BIBLIOTEKA "KULTURNO NASLJEĐE BiH"

Redakcijski kolegij
Đenan a Buturović, Sabira Husedžinović, Mustafa Imamović,
Amira Kapetanović, Enes Karić, Ibrahim Krzović, Enes Kujundžić,
Nedžad Kurto, Fehim Nametak, Enes Pelidija, Behija Zlatar

Urednik izdanja
ĐENANA BUTUROVIĆ

Recenzenti
VESNA MUŠETA AŠČERIĆ
MUSTAFA IMAMOVIĆ
 Marian Wenzel

BOSANSKI STIL
NA STEĆCIMA I METALU

BOSNIAN STYLE
ON TOMBSTONES AND METAL

~a'Laiwo-q:\j;.[iiliin9
1999.
CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji
Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka
Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo

726.825(497.6)"13"/"14"
739(497.6)"13"/"14"

WENZEL, Marian
Bosanski stil na stećcima i metalu '= Bosnian
style on tomb stones and metal/Marian Werizel ;
[prevodioci Ante Bartulica, Maja Lovrenović]' -
Sarajevo: Sarajevo-Publishing, 1999. - 314 str. :
ilustr. ; 24 cm. - (Biblioteka Kulturno nasljeđe
BiH)

Tekst na bos. i engl. jeziku. - Uvod / Mustafa

Imamović: str. 7-9. - M. Wenzel: biografija: str.
150,310. - Bibliografija: str. 143-149, 151-152,
303-309,311-312

ISBN 9958-21-106-8
I. Usp. stvo nas\.
COBISSIBIH-ID 6795782
 BOSANSKI STIL
NA STEĆCIMA I METALU

Uspomeni na Nell Atwood,

Alojza Benea, Hasana Grabčanovića, Anthony Blunta
bez čije pomoći ova knjiga ne bi bila napisana,
a velika zahvalnost za podršku
Azri Begić, Ljubinki Kojić, Desanki Kovačević,
John Fineu, Noel Malcolmu, Muhamedu Karamehmedoviću
i Asimu Đonliću
 PREDGOVOR

Rijetki su autori kojima se još za života objavljuju dvije knjige u biblioteci

Kulturno nasljeđe BiH. Medu takve spada slikar i historičar umjetnosti dr. Marian
Wenzel, kao Amerikanka koja više od trideset godina radi na proučavanju i zaštiti
bosanskog kultumog nasljeđa. Do sada je iz te oblasti objavila na engleskom i
bosanskom jeziku tridesetak različitih studija i rasprava. Posebno mjesto među
njima pripada njenoj doktorskoj disertaciji Ukrasni motivi na stećcima, koja je
kao knjiga štampana još 1965. godine, upravo. u biblioteci Kulturno nasljeđe
BiH. Tu su prvi put sa punom naučnom aparaturom izloženi, sistematizirani i
objašnjeni ukrasni motivi sa bosanskih srednjovjekovnih nadgrobnih spomenika.
Dr. Wenzel predstavlja tako, uz Šefi ka Bešlagića koji je izvršio katalogizaciju
stećaka i dao njihov geografski razmještaj, te Marka Vegu koji je objavio njihove
tekstove, treću temeljnu referencu kada je riječ o proučavanju mramorova kao jedne
od najvećih zagonetki bosanske materijalne kulture.
Ova nova knjiga sastoji se od četiri, ranije već objavljene studije koje je
autorica ovdje tematski objedinila pojmom bosanskog stila na metalu i kamenu. U
prvoj se studiji govori o iskrivljavanju historije srednjovjekovne Bosne od strane
austro·ugarske službene nauke. Dr. Marian Wenzel očigledno nije posjećivala muzeje
samo kao umjetnik, nego prije svega kao obrazovan i pedantan historičar umjetnosti.
To pokazuju njene dvije studije, koje čine drugi i treći dio ove knjige, u kojima se
autorica bavi tradicijom umjetničke obrade metala u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni. Ona
tu analizira raznovrsne metalne predmete bosanske izrade, uglavnom heraldičko
prstenje te srebrne i pozlaćene zdjele i posude, što se kao eksponati danas čuvaju
u raznim muzejima, od Trebