was removed from his
colleagues, including the current foreign affairs minister, Nyan Win, because of his
appointed chairman of the Civil Service Selection and Training Board, an inactive
post.
Four deputy directors: Myint Thu in the Asean Affairs Department; Ba Hla Aye in the
International and Economic Department; Chan Aye in the Consul and Legal Affairs
Department; and Myo Thant Phay in the Political Department were also transferred.
The transfers follow the trial in November of two people in the ministry over the leak
of information about a trip made by Gen Shwe Man to North Korea in 2008, a trip by
Deputy Snr-Gen. Maung Aye to Russia in 2006 and information about the
because of the overseas living allowance that is provided and also to get a respite
from the rigid bureaucracy of the ministry. However, many senior officials with
strong business interests inside the country are less interested in foreign postings,
Over the years, senior positions in the foreign diplomatic corp have been increasingly
dominated by former military officers, often creating tensions between them and
career diplomats. Many of the military officers have had no diplomatic experience
“These ex-military officers want to exercise a top-down army style in the embassy,
and they don't want to be friendly with the staff. But we have brotherly relations with
career diplomats,” said the source. “They also don't know how to build good social
the officers were carefully chosen, according to Chan Tun, a former Burmese
foreign embassies. But these days, people with inadequate training are taking these
Ye Myint Aung, a former consul-general in Hong Kong, has been cited as an example
of what can happen when military officers became heads of Burmese embassies. Ye
Myint Aung, a former Lt-Col, was widely criticized in Asian media this year when he
described Rohingya as “ugly ogres” and for suggesting that American citizen John
Yettaw was the boyfriend of Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
“These ex-military officers spend much time telling potential foreign investors how
much they need to pay them if they want to invest inside Burma,” said a Burmese
embassy source.
WASHINGTON — Kyaw Zaw Lwin, a US citizen of Burmese origin who was arrested
on arrival at the Rangoon airport in September, has been kept in a “military dog
However, Kyaw Zaw Lwin, aka Nyi Nyi Aung, is reported to have broken his hunger
“We have learned that Nyi Nyi Aung has been kept in solitary confinement since at
The Irrawaddy. The information is based on multiple-sources from both inside and
“During these past 15 days, he has been kept in an 8 x 10 cell in what is called a
“From what we understand, the military dog confinement cells do not have
said.
“His health has been weakened by torture, horrifying prison conditions and his
hunger strike. It is clear that military dog confinement of Nyi Nyi Aung violates the
international law prohibition against cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment,” she
said.
Schwanke said Lwin's court hearing was postponed on Dec. 11. The US Mission in
A well-known democracy activist, Kyaw Zaw Lwin was arrested by the Burmese
visit his mother, an imprisoned democracy activist who has cancer. He was accused
of using a forged Burmese identity card and illegally importing currencies into the
Last week as many as 53 US Congress members wrote a letter to Snr-Gen Than Shwe
urging Lwin's release. “We urge you in the strongest possible terms to immediately
and unconditionally release Mr. Aung and allow him to return to the United States,”
appears that Mr. Aung’s detention and trial is inconsistent with both Burmese and
international law.”
Sen. Jim Webb, who traveled to Burma earlier this year and secured the release of
another US citizen imprisoned by the Burmese junta, also urged the regime to grant
Lwin all rights guaranteed under international law. Webb in a statement last week
expressed concern about news reports that Lwin had been mistreated during his
Burmese journalists say the state's censorship board has cracked down hard
Rangoon clinic.
The latest round of censorship follows a flurry of articles recently over a two week
period about the death of a student, Khine Shunn Leh Yee, 15, who died as a result of
Myanmar [Burma]
Medical Council, a
governmental
organization, to open an
to a five-year suspension
Burmese read the newspapers on a street in
Rangoon. (Photo: Getty Images) of the doctor's license to
family received compensation from the clinic. The government also banned similar
stories.
Journalists say the censorship board, called the Press Scrutiny and Registration
An officer at the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division told The Irrawaddy on
Tuesday, “The censorship board will ban any news or articles about social issues
which show or reflect weakness in the system controlled by the Burmese regime.”
stories led to more people coming forward to the media with their experiences about
malpractice and other problems in private hospitals, as well as other social justice
issues.
He said, “All journals tried to publish news about workers at the Wong Hong Hung
textile factory in Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone 3 in Rangoon this week. But, the
censorship board warned us not to publish this information. News about a house
maid in Irrawaddy Division who was humiliated and hospitalized also was banned.”
The junta has a well-earned reputation as “an enemy of the press,” but Burmese
journalists say they try to work around the restrictions when possible.
Ohn Kyaing, a former journalist and member of the opposition National League for
Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, "If there is censorship in the
media and publishing, it has very bad affects throughout society. People need to have
Maung Wun Tha, a veteran writer and editor, told The Irrawaddy, “The government
should understand the essential role that the media plays in social development. The
media can reflect people's opinion and that is important to allow society to improve
itself.”
are viewed as useful and something that can make civil society stronger,” he said.
reports on journalists imprisoned around the world. Burma, which has jailed nine
journalists, was ranked in the top five nations for imprisoning journalists, along with
Kyi Wai and Aung Thet Wine also contributed to this story.
junta than with it, any engagement with the recalcitrant regime will amount to
opportunity for a country that has known only poverty and repression.
At a press conference organized here Monday by the United Nations Economic and
Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP), Stiglitz expressed optimism
over the prospects for change in Burma’s rural economy. "In general, there is the
hope that this is the moment of change for the country," Stiglitz said.
"This is the moment of change for the country," opined the noted economist. "And it
But some are skeptical about the changes that Stiglitz and ESCAP expect to bring to a
country still ruled by a regime notorious for its oppression and secrecy. "The same as
the junta’s sucker bait," charged one irate member of the audience, as he marched up
to Stiglitz after the conference. The colloquial phrase suggests a scheme to deceive
the ignorant.
that has seen ESCAP make some headway toward improving the economic
conditions of the rural poor in Burma, also known as Myanmar. Some 75 percent of
the country's estimated 57 million people live in rural areas and make up the largest
slice of the country's poor. Malnutrition is rampant and affects over a third of the
country's children.
Burma is still reeling from the effects of Cyclone Nargis, which tore through the rice-
growing Irrawaddy Delta in May last year, killing more than 140,000 people.
"The effects of a cyclone last long after the cyclone itself," said Stiglitz, adding that
disaster had devastated the credit system in Burma, affected the supply of fertilisers,
The long-term impacts of the disaster combined with the effects of the global
economic crisis and climate change on Burma have put the country in an even more
precarious state. Thus, Stiglitz believes this is an appropriate time for the United
Nations regional body, headed by Dr Noeleen Heyzer, to engage with one of Asia’s
"Even a country that is not integrated in the global economy is affected by the global
recession," said Stiglitz. There is increased realisation within the regime that "the
world is changing, and you have to change even if nothing else is going on," he added.
"It is my hope these ideas and analysis will open a new space for policy discussion
and a further deepening of our development partnership," Heyzer said at the event
engagement of local experts and people who know what is happening on the ground.
exchange experiences and ideas with government agencies and civil society," Heyzer
added.
Based on his talks with farmers during his visit to Burma, Stiglitz identified the high
cost of credit in the rural areas, with interest rates of at least 10 percent a month, as
"Irrigation has increased the potential for productivity, but because many could not
get credit to buy fertiliser and for hydro-electricity, the full potential could not be
reached," he said.
financing, to boost access to seeds and fertilizers as well as spending on health and
"If you don’t renew your human capital, it depreciates, just as fiscal capital
Stiglitz also noted that well-functioning institutions were critical to success, and that
Burma could learn from the mistakes of other resource-rich countries. "Revenues
from oil and gas can open up a new era, if used well. If not, then valuable
"Economics and politics cannot be separated," Stiglitz added. "For Myanmar to take
a role on the world stage and to achieve true stability and security there must be
widespread participation and inclusive processes. This is the only way forward for
Myanmar."
Judges at the Supreme Court in Rangoon announced on Monday that they will hear
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's appeal against the 18-month
extension of her house arrest which was passed down in August, said Nyan Win, one
of her lawyers.
The proceedings at the Supreme Court, the highest court of appeal in military-ruled
Burma, began at 10 a.m. this morning, Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday.
Myint.
Suu Kyi was sentenced to an additional 18 months house arrest for violating the
terms of her detention after US citizen John William Yettaw stayed at her lakeside
home on May 3. At the time, she had already spent more than 14 of the last 20 years
in detention.
Her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), has yet to announce if it will
for the party’s participation in next year’s election: a review of the provisions in the
and fair poll under international supervision; and the unconditional release of all
Burma's state-run media reported on Sunday that the Burmese government will not
make any amendment to the 2008 Constitution before the general election next year.
Observers say the report may have been a hint to Suu Kyi and her party that the NLD
Parliament, said The New Light of Myanmar and other Rangoon-based newspapers
on Sunday. According to the Constitution, Suu Kyi can not contest the election as she
Suu Kyi is also seeking a dialogue with junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe. NLD sources
say she is prepared to cooperate with the junta in the best interests of the country,
Sunday's newspaper report said the junta will not change the constitutional article
The commentary also claimed that the Constitution had been approved by the
Burmese people and that Western diplomats and military attachés inside Burma had
been allowed to observe the voting, and that the results had been recognized.
However, many diplomats and Burma observers have said that the constitutional
Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping told Burmese junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe at a
The Chinese state-run news agency Xinhua reported that Xi Jinping also said China
areas, the news agency reported. Burma would demonstrate good neighborly
Coverage of the meeting in the official government newspaper The New Light of
Myanmar on Monday made no mention of border issues, but said the two leaders
exchanged views on “matters to which two neighboring countries should pay serious
attention.”
Xi Jinping and his delegation left for Cambodia after their two-day visit to Burma.
Tensions in the Sino-Burmese border region grew last August when the Burmese
armed forces launched an offensive against a minority Kokang armed group, the
Myanmar National Democratic Alliance, causing more than 37,000 refugees to flee
to China.
The conflict was sparked by regime demands for armed ethnic groups to join a
Groups such as the United Wa State Army, which has an estimated 20,000 troops
under arms, have conditionally rejected the border guard proposal. They complain
that the proposal would place their forces under Burmese army command and end
International relief organizations operating in the border areas and observers said
most of the refugees fleeing into China from the Kokang conflict were Chinese
About 90 percent of businesses in the Kokang region are Chinese-owned and many
in the Kokang capital, Laogai, were looted and destroyed in the conflict, reportedly
In November, the junta postponed its deadline for ethnic armed groups to accept the
border guard force proposal until the end of December to give more time for
Sources in the region say ethnic armed groups in northern Burma and northeastern
government forces.
covered three hydro-power projects and one agreement on an oil and gas pipelines
project.
China invested about US $ 2.5 billion in a Sino-Burmese oil and gas pipelines which
will carry 85 percent of Chinas's imported energy from Burma's west coast to Yunnan
Instability in the region could endanger Chinese interests in Burma, including the
“By using massive military firepower such as air strikes, the Burmese government
troops could overrun ethnic forces in their strongholds,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a
military analyst on the Sino-Burmese border and former Communist rebel who
“However, the nature of civil war in Burma is guerrilla warfare,” Aung Kyaw Zaw
said. “The real defense of ethnic armed groups will come with guerrilla warfare,
After the Kokang conflict, officials from Beijing traveled to the Sino-Burmese border
on so-called “fact-finding” visits. Chinese officials talked with Burmese officials and
ethnic groups along the border—also meeting the Shan State Army-South, which is
Foreign tourists have been banned from attending the Naga New Year's
Travel agencies in Rangoon which has provided tours to the festival for years told
The Irrawaddy on Monday that tourists will not be allowed to attend the festival this
year. Well-known S. S. T. Tourism company also said it has cancelled its tour for
foreign travelers.
“Even the number of in-bound tourists for the beginning of the 2009-10 season is up
over the previous year," an employee said. "Most were allowed to visit Pagan, Inlay
The festival is one of the best opportunities for foreign travelers to visit the remote
Naga region, located near Indian-Burma border, and to experience one of Asia's last
The Naga are part of the Tibetan-Burman group and live throughout the northwest
region of Burma. After harvesting their crops, the Naga celebrate with a New Year's
festival to welcome in the next season. The festival is a social event to exchange
experiences from the previous year and to make plans for the coming year. Prayer are
According to the “Weekly Eleven” journal in Rangoon, 36 foreign tourist visited the
festival in Lashi Township in 2001. In 2004, 176 tourists attended the festival.
THE ASEAN CHARTER is a year old this week. The most important
imprint on Asean members is and will remain that Asean is a rule-based
organisation. Each article of the charter, which was agreed and signed
on by the Asean leaders, must be respected and implemented in full
without any condition or prejudice. Failure of any member to comply
with the charter will be reprimanded. At the moment, this has not yet
happened.
Despite this deficiency, Asean has gained more respect from the international
community. Activities related to Asean in the international arenas in the past year
pointed to growing recognition of the grouping's contribution, especially its
expansive role in certain global issues, in particular in managing the financial and
economic crisis.
Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva,as the Asean chair, and Indonesian President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono have done much to boost the Asean role in the G-20
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Summit in London and Pittsburgh. Both have consistently advocated the presence of
an Asean chair at future G-20 summits. Obviously, to gain a permanent seat at the
premier global forum, Asean has to work harder in integrating its three pillars and
demonstrate its resiliency.
After the charter came into force last December, the Asean centrality has become a
new diplomatic buzzword at all Asean-related activities. At the first leaders' meeting
in Singapore in mid-November, between the leaders of Asean and the US, President
Barack Obama was first to endorse the Asean centrality in the overall scheme of
things in Southeast Asia. Some Asean members even had an unrealistic expectation
that the US should have recognised Asean's centrality in a broader Asian context.
That was why Obama did not express US support for the Asean chair's participation
at the G-20 summit in the joint press statement. To attain that objective, according
to Abhisit, Asean must not take its leading role for granted. The Thai leader
reiterated that Asean has to earn it.
The permanent representatives will collectively constitute the CPR. The tasks include
supporting the work of the Asean Community Councils, coordinating with national
secretariats and other Asean sectorial ministerial bodies.
Also in the pipeline will be new dispute settlement mechanisms under Article 25,
which will involve the Asean Coordinating Council, as well as possible arbitration if
and when there is mutual consent among the disputing parties. By the end of
December, the Asean high-level expert group will wrap up its work on dispute
settlement. In the near future, the dispute settlement mechanism will be succinct in
stating that any dispute related to the charter would be dealt with in effective ways.
Another new mechanism, which is expected to be established in the first half of next
year, is the Asean Commission for the Promotion and Protection of Rights of
Women and Children (ACDC), which was part of the Vientiane Action Plan. Each
member shall appoint two national representatives - one from the women's side and
another from the children's side of government.
One of the biggest disappointments in the past year was the failure of Asean's
engagement with the civil society organisations (CSO) based in the region. The idea
of interface between the Asean leaders and CSO representatives at the 14th and 15th
Asean summits was to build up trust and start a long standing process of dialogue.
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Apparently, the Thai chair was too ambitious in attempting to institutionalise the
interface. As such, in the process it has underestimated the deep mistrust existing
among some Asean leaders vis-a-vis each other and their own CSOs.
All concerned parties have learned very much to their regret that bringing people at
the top to converse with the people at the grass roots level would require better
preparations and longer processes of dialogue and consultation. At the recent
symposium on stakeholders' involvement in regional organisations hosted by the
Asean Secretariat in Jakarta, representatives from Asean and CSO sat down again
in an informal setting trying to find out what went wrong in the past year and
discussing new ways to re-engage each other.
Unmistakably, the future interface between the Asean leaders and SCO will be
shelved for the time being. To find the right mix related to mechanisms and process
as well as common issues would take time. This issue will be the grouping's biggest
challenge that all stakeholders - both at the top and bottom - have to work together in
bringing the people-oriented community into fruition.
One year on, the regional grouping's members have not lived up to the
values of the landmark document
With over half the Asean members still not fully respecting the freedom of
expression and all forms of liberties of their own citizens, it would be deceitful to
assess the Asean Charter positively and comprehensively over the past year.
In the beginning, the Asean bureaucrats thought (obviously mistakenly) that with
the Charter in force, concerned authorities, including the Asean leaders, would
adhere to a rules-based agenda and become more cooperative in their common
endeavours.
After all, the promulgation of the Charter was a step forward from the kind of
volunteerism that marked the grouping's cooperation efforts over the past four
decades. Therefore, they thought that with the Charter, Asean as a group would
move forward and occupy centre stage in every regional undertaking. That has
proved not to be over the past year.
When Indonesia proposed the drafting of the Asean charter in 2002, Jakarta was
thinking of a different Asean - not in its current toothless form. Indonesia was the
first country to bring out its dirty laundry (East Timor and Aceh) and wash it in
public for all to see, instead of sweeping it under the carpet and pretending that
nothing happened, as Asean members love to do.
It was courageous act that no other Asean member dared to join in. Jakarta thought
it could spark off a chain reaction and make Asean more dynamic, open and
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politically engaged. Again, that did not happen. It is clear that most Asean members
still want to protect their governments' rights instead of people's rights.
On the contrary, almost all the Asean members became more conservative and
inward looking. They feared that their governments could be exposed, and that this
would subsequently lead to administration downfalls and loss of popularity. In the
case of Indonesia, however, it has had the opposite effect in strengthening the
democratisation process and increasing public participation in national and Asean
affairs.
To be fair, the Charter has rejuvenated Asean to a certain degree, especially among
and with the dialogue partners, who have extensive ties with the grouping. At least
30 countries have already appointed ambassadors to Asean. Soon these will be
transformed into permanent missions to Asean.
With increased diplomatic discourse and scrutiny from outside, Asean cannot rest
on its own perceived laurels and laud its own centrality. Asean has to make sure that
it has sufficient and worthwhile values and activities for its members and partners to
engage in. Asean has to earn its desired leading role, and it can only be done
through action, not by talking.
Sad but true, the quagmire in Burma continues to haunt Asean and its Charter. So
far, the Burmese junta has not taken the Charter as seriously as other members have
done. For instance, both Thailand and Indonesia have displayed leadership in the
selection of their members of the Asean Inter-governmental Commission on Human
Rights. The processes in both countries were carried out independently and
transparently.
It was fortunate that Thailand was the first chair of the new Charter-era Asean.
Bangkok worked diligently to bring the best values to the Charter. But the Asean
members as a whole have yet to prove that the Charter can be successful.
However, kudos must be given to the Thai government, as it wanted to bring about
quickly the Charter's aspirations such as people-centred communities as well as the
promotion and protection of human rights.
Certainly, the postponement of the Pattaya Asean summit in April and domestic
political disturbances were nightmare scenarios and affected on the overall ability of
the Asean chair. Granted these difficulties, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has
done an excellent job in carrying out his duty on behalf of Asean and making the
Charter appear more respectable in the eyes of the international community.
ကိုရီးယားေရာက္္ ဴမန္မာလုပ္သားမဵား
အခၾင့္အေရး ဆံုး႟ံႁးေန
2009-12-22
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/migrant_workers_in_korea_lost_rights-
12222009104742.html/story_main?textonly=1
WASHINGTON — If talks with Myanmar over democratic reforms fail, the Obama
administration could tie up large amounts of money that the country's ruling generals stash in
international banks from the sale of natural gas.
FILE - In this Nov. 15, 2009 file photo, from left, Myanmar's Prime Minister Gen. Thein
Sein, Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and U.S. President Barack Obama,
prepare to take their seats for a multilateral meeting with ASEAN-10 members in Singapore.
(AP Photo/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)
But pressuring banks to avoid doing business with Myanmar's leaders could be a powerful
economic weapon — one that already is being used elsewhere. It's an approach, for example,
that has been used to try to push North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons ambitions.
Congress already has provided the power for the administration to go after the banks and
some rights groups want President Barack Obama to use it right away, or at least if direct
talks fail.
U.S. officials have just started face-to-face negotiations and want to give them more time to
show results. Imposing the banking sanctions would be expensive and time-consuming, and
Myanmar isn't a top priority on a crowded foreign policy agenda that includes Afghanistan
and Iran.
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Still, the administration has warned of tougher action if engagement breaks down with
Myanmar, also known as Burma. And the mere threat could add force to the U.S. negotiating
position.
"We will reserve the option of tightening sanctions on the regime and its supporters to
respond to events in Burma," Obama's top diplomat for East Asia, Kurt Campbell, told
lawmakers in September.
Myanmar has one of the most repressive governments in the world and has been controlled
by the military since 1962. For years, the United States has used punishing sanctions to try to
force change on the country, with little success. Former President George W. Bush's
administration favored shunning Myanmar, and Bush's wife, Laura, and many in Congress
were strong advocates of the nascent democracy movement there.
Now, the Obama administration has reversed the isolation policy in favor of engagement,
which it hopes will persuade the generals to grant greater freedoms to opposition parties and
minorities and to free political prisoners.
Myanmar has since made a few symbolic gestures of good will, letting detained democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi meet with Campbell, for instance, and releasing some political
prisoners. At the same time, it has continued to persecute ethnic minorities, journalists and
student activists.
Obama himself spoke of a possibly stronger position on Myanmar in his Nobel Peace Prize
acceptance speech. There will be engagement and diplomacy with Myanmar, he said, "but
there must be consequences when those things fail."
Activists say financial measures that hinder Myanmar's ruling generals' ability to access the
international banking system might do what broader economic sanctions have failed to do.
"What the Burmese government values is not its commerce with the outside world but the
financial proceeds of that commerce," said Tom Malinowski of Human Rights Watch. "Once
the Burmese government deposits the checks in its bank accounts, there's a lot the United
States government can do to prevent that money from being used in the international banking
system."
Treasury officials have targeted 40 people and 44 entities since the Myanmar junta killed and
arrested protesters during demonstrations in 2007. Being added to the sanctions list prevents
people from making transactions in the banking system of the United States.
But a 2008 law grants the Treasury Department authority to impose conditions on banking
relationships, meaning sanctions could affect activities of international banks.
Myanmar has lucrative natural gas deals with its neighbors and with some European and U.S.
companies, with revenues going into foreign banks. Under its new authority, the U.S. can let
these banks know it has concerns about their association with Myanmar that could hurt these
banks' ability to work with U.S. financial institutions, said Jennifer Quigley, advocacy
director for the U.S. Campaign for Burma.
Supporters of the banking sanctions often raise North Korea, saying that the United States
effectively froze the North out of the international banking system in 2005, hurting leader
Kim Jong Il.
For the moment, the Obama administration is urging patience as it pursues talks.
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Next year's elections in Myanmar will provide a good look at the junta's intentions. A big
question will be whether high-level U.S.-Myanmar talks lead to true participation by
minorities and opposition groups or merely let the generals consolidate power.
FILE - In this Nov. 4, 2009 file photo, Myanmar's detained opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi, right, walks with U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell after their meeting in
Yangon, Myanmar. (AP Photo/Khin Maung Win, File)
Myanmar nationals, resident in Japan, stage a rally calling for the release of democracy icon
Aung San Suu Kyi
File photo shows leading members of the Myanmar political party, the National League for
Democracy, in Yangon
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BANGKOK — Myanmar's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi faces an urgent challenge to
shake up her party's ranks, analysts say, after a rare meeting with her colleagues exposed a
weak and ageing leadership team.
Faced with national polls next year and their leader still in detention, members of the
National League for Democracy (NLD) also need to resolve ideological differences within
the party, they said.
The military junta, which has ruled Myanmar with an iron fist since 1962, allowed the
democracy icon to leave her prison home Wednesday to pay respects to three ailing senior
members of her political party, and she used the opportunity to ask their permission to ring in
changes.
Party chairman Aung Shwe, 92, secretary Lwin, 85, and central executive committee (CEC)
member Lun Tin, 89, approved Suu Kyi's unprecedented request to "reorganise" the CEC,
Lwin said.
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At 64, Suu Kyi is the youngest of the 11-member committee, while nine are in their 80s and
90s and most of them are said to be in bad health. Related article: China's vice president in
Myanmar for talks
The old guard have disagreed with younger members over party policies, including whether
or not to contest polls scheduled for 2010, with many of the new generation favouring a more
pragmatic approach.
"It's a make or break point for the NLD," said a Bangkok-based European diplomat on
condition of anonymity. "There are obviously many hardliners in the committee who are
perhaps looking to the past more than the future."
The party is yet to decide if it will take part in the elections, which critics fear are a sham
designed to legitimise the junta's grip on power.
But the diplomat said the latest development showed Suu Kyi "has given her signal that she
wants them to reorganise and she wants the party to get ready".
"At the moment there's an amazing lack of vision and knowledge when it comes to the
economic situation, the ethnic issue -- all the key Burma challenges," the diplomat said, using
Myanmar's former name and referring to tensions with minority groups.
Suu Kyi has spent most of the last 20 years in detention and calls for changes have been
coming ever since her first period of freedom 14 years ago, said Derek Tonkin, chairman of
the UK-based Network Myanmar.
"Since then a lot of people say she ought to have applied herself to the reorganisation of the
party more than political campaigns," he said.
But Win Min, an activist and scholar in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, said new
membership had been stifled by fear of the authorities.
"It may be difficult to recruit new blood at the grassroots level because of the restrictions and
intimidation by the military," he said.
In August, following a prison trial, Suu Kyi was ordered to spend another 18 months in
detention.
The sentence sparked an international furore as it effectively keeps her off the stage for the
2010 elections, which will be Myanmar's first since 1990, when the junta refused to recognise
the NLD's landslide win.
Following moves in recent months by the United States and European Union towards a policy
of engagement with Myanmar, Suu Kyi has pursued greater dialogue with the government.
She has written twice to junta chief Than Shwe, once offering her help in getting sanctions
lifted and later seeking a meeting with him, while she has been allowed three meetings with
the government liaison officer since October.
But her plea for talks with the other CEC members, which would be necessary to implement
changes to the party, has not yet been granted.
One member, 68-year-old Khin Maung Swe, told AFP a place would be kept for loyal senior
colleagues.
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"It is certain that we will reorganise the committee, but we cannot say the time-frame.... We
cannot neglect our senior CEC members if they want to serve," he said.
Although the NLD's fate largely remains in the hands of the junta, the Bangkok-based
diplomat said the party members are partly to blame for their "incapacity to rejuvenate
themselves".
"If they don't get this right they will be remembered for being full of good intentions but all
their sacrifices will be in vain, and I think Aung San Suu Kyi had grasped that," he said.
Suu Kyi's lawyers appealed to the Supreme Court last month after a lower court
upheld a decision to sentence her to 18 more months of house arrest. She had
been convicted for violating her previous term by briefly sheltering an
American intruder who swam uninvited to her lakeside home.
The legal team argued that her house arrest extension was unlawful as it was
based on provisions from the 1974 Constitution that was no longer in existence,
Suu Kyi's chief lawyer Kyi Win told reporters after emerging from the court
Monday.
The court posted an announcement on its notice board that it had agreed to hear
the appeal. Final arguments are to take place at a later date.
The court also agreed to review the house arrest of Suu Kyi's two female
companions, who are also ordered confined for 18 months at her compound in
Yangon.
The 64-year-old Nobel Peace Laureate was initially sentenced to three years in
prison with hard labor, but that sentence was commuted by junta chief Senior
Gen. Than Shwe.
Suu Kyi's sentence ensures she cannot participate in Myanmar's first elections in
two decades that are scheduled for next year. Her party swept the last elections
in 1990, but the results were never honored by the military, which has ruled the
country since 1962.
"We urge you in the strongest possible terms to immediately and unconditionally release Mr
Aung and allow him to return to the United States," they wrote in the message to Myanmar
junta leader Than Shwe.
The lawmakers said the charges against Aung were a pretext to hold him and that his
"longstanding non-violent activities in support of freedom and democracy" in Myanmar were
the real reason for his imprisonment.
"The detention of an American citizen under these circumstances has caused alarm among
many members of the United States Congress, and raises serious doubts about your
government's willingness to improve relations," they said.
Dissident groups from Myanmar, still known in Washington as Burma, have said Nyi Nyi
Aung is a democracy activist and was hoping to see his ailing mother, herself detained over
political activities, when he was arrested September 3.
His lawyers say he was deprived of food, sleep, medical treatment and US consular access in
his first two weeks of detention.
His fiancee and his Washington-based lawyer have said that US diplomats have been
prohibited from seeing Aung, and that his health has been deteriorating.
Nobel laureate Suu Kyi, 64, was ordered to spend another 18 months in
detention in August after being convicted over an incident in which a US man
swam to her house. A lower court rejected an initial appeal in October.
"The supreme court decided to hear Aung San Suu Kyi's request. Lawyers have
to present arguments before the court on December 21," a Myanmar official
said on condition of anonymity.
The decision had been posted on the noticeboard of the court in the former
capital Yangon on Friday, the official added.
Nyan Win, a spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD),
confirmed that the top court had agreed to hear the appeal but said he had no
further details.
Myanmar's military rulers have kept Suu Kyi in detention for 14 of the last 20
years, ever since they refused to recognise the NLD's landslide victory in the
country's last democratic elections in 1990.
The extension of her house arrest after a trial at Yangon's notorious Insein
Prison sparked international outrage as it effectively keeps her off the stage for
elections promised by the regime some time in 2010.
The European Union is also set to begin "sustained political dialogue" with the
ruling generals after years of its own sanctions, EU ambassador David Lipman
said after holding talks with reclusive junta chief Than Shwe.
"We had a good discussion about future relations between the European Union
and Myanmar and we are looking forward," Lipman told reporters Thursday of
the 30-minute meeting in the remote jungle capital Naypyidaw a day earlier.
"I think the government would like to engage with the European Union. They
are already engaging with the United States," he said.
"At the moment, we are working on the third track which is for political
dialogue. The third track is now very much in the process of moving forwards,"
he said.
Lipman said EU officials hope to hold talks with Myanmar foreign minister
Nyan Win on the sidelines of a climate change conference beginning Monday in
Copenhagen. Myanmar officials could not immediately confirm Nyan Win's
attendance.
There have also been signs of rapprochement between Suu Kyi and the junta
since she wrote to Than Shwe in September offering her cooperation in getting
Western sanctions lifted, after years of favouring harsh measures.
She also had two meetings with Aung Kyi, the labour minister and official
liaison between her and the junta, the first such talks since January 2008, and
met western diplomats in Yangon.
In November the regime allowed her to make a rare appearance in front of the
media after holding talks with US Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell,
the highest level official from Washington to visit Myanmar for 14 years.
A visit by a US senator Jim Webb in August secured the release of John Yettaw,
the eccentric American man who swam across a lake to Suu Kyi's mansion in
May and sparked the case that led to her detention being prolonged.
UN Chief Ban Ki-moon visited Myanmar in July but was not allowed to meet
Suu Kyi.
Surakiart, who was foreign minister in the Thaksin government from 2001-04, told the
Supreme Court that Thaksin personally intervened in the total Bt4-billion (S$169.2
million) loan deal with Burma back in 2003-04.
Surakiart and graft-buster Klanarong Chantik yesterday testified before the court to
wrap up the prosecution's case to seize Bt76 billion (S$3.214 billion) from Thaksin and
his former wife, Pojaman.
It was unclear why the defence raised the issue when it could reflect poorly on
Thaksin.
Surakiart replied that he was only aware of such a purchase during the investigation by
the Assets Examination Committee.
The former premier has been accused of hiding his assets illegally and abusing his
office by implementing at least five government measures to benefit his family's vast
shareholdings in Shin Corp, which was eventually sold to Temasek Holdings of
Singapore in 2006.
The court yesterday asked for more documentary evidence and witnesses for two more
hearings, scheduled for January 12 and January 14.
In his testimony Surakiart said he recalled that Burma's foreign minister, in October
2003, had officially asked for a low-interest Exim Bank loan of Bt3 billion (S$126.9
million) to buy machinery, building materials and other products from Thailand.
Later on, Surakiart said, Burma sought an additional US$24-million (S$33.75 million)
credit line to develop its telecom infrastructure.
"As the foreign minister, I raised my objection because the government could face
criticism due to the fact that the Shinawatra family was a major shareholder of
Thailand's telecom giant [Shin Corp].
"At the time, several countries had also imposed trade sanctions on Myanmar [Burma].
Initially, there was no reaction from PM Thaksin until Myanmar's officials asked Thai
counterparts at a regional meeting in Phuket if it's possible to increase the loan from
Bt3 billion (S$126.9 million) to Bt5 billion (S$211.5 million)."
"In writing, Myanmar said it would also want to buy asphalt and building materials
from Thailand. Afterwards, PM Thaksin asked the Foreign Ministry about its position.
I said I'm against it.
"Then, PM Thaksin suggested that we should meet half-way. Myanmar had asked for
Bt5 billion (S$211.5 million) so we should give them Bt4 billion (S$169.2 million).
That's the deal," recalled Surakiart, who was also deputy premier in the final year of
the Thaksin government.
First, state-owned TOT lost a big chunk of revenue when the Thaksin government
issued an executive decree to convert the telecom concession fees into an excise tax.
Second, TOT lost an estimated Bt60 billion (S$2.538 billion) in revenue after a
concession contract with Advanced Info Service (AIS), a unit of Shin Corp, was
amended to reduce the concession fee from a progressive rate of 20-30 per cent of
revenue to a flat rate of only 20 per cent.
Third, the telecom concession contract was amended to help AIS reduce its investment
requirement by Bt10 billion (S$423 million), thus boosting its profits.
Fourth, the satellite concession contract was amended to help ShinSat, another unit of
Shin Corp, make money from the iPSTAR satellite rather than investing in a back-up
satellite.
Fifth, state-owned Exim Bank was ordered to provide the Bt4-billion (S$169.2 million)
loan to Burma to buy services from ShinSat.
Altogether, the government's measures helped boost the share price of Shin Corp and
benefited its major shareholders, he said.
Thaksin insisted last night that he was unfairly charged of being "unusually wealthy"
by the post-coup Assets Examination Committee and said he had some Bt60 billion
(S$2.538 billion) in assets before entering politics many years ago.
In his weekly Internet-based radio broadcast, he said the value of Shin Corp shares
held by his family rose and fell naturally, without his political influence.
Meanwhile Thaksin insisted last night that he was unfairly charged of being "unusually
wealthy" by the postcoup Assets Examination Committee and said he had some Bt60
billion (S$2.538 billion) in assets before entering politics many years ago.
In his weekly Internet-based radio broadcast, he said the value of Shin Corp shares
held by his family rose and fell naturally, without his political influence.
http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/peopleandpower/2009/12/20091221105
558464153.html
NAY PYI TAW, Dec 22, 2009 (NNN-MNA) — Chinese Vice-President Xi Jinping and
his delegation left Nay Pyi Taw Sunday evening after concluding a goodwill visit to
Myanmar.
The Chinese delegation was seen off at the airport by the Commander of the Nay Pyi
Taw Command, Major-General Wai Lwin, Agriculture and Irrigation Minister Maj-
Gen Htay Oo, Foreign Minister U Nyan Win, Transport Minister Maj-Gen Thein Swe,
Myanmar Ambassador to China U Thein Lwin, Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Ye
Dabo, embassy officials and Chinese citizens in Myanmar.
Earlier on Sunday, Xi was received by the Chairman of Myanmar’s State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC), Senior General Than Shwe, at Zeyathiri Beikman here.
Also present were SPDC Vice-Chairman Vice-Senior General Maung Aye, SPDC
member General Thura Shwe Mann, Prime Minister General Thein Sein, SPDC
Secretary-1 General Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, Agriculture and Irrigation
Minister Maj-Gen Htay Oo, Foreign Minister U Nyan Win, National Planning and
Economic Development Minister U Soe Tha, Commerce Minister Brig-Gen Tin Naing
Thein, Finance and Revenue Minister Maj-Gen Hla Tun, Culture Minister Maj-Gen
Khin Aung Myint and senior officials.
The two sides exchanged views on fortifying bilateral friendly relations, co-operation
for mutual interest, and matters to which the two neighbouring countries should pay
serious attention.
Xi was also received by Vice-Senior General Maung Aye and they discussed matters
related to further improvement of the friendship between the two countries, bilateral
co-operation in agriculture, road transport, transportation, energy, electricity and
communications sectors, deeper co-operation in the important sectors, co-operation
in regional and international fields and the two countries? stance on global climate
change. Both parties exchanged views.
After the meeting, bilateral agreements were signed in the presence of the Vice-
Senior General and the Chinese Vice President.
Later, the Vice-Senior General and the Chinese Vice-President viewed the scale
model of the Myanmar-China oil and gas pipeline (Myanmar section) project linking
Kyaukpyu of Myanmar and Yunnan Province of China.
The Vice President and party had arrived in Yangon on Saturday afternoon to pay a
goodwill visit, at the invitation of the SPDC Vice Chairman. They visited the Myanma
Gems Emporium and Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon. The goodwill delegation
departed for Nay Pyi Taw, on Saturday evening.
(ကိုဝိုင္းတည္းျဖတ္သည္)
ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ စည္း႐ံုးေရးသမားမ်ားကို
ႀကံ့ဖံြ႔က ႐ိုက္ႏွက္
ျမင့္ေမာင္ | အဂၤါေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၂ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၉ နာရီ ၁၉ မိနစ္
နယူးေဒလီ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။ ။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတြက္ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းအတြင္း ယခုလ ၁၉
ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စည္း႐ံုးေရး ဆင္းေနစဥ္ ႀကံ႕ခုိင္ဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရး အဖဲြ႔ဝင္မ်ားက ဝုိင္းဝန္း ႐ိုက္ႏွက္သျဖင့္
ပါတီဝင္ အနည္းဆံုး ၅ ဦး ဒဏ္ရာရရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီတခုက ေျပာသည္။
(ကိုဝိုင္း တည္းျဖတ္သည္။)
သူတို႔က ယခုလ ၂၀ ရက္ႏွင့္ ၂၁ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ‘ျမန္မာ့ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံ ဥပေဒ ညီလာခံ’ ကို
က်င္းပခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္၊ စစ္အစိုးရ ေရးဆဲြခဲ့သည့္ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဖဲြ႔စည္းပံု ဥပေဒကို ဖ်က္သိမ္းရန္
ဆံုးျဖတ္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားကို ေဘာဂေဗဒအေၾကာင္း
အႀကံေပးျခင္း
ေက်ာ္သိခၤ | တနလၤာေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၁ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၉ နာရီ ၁၅ မိနစ္ အင္တာဗ်ဴး
ခ်င္းမုိင္ (မဇၥ်ိမ)။ ။ ဆင္းရဲမြဲေတမႈ ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ေရးႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရး ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳး တိုးတက္မႈအတြက္ ျမန္မာ
စစ္အစိုးရကို အႀကံဥာဏ္ေကာင္းမ်ား ေပးရန္ ႀကိဳးစားေနေသာ ကုလသမဂၢ လက္ေအာက္ခံ
အာရွႏွင့္ ပစိဖိတ္ ေဒသဆိုင္ရာ စီးပြားေရးႏွင့္ လူမႈေရးေကာ္မ႐ွင္ ESCAP ကမကထျပဳ
ဖိတ္ၾကားခဲ့ေသာ ေဘာဂေဗဒ ႏိုဘယ္ဆုရွင္ ဂ်ိဳးဆက္ စတစ္ဂ္လစ္သည္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၄
ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္သို႔ သြားေရာက္ၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရ အရာရွိမ်ားႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။
ေမး။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့။ မစၥတာ ဂ်ိဳးဇက္ စတစ္ဂ္လစ္က “စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဟာ ခြဲျခားလို႔ မရဘူး” လို႔
ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။ ျမန္မာစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံ့စီးပြားေရး ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ဖို႔အတြက္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲရမယ္ဆိုရင္ ေျပာင္းလဲလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ခင္ဗ်ားထင္လား။
ေငြလဲႏႈန္း
ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၂၊ ၂၀၀၉
၁ ေဒၚလာ = ၁၀၀၅ က်ပ္
၁ ဘတ္ = ၂၈.၈၀ က်ပ္
ေဒၚျမင့္ျမင့္ခင္
(၂)
လမ္းစဥ္ပါတီမဝင္ေသာေၾကာင့္၊ ပညာေရးအစည္းအေဝးမ်ားတြင္
ထက္ထက္ျမက္ျမက္ေဝဖန္တတ္ေသာ ေၾကာင့္ မာမီတေယာက္ မႏၲေလးေဆးတကၠသုိလ္
ေဆးပညာဌာနမွဴးအျဖစ္မွ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ရာထူးမတုိး ခဲ့ေၾကာင့္လည္း ဆုိရွယ္လစ္ေခတ္ႀကီးမွာပင္
ေဆးပညာဌာန ေရႊေခတ္ဟု ေခၚႏုိင္ေလာက္သည့္ ပညာေရး စံခ်ိန္စုိက္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ေလသည္။
ဌာနတြင္းက စိတ္ႏုေသာ၊ သူႏွင့္လုိက္ၿပိဳင္တတ္ေသာ ပညာေက်ာ္တခ်ိဳ႕ကုိ သည္းညည္းခံၿပီး
ဌာနေကာင္းက်ိဳးလက္တြဲလုပ္ခ်င္စိတ္ေပါက္လာေအာင္ ဆြဲေဆာင္တတ္သည္မွာ မာမီ၏
ရင့္က်က္မွဳပါေပ။
(၃)
(၄)
BRUSSELS — The flight plan for an aircraft seized in Thailand with a load of illicit
North Korean arms and ammunition shows that the mysterious plane was headed to
According to the flight plan seen by researchers, the aircraft was chartered by Hong
Kong-based Union Top Management Ltd., or UTM, to fly oil industry spare parts
from Pyongyang to Tehran, with several other stops, including in Azerbaijan and
Ukraine.
on a US tip, impounded
uncovering 35 tons of
weapons, reportedly
Thai police officers and soldiers surround a
including explosives,
suspect foreign-registered cargo plane to make a
search at Don Muang airport in Bangkok. (Photo: rocket-propelled
AP)
grenades and
components for surface-to-air missiles. The plane's papers described its cargo as oil-
The UN imposed sanctions in June banning North Korea from exporting any arms
after the communist regime conducted a nuclear test and test-fired missiles.
year by selling missiles, missile parts and other weapons to countries such as Iran,
The report on the flight plan from the nonprofit groups TransArms in the United
States and IPIS of Belgium was funded by the Belgian government and Amnesty
The report says the plane was registered to Air West, a cargo transport company in
the former Soviet republic of Georgia. Asked to comment on whether the plane was
bound for Tehran, company owner Levan Kakabadze told The Associated Press that
Speaking by telephone from Batumi, Georgia, Kakabadze said that he had leased the
plane to the SP Trading company and could bear no responsibility for what happened
next.
"I know that the flight documents listed the cargo as oil drilling equipment. It turned
out that they were carrying weapons," Kakabadze said. "After leasing the plane, I
can't be held responsible for what happened. It's a problem for people who leased the
The authors cite confidential e-mails saying that UTM had ruled out a direct flight
The report also raises multiple questions, including why the plane would stop in
Thailand, since arms traffickers would be wiser to fly over China toward the former
Soviet republics and on to Iran, rather than the well-policed southeastern Asian
country.
It says that the final flight plan shows that the aircraft stopped at an Azerbaijani air
force base a few miles (kilometers) north of the capital, Baku, on its way to North
Korea, and was expected to make a stop there on its way back from Pyongyang to
Tehran.
An Azerbaijani aviation spokesman Tuesday denied the plane stopped in his country,
"The claims that the plane made a refueling stop in Azerbaijan have nothing to do
with reality," said Maharram Safarli, a spokesman for the national flag carrier AZAL.
The report, which was released Monday, also says that the aircraft's lease owner, SP
Trading, which is located in New Zealand, was told that the equipment on board
should be brought to Ukraine first for handling before its delivery to Pyongyang.
Ukrainian Foreign Minister Petr Poroshenko has been quoted as saying that the
plane was not Ukrainian. He said the plane landed in Ukraine on Nov. 13 empty and
The researchers say that the plane's previous registration documents link it to Air
Cess and Centrafrican Airlines, which are allegedly connected to accused weapons
trafficker Victor Bout, who has been in prison in Thailand since he was arrested
charges.
But, the report said there was not enough evidence to link the plan definitively to
Bout.
"In the arcane and esoteric world of former Soviet aircraft registration it is only
possible to say that it is 'highly probable' that this aircraft is the same plane which, up
to a decade or so ago, was part of a fleet of aircraft which 'quite likely' were under the
"But this is rather like saying that possession of one's vintage Jaguar, which a decade
ago was used as the getaway car in a bank job, makes one a bank robber."
The aircraft itself was formerly a Soviet air force plane that was later converted to
resurfaced in Swaziland in 1998 and was spotted again in the United Arab Emirates
in 2003.
Associated Press writer Deborah Seward reported on this story from Paris. AP
အဆိုပါခရီးစဥ္ကုိ လာမည့္ ၂၀၁၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီ (၇) ရက္ေန႔မွ ဧၿပီ (၂၉) ရက္အထိသာ
ပ်ံသန္းမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အဲပုဂံ ေလေၾကာင္းလိုင္းမွ တာ၀န္ရွိသူတဦးက ေျပာသည္။
“လူဦးေရ (၁၀၅) ဦး ဒါမွမဟုတ္ (၉၇) ဦး စီးႏိုင္တဲ့ Fokker 100 ေလယာဥ္အမ်ဳိးအစားနဲ
့တပတ္မွာ ၾကာသပေတးနဲ႔ တနဂၤေႏြ ႏွစ္ရက္ေျပးဆြဲမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္” ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။
ဇာေဘာ္လီစက္႐ံု ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားကို
အဓမၼအလုပ္ျဖဳတ္
စိုးမိုး/ ၂၃ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Dec09/231209d.php
ယာယီႏိုင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္ ျပဳလုပ္ေရး
ပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္ၾကရန္ ထုိင္းတိုက္တြန္း
ရဲရင့္/ ၂၃ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Dec09/231209b.php
အထည္ခ်ဳပ္လုပ္ငန္း ထက္၀က္ေက်ာ္
ပိတ္သိမ္းရဖြယ္ရွိ
စိုးမိုး/ ၂၃ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Dec09/231209a.php
ႀကံ့/ဖြံ႕နာယကဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေ႐ႊက - မိမိတို႕လိုလားေတာင့္တသည့္
ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ႀကီးတည္ေဆာက္ေရးအတြက္ ႀကံ့/ဖြံ႕ အသင္း ဖြဲ႕စည္းတည္ေထာင္ျခင္း ၁၆
ႏွစ္႐ွိၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးအတြက္ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားႏွင့္ယွဥ္တြဲၿပီး
အေတြ႕အႀကံဳရင့္က်က္ခိုင္မာေနၿပီ - ဟု ေျပာၾကားေၾကာင္း နအဖ မီဒီယာမ်ားက ဆိုပါသည္။
ကိုယ္က်ဳိးစြန္႕အနစ္နာခံသူ
သွ်မ္းလူငယ္တဦးအား
သုစႏၵီေခါင္းေဆာင္ဆုခ်ီးျမႇင့္
တနလၤာေန႕၊ 21 ဒီဇင္ဘာလ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္
ယခင္သီေပါေစာ္ဘြား မဟာေဒ၀ီ ကမကထျပဳေသာ အေမရိက အေျခစိုက္ Burma Lifeline က
လူမႈအဖြဲ႕စည္းအတြက္ ကိုယ္က်ဳိးစြန္႕အနစ္နာခံသူ Burma Lifeline အဖြဲ႕၀င္ သွ်မ္းလူငယ္
စိုင္းဆဲန္ဖန္းအား ယခုႏွစ္ Sao Thusandi Leadership Award သုစႏၵီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဆု
ဆု႐ွင္အျဖစ္ ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္ဖိတ္ၾကားၿပီး ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀ ရက္ ညေနပိုင္းက ခ်င္းမုိင္ၿမိဳ႕၌ဂုဏ္ျပဳအပ္ ႏွင္းပြဲ
က်င္းပခဲ့သည္။
“ဆုေပးရတဲ့ရည္႐ြယ္ခ်က္က အနာဂတ္လူငယ္ေတြ ကိုယ္က်ဳိးစြန္႕တတ္ဖို႕၊
စံျပအမ်ားအက်ဳိးေဆာင္႐ြက္သူေတြကို အတုယူ တတ္ဖို႕ျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီလိုလူငယ္ေတြ
မ်ားမ်ားတိုးပြားလာရင္ သွ်မ္းျပည္ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရး၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္အေထာက္
အကူျဖစ္မယ္” - ဟု သုစႏၵီဆု အပ္ႏွင္းေရး ေကာ္မတီ၀င္တဦးျဖစ္သူက ေျပာပါသည္။
ျမန္မာ့အားကစား ျပန္လည္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးရန္
လိုအပ္ဟု သုံးသပ္ေနၾက
WEDNESDAY, 23 DECEMBER 2009 19:08 ရန္ပိုင္
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2332-2009-12-23-12-14-15
၂၅ ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ အားကစားၿပိဳင္ပြဲ (SEA GAME ) တြင္ ျမန္မာ အားကစား
အဖြဲ႕သည္ ေရႊတံဆိပ္ ၁၂ ခုသာ ရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး လာအုိႏုိင္ငံ ေအာက္ေရာက္ရွိ သြားသည့္အတြက္ ျမန္မာ
အားကစားေလာက က်ဆင္းေနမႈအေပၚ ထိပ္တန္းအားကစား ကေလာင္ရွင္မ်ားက
သုံးသပ္ဆင္ျခင္ေနၾကသည္။
သုိ႔ေသာ္ ယခု လာအုိ SEA GAME တြင္ ျမန္မာအားကစား အဖြဲ႔၏ အေအာင္ျမင္ဆုံး အားကစားမွာ
ပုိက္ေက်ာ္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ အမိ်ဳး သားအသင္းသာမက အမ်ိဳးသမီးႏွစ္ေယာက္တြဲ ပြဲစဥ္
ေနာက္ဆုံးဗုိလ္လုပြဲတြင္ ထုိင္းအမ်ိဳးသမီးအသင္းကုိ အႏုိင္ယူကာ ေရႊတံ ဆိပ္ကုိ
ဆြတ္ခူးႏုိင္ခဲ့သည္။
Russia is to supply Burma with a further 20 MiG-29 jet fighters, according to the
Wednesday.
Russia and Burma signed a contract several weeks ago for the purchase of the aircraft
at a cost of nearly 400 million euros (US $570 million), the paper reported, quoting a
Kommersant
said it was
the biggest
export
contract for
MiG-29
fighters since
Algeria in
2007.
Burma took delivery of a dozen MiG-29 fighters from Russia in 2001, the paper said.
One source close to Rosoboronexport told the paper that Russia secured the MiG-29
deal by beating off an offer by China to supply Burma with “ultra-modern” J-10 and
Russia, a staunch ally of Burma at the UN, is among the country's leading arms
suppliers. Russia is to build a “nuclear studies” center in Burma, which will include a
Freedom Now, accuse Burmese authorities of torturing Kyaw Zaw Lwin, a.k.a Nyi
Nyi Aung.
Hired by Nyi Nyi Aung's wife, Wa Wa Kyaw, Schwanke said in a separate statement
that Nyi Nyi Aung has been unjustly imprisoned in Burma since Sept. 3, 2009. He is
punishment for his hunger strike earlier this month protesting the conditions of
In the joint letter to Manfred Nowak, the UN Special Rapporteur on torture and
said: “We write to request urgent action in the case of Kyaw Zaw Lwin (Nyi Nyi
Mr. Aung is currently subjected to what is known in Burma as 'military dog cell'
confinement.
“It is Freedom Now's understanding that this means that Mr. Aung is being held in
across the hall, subjecting Mr. Aung to almost constant barking. Mr. Aung has
reportedly been enduring this treatment since at least December 7, 2009; fifteen
days.
“Freedom Now believes that this treatment rises to the level of torture or, at a
minimum, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, given its duration and
interference with his ability to sleep, and requests your urgent assistance,” they said.
After Nyi Nyi Aung's arrest, “he was moved from interrogation center to
interrogation center throughout Burma where he was tortured, including: food and
sleep deprivation for seven days, beatings, and denial of medical treatment,” they
said.
Freedom Now assumes the initial torture was carried out by the Burmese Special
Branch, who first arrested him. They believe recent incidents have been carried out
Describing the methods of torture used, Freedom Now believes that he is “only
allowed to go to the bathroom on a tray kept in his cell,” and is “allowed out of his
cell once a day to wash his face.” The barking dogs lead to “extreme sleep
deprivation.”
“Freedom Now believes this treatment began December 7, 2009, if not before.
“The initial torture led to physical injuries, from which they believe he has now
mostly healed.
“However, these most recent incidents of torture will certainly lead to more lasting
injuries if not immediately stopped. Fifteen days of sleep deprivation can lead to
condition from the initial torture, poor conditions at Insein Prison, and his hunger
strike; Freedom Now is gravely concerned for his well-being,” they said, adding that
they do not believe Nyi Nyi Aung is receiving appropriate medical treatment.
A well-known democracy activist, Kyaw Zaw Lwin was arrested by the Burmese
imprisoned democracy activist who has cancer. He was accused of using a forged
Burmese identity card and illegally importing currencies into the country, they said.
On Dec. 18, 53 US Congressmen wrote a letter to the Snr-Gen Than Shwe urging Nyi
the powerful House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Frank Wolf, co-chair of the Tom
Lantos Human Right Commission; House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer; Assistant to
the Speaker Chris Van Hollen; and Dan Rohrabacher, ranking member on the House
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Oversight.
Aung's detention and trial is inconsistent with both Burmese and international law,”
Sen Jim Webb, who traveled to Burma earlier this year to secure the release of US
citizen John Yettaw, also urged the regime to grant Kyaw Zaw Lwin all rights
In a statement on Dec. 11, Webb expressed concern about news reports that Kyaw
Zaw Lwin had been mistreated during his detainment and that he is being denied
Burmese ethnic journalists met in Chiang Mai on Tuesday to discuss how best to
cover the 2010 election and agreed that FM radio offers the best medium to reach a
One outcome of the meeting was agreement to create proposals to create one or more
Khuensai Jaiyen, an editor of the Shan Herald Agency for News based in Chiang
Mai, said, “Radio is the best medium for us to work with because it can reach a wide
FM radio would be an effective tool to educate people about the 2008 Constitution
Ban Nyr Eain, a member of the group who works at its FM station in Mon State, said
Most ethnic media groups lack the necessary knowledge and skills to set up radio
Naw Din Lahpai, an editor at the Kachin New Groups in Chiang Mai, said that his
group would have security problems if an FM station were established in the area
One of the major problems in the upcoming election is that ethnic groups have little
understanding of the new Constitution and the parliamentary body that would be
created after the election. Without information about the role of the Constitution,
many people would vote for the regime, said participants at the meeting.
stations are run by in-country ethnic groups. Ethnic languages usually have about 15
minutes a week in broadcasts by the Democratic Voice of Burma and Radio Free
Asia.
The ethnic media groups said they needed to build up capacity and train people in
The Burmese junta has set up an ethnic broadcast station in Naypyidaw, which
broadcast one hour a day in ethnic languages, and there are plans to set up
aemufqufwGJ
Appendix
Published by the
All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF)
February 1997
ISBN-974-89885-0-3
Front Cover Design by Min Kyaw Khaing
PREFACE
This report is about human courage and dignity. In face of the
most stringent deprivation and under the harshest duress, man
can stand up and show that there is still one freedom that can't be
taken away: the freedom to choose how to respond to the
situation. The political prisoners of Insein could have chosen to
bow to the use of force. Their spirit could have been broken by
torture and solitary confinement. But instead, they have chosen to
respond with calmness and nobility. Not only have they pleaded
not guilty to the trumped up charges of the SLORC, they spoken
out in their defense, defending their basic human rights and
dignity and denouncing the unfair trail.
ABBREVIATIONS
ABSDF: All Burma Students' Democratic Front
ABFSU: All Burma Federation of Students' Union
BBC: British Broadcasting Corporation
CPB: Communist Party of Burma
DPNS: Democratic Party for New Society
DVB: Democratic Voice of Burma
ICRC: International Committee of the Red Cross
MIS: Military Intelligence Service
NLD: National League for Democracy
SLORC: State Law and Order Restoration Council
UN: United Nations
VOA: Voice of America
ABSDF APPEAL
In January 1997 we were reminded of the corrupt state of Burma's
judiciary when 20 people who took part in protests in Rangoon a
month earlier were jailed for seven years.
The group, which included six members of the National
League for Democracy (NLD), was accused of "inciting students
and non-students during December 1996 student demonstrations".
Their trail was held in a closed session in Rangoon and the
accused were denied access to legal counsel. NLD leader Aung San
Suu Kyi commented that if the group was actually guilty, there
SECTION I
Introduction
Plaintiff:
Maung Maung Hla
(District Judicial Officer)
Defendants:
The defendants themselves
Charge:
Section 5 (E), 1950 Emergency Provision Act
Verdict:
(blank)
Date:
March 20, 1996.
Zaw Tun
Zaw Tun, a second-year student from the Workers'
College, has been detained since 1991 when he was
sentenced to 12 years imprisonment on charges of having
links with the 208th Battalion of the ABSDF. Between mid-
November 1995 and January 1996 he was placed in a
prison dog cell.
Zaw Tun sat on the 'Committee for the publication of the magazine
of the Diamond Jubilee of Rangoon University'. His duty was to
read and screen manuscripts for the magazine. He contributed an
article entitled 'Meeting with Great Leaders', and the poems
'Historic Peacock' and 'Taking A Decision'.
Zaw Min
After a discussion with Zaw Min, Nyunt Zaw and Soe Htet Khaing,
Phyo Min Thein took responsibility for collecting artcles from the
prisoners in Long Hall 4, Short Hall 4 and Hall 3 for the Diamond
Jubilee magazine. He also took charge of preparing the back cover
of the magazine and sent it to Myo Myint Nyein when it was
finished. Phyo Min Thein translated the lerrer to the Viennal
Human Rights Conference and also sent it to Myo Myint Nyein.
furthermore, Phyo Min Thein was one of the signatories to
the letter written in English on the prison shirt. Similarly, at the
request of Myo Myint Nyein, he signed his name on the plastic bag
as a part of the letter to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations. He also signed his name to the letter written on another
plastic bag addressed to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, informing her of
their delight on her release from house arrest.
Aung Kyaw Oo
In February 1995, Aung Myo Thit discussed with Htay Win Aung,
Win Thein and Myint Htway the publication of a magazine in
memory of the 7th anniversary of Phone Maw's death. He
persuaded other prisoners to contribute articles, poems and
cartoons to it. He wrote a short story cslled 'Summer Dream:
Purple Flower', and poems entitled ' Coneeption Of A Kant Kaw
Flower'(3) and 'Night Beyond Its Prime'. He rewrote the magazine
in his own handwriting. After discussion with Htay Win Aung, the
magazine was named New Blood Wave. They then sent it to the
prisoners of Long Hall 4 and short Hall 4 to read, after which it
was buried in the ground beside the hall.
Win Thein
Yin Htway
Hla Than
Win Tin
Win Tin wrote a draft paper called 'Ten Principles Of Unity' with
which he organized and agitated the prisoners. He also wrote
another paper under the pen-name of Yae Hlaing (Water Wave),
and contributed an article to the New Blood Wave magazine
entitled ' Students, Youth And Human Rights'.
Win Tin wrote reports on NLD meetings held in prison, and
other articles and papers calling on people to accept the leadership
of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He wrote a paper supporting the work
of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under the title 'To The Lady's Birthday'
in honor of her release (from house arrest).
Likewise, he wrote policy papers calling for the NLD, DPNS,
the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) and others to work co-
operatively in areas of common interest, and to work separately in
other areas.
Ko Ko Oo (aka Bo Bo)
Myat Tun
Ba Myo Thein
Soe Myint
Soe Myint wrote the song 'The Battle Cry' published in the New
Blood Wave magazine.
Sein Hlaing
Win Tun
EVIDENCE
The papers of short news stories and the iron pipe seized from
Hall 4 were placed under Evidence Category I. According to
Warden U Thein Myint, the team leader of the raid, all the other
evidence seized during the raid of cell 1 to 18 were listed under
Evidence Categories C, D, E, F, G and H.
On November 12, 1995, Warden U Nyunt Wai (plaintiff
witness 5) searched Cell 7, Long Hall 4 and found:
In his main statement Myo Myint Nyein told the court that he
discussed with Phyo Min Thein writing a message to the UN
Human Rights Conference in Vienna, Austria in 1993. The message
stated that "we (Burmese) hope for more support from the
international community for the promotion of human rights in
Burma." He also confessed that along with Phyo Min Thein he
signed the message written in English on the prison shirt. The
message was later sent to the Human Rights Conference.
Myo Myint Nyien stated he made arrangements to send a
message of congratulations from 'political prisoners, colleagues
and friends' to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi when she was released
(from house arrest). He said he made arrangements for the
publishing of the weekly news bulletins, distributed them among
those who wished to read them, and wrote articles for the bulletin.
He testified that he also held discussions with Phyo Min Thein to
publish a magazine in commemoration of the Diamond Jubilee of
Rangoon University, and he took joint responsibility for the
magazine.
Myo Myint Nyien said he wrote a paper on the 'rights and
grievances of the prisoners' to be presented to the United Nations
through the ICRC during their proposed visit to the prison. He said
Zaw Tun
Zaw Tun testified that his room was not searched on November
11, 1995 and that he and Nyunt Zaw were brought out of their cell
when Hall 4 was searched on November 12, 1995. He said nothing
was found in his cell.
Zaw Tun also said he learned from Warden U Nyunt Wai that
the search team found a package when another search was
conducted in their absence. He said the first time he had seen the
package was when Warden U Nyunt Wai showed it to him.
He said did not read the Diamond Jubilee magazine, and
asserted that, as written in the 'Historic Peacock' poem, it was true
that a number of students had died or were injured on July 7,
1962, during the 1974 U Thant Funeral Strike, at the Hmaing
Centennial Strike, during the 1987 Demonstration Strike and on
the day of Phone Maw's death in 1988.
Nyunt Zaw
Although he did not refute the charges explicitly, Soe Htet Khaing
told the court that the allegations stated by U Ye Nyunt (plaintiff
witness 2) were incorrect.
Aung Kyaw Oo
Zaw Min
Phyo Min Thein testified that after a discussion with Myo Myint
Nyein in early May 1993, he signed his name on the prison shirt on
which they wrote that 'the political prisoners welcome the Vienna
Conference', that 'the rays of hope for human rights will be
Win Thein
Win Thein testified that nothing was found in his cell during the
special search conducted on November 11, 1995. He said the New
Blood Wave magazine that Warden U San Ya alleged was
discovered there was not in his possession and stated that he had
no connection with the magazine.
Win Thein told the court he was beaten during his
interrogation. He pleaded not guilty.
Aung Myo Tint testified that on November 12, 1995 a warden and
other prison officials took him from his cell (no. 29, Short Hall 4)
Yin Htway
Win Tin
Hla Than
Ko Ko Oo (aka Bo Bo)
Myat Tun
Myat Tun testified that the authorities did not find anything illegal
in his cell during the search and that they only found a nail cutter,
a photo, a small Dharma Setkya(10) and a not written on a piece of
paper used for wrapping up snacks. He said the note in Evidence
Win Tun
Win Tun confessed that the search team found a redio and
batteries in his cell. He further testified that the search ws
conducted in his absence. During cross-examination, he told the
court that he listened to the BBC, VOA, etc., but did not distribute
any news to anyone.
Sein Hlaing
Soe Myint
Ba Myo Thein
Ba Myo Thein testified that the search of his cell was conducted
from November 12, 1995 to November 14, 1995 and that he was
interrogated on January 20, 1996. He said he learned three days
later that he would be charged formally at the court.
Ba Myo Thein told the court that he did sign the plastic bag
on which the letter was written to the UN Secretary General, or
the white sheet of paper. He said although his cell was searched,
the authorities did not find anything so he didn't need to sign any
document acknowledging anything was found.
Ba Myo Thein pleaded not guilty on the grounds that the
prosecution only alleged that they had found evidence of his
involvement in the crime on February 5, 1996. He denied all the
charges during the cross-examination.
Zaw Tun
Nyunt Zaw
Soe Htet Khaing said there were no witnesses other than U Khin
Htay and U Ye Nyunt who testified that he endorsed both the
letter to the UN and the letter to Aung San Suu Kyi. He said their
testimonies were based on his confessions which were made
during his interrogaition. He therefore pleaded not guilty.
Aung Kyaw Oo
Aung Kyaw Oo said it was true that he wrote the poem 'Together
With Infinite Strentgth' in the Diamond Jubilee magazine. He said
everyone has strength and requested that the court rule to give
prisoners the right to read and write if they are convicted under
the present charge.
Zaw Min
Zaw Min testified that he was not in Insein Prison during the
period between August 6, 1995 and November 21, 1995. He said
he did not write the poem 'Kow-towing To Mother', the poem titled
'Appendix To A Cup Of Light Sweet Tea' or the short story 'Day Of
Hope'. He said there was no proof he had written them, nor had
any drafts of them been found.
He also said it was untrue that Soe Htet Khaing and Aung
Kyaw Oo had helped him. Zaw Min said there was also no proof
Phyo Min Thein also said he was transferred from Taungoo Prison
to Insein Prison on November 24, 1995. He said after the
investigation he was formally charged for alleged involvement in
this case.
He stated that the prosecution could not prove that the
contents of the Diamond Jubilee magazine were false or that he
edited it. He said although he was accused of writing the poem
'Kow-towing to the Mother', the authorities also accused another
prisoner of writing the same poem. He confessed that he wrote
the letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the other letter on the
prison shirt to the UN.
Phyo Min Thein maintained that all the facts contained in
these letters were based on genuine accounts and on these
grounds he pleaded not guilty.
Win Thein
Win Thein said that a special team searched his cell on November
11, 1995. He testified that on November 15, 1995 he was beaten
while being interrogated.
He asserted that there was no proof that he wrote a piece in
the New Blood Wave magazine. Furthermore, he stated that
according to Warden U San Ya the magazine was found at a place
far away from his cell and this showed that he had nothing to do
with it. He said he did not participate in the publishing of the
magazine because he was too tired – both in body and mind – due
to his constant torture in prison.
Aung Myo Tint said he did not organize or discuss with Pyone Cho,
Yin Htway and Win Thein about the New Blood Wave magazine.
He told the court that his handwriting was different from those on
pages 5, 28, 32, 33, 35, 37, 53 and 93 although the handwriting
expert claimed that these writings were his. He also said he had
Htay Win Aung told the court that he was not allowed to hire a
lawyer to represent him. He pleaded not guilty on the grounds that
the charges against him were unfounded, that there was no proof
to back up the accusations, and that the prosecution testimonies
were based on information obtained through interrogation.
Yin Htway
Win Tin
Win Tin said he did what he believed was right and there was not
a single fact written that was incorrect. He told the court that the
loss of human rights and torture in prison were all genuine and
added that the prosecution could not prove that these points were
inaccurate.
He said he did not write the 'reports on the NLD'. The facts
contained in the letter to the UN he said were real, and that he
did not anything in the New Blood Wave magazine under the
name of 'De Hlaing'. He also told the court that the materials
brought to the court as evidence were all mixed up. He said the
'Ten Principles To Unity' document was a confession from him
during torture.
Win Tin said that although he wrote the letter to Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi, it contained true accounts of what was going on. He
admitted that he wrote the piece 'To the Lady's Birthday'. He said
he met the UN delegation with the permssion of the authorities.
Win Tin pleaded not guilty on the grounds that all he told the
court was correct.
Hla Than
Ko Ko Oo (aka Bo Bo)
Kyi Pe Kyaw said he did not co-operate with Phyo Min Thein, Hla
Than and Nyunt Zaw. He said the poem entitled 'Mother
Irrawaddy' was not included in any of the publications so he
pleaded not guilty.
Kyaw Min Yu futher testified that he did not know anything about
the New Blood Wave magazine and that he did not distribute it. He
also said he was not involved in the letter to the UN written on the
prison shirt and that it was not true that he had written the letter
to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
He admitted that Evidence Category R was his handwriting,
but he pleaded not guilty on the grounds that the contents were
all based on true accounts.
Myat Tun
Myat Tun told that court that he was not guilty because the record
of news that he had collected during prison visits (Evidence
Category T) was accurate.
Win Tun
Win Tun told the court that it was true the search team found a
redio in his possession, but it was not true that he distributed
news to prisoners. He said he had no connection with the news
bulletin or the Diamond Jubilee magazine. This being the case, he
Sein Hlaing
Zaw Myint Maung said he did not sign his name on the message of
congratulations [to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] and did not write a
letter to her on her release [from house arrest]/ He said it was
also incorrect that he had written a poem in the Diamond Jubilee
magazine and said he had never read the New Blood Wave
magazine, stating that he did not even know where it was found.
Zaw Myint Maung said the sample of his handwriting had not
been taken in accordance with the law and asserted that he was
being tried for political reasons.
Soe Myint
Ba Myo Thein
Regarding the accusation that Ba Myo Thein drew illustrations in
the Diamond Jubilee magazine as shown in the evidence, the
accused claimed this evidence had not been obtained in
accordance with the regulations. He denied his participation in the
letter to the UN and the endorsement on behalf of Da Nya Ta. He
said tht the letter was written by Win Tin alone.
Ba Myo Thein Pleaded not guilty.
SUMMARY(12)
'Let it be known to
those in the military who hunger for power,
those demonic military,
wishing to build a military nation,
under a military democracy and military politics,
that we shall resist defiantly with the strength of the fighting
peacock,
may it be eternally recorded in history!'
It was evident that this poem was written by Zaw Myint Maung
from U Tin Sein's testimony and from Evidence Category N.
The New Blood Wave magazine (Record A-3) was written
by Aung Myo Tint. He contested the allegation by U Tin Sein that
the handwriting in certain pages of the magazine was not identical
to that shown in Evidence Category K. U Tin Sein confirmed in his
testimony that Aung Myo Tint did not ask a cross question about
it. There were poems, stories, satirical pieces, songs, articles and
aesthetic writings in the magazine and these were aimed at
discrediting the government and presenting inaccurate
information.
From U Tin Sein's testimony combined with the Evidence
Category N it was undeniable that the handwriting of the poem
'Together With Infiniet Strength' was Aung Kyaw Oo's. It was a
poem which was libelous to the government.
The two pages of 'Meeting With Great Leaders' (Record A-6,
Evidence Category Q) as accepted by the court, were clearly
seditious literature. They were written in Zaw Tun's handwriting,
as testified by U Tin Sein and confirmed by Evidence Category N.
The Record A-7, Evidence Category R, was in the
handwriting of Kyaw Min Yu. This was confirmed by U Tin Sein's
testimony together with Evidence Category N. In any case, Kyaw
Min Yu himself admitted that it was his handwriting.
The two sheet letter that was Record A-7, Evidence Category
S, started with the word 'Father' followed by the signature 'Ko
Phyo' and ended with the date '15-1-95'. According to Evidence
Category N and the testimony of U Tin Sein, it was written by Phyo
Min Thein. The facts contained in this were defamatory to the
government.
Signed,
Kyaw Htun
Deputy-Divisional Judge
Ragnoon Division Court
(Northern District Court)
Footnotes
(1) Phone Maw was the first student to die in the 1988
demonstrations.
(2) Company brand name.
(3) Hardwood evergreen with sweet scented white blossoms.
(4) Burma's parliament
(5) The now defunct Alliance for Democratic Solidarity, Union
of Burma.
(6) Maung Thaw Ka was a famous writer and member of the
NLD who died in Insein Prison after being beaten and
tortured.
(7) Burma's currency.
(8) No allegations were listed against Htay Win Aung in the
trail report.
(9) Burma's armed forces.
(10) Wheel of Dharma, first sermon given by the Lord Buddha.
(11) A well known pre-WWII composer of classical Burmese
songs.
(12) This heading is not in the original report and has been
added by the translator.
Conclusion
SECTION II
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
E. Prison Conditions
82. Freedom of expression is denied in Myanmar prisons. Prisoners
are reportedly denied reading and writing material. One prisoner,
who was found with a piece of paper, was allegedly placed in
shackles in a 'police dog cell' for one month. Prisoners suspected
of having sent letters with allegations of ill-treatment and poor
conditions to the formaer Special Rapporteur, Professor Yokota,
have reportedly been ill treated since November 1995 in Insein
Prison. On March 28 1996, 20 prisoners implicated in the drafting
of the letter, as wellas in the hiding of three radio sets and
distributing a clandestine newspaper within the prison, were
allegedly tried and given additional sentences of 5 to 7 years.
Among them were newspaper editor Win Tin and editors of the
Bay Bhuhlwe magazine, Myo Myint Nyein and Sein Hlaing. Zaw
APPENDIX II
APPENDIX III
Extracts from Section 5, 1950 Emergency Provision Act
APPENDIX IV
Extracts from the United Nations Standard Minium Rules for the
Treatment of Prisoners.
Basic Principle.
Food.
20. (1) Every prisoner shall be provided by the administration at
the usual hours with food of nutritional value adequate for health
and strength, of whole some quality and well prepared and served.
(2) Drinking water shall be available to every prisoner whenever
he needs it.
Medical Services.
22. (1) At every institution there shall be available the
services of at least on qualified medical officer who
should have some knowledge of psychiatry. The
medical services should be organized in close
relationship to the general health administration of the
community or nation. They shall include a psychiatric
service for the diagnosis and, in proper cases, the
treatment of states of mental abnormality.
(2) Sick prisoners who require specialist treatment shall be
transferred to specialized institutions or to civil hospitals.
Where hospital facilities are provided in an institution, there
equipment, furnishings and pharmaceutical supplies shall be
proper for the medical care and treatment of sick prisoners,
and there shall be a staff of suitable trained officers.
(3) The services of a qualified dental officer shall be available
to every prisoner.
Instruments of Restraint.
33. Instruments of restraint, such as handcuffs, chain,
irons and straitjackets, shall never be applied as a
punishment furthermore; chains or irons shall not be
used as restraints. Other instruments of restraint shall
not be used except in the following circumstances:
(a) As a precaution against escape during a transfer,
provided that they shall be removed when the
prisoner appears before a judicial or
administrative authority;
(b) On medical grounds by direction of the medical
officer;
(c) By order of the director, if other methods of
control fail, in order to prevent a prisoner from
injuring himself or others of from damaging
property; in such instances the director shall at
once consult the medical officer and report to the
higher administrative authority.
Inspection.
55. There shall be a inspection of penal institutions and
services by qualified and experienced inspectors appointed
by a competent authority. Their task shall be in particular to
ensure that these institutions are administered in accordance
with existing laws and regulations and with a view to
bringing about the objectives of penal and correctional
services.
FURTHER READING
Information contained in this report is verified by the reports
of independent human rights organizations. For further
reading please see:
Amnesty International
"Arrests and Trails of Political Prisoners, January-July 1991"
ASA 16/10/91
"The Climate of Fear Continues," ASA 16/11/93
"Myanmar: Human Rights Still Denied" ASA 16/18/94,
November 1994
"Myanmar: Conditions in Prisons and labor Camps" ASA
16/22/95, September 1995
"Myanmar, No Law At All," Human Rights Violations Under
Military Rule," ASA 16/11/96
ABSDF:
"Cries from Insein", 1996.
"The Situation of the Elected MPs from National League for
Democracy in May, 1990 Election", 1996.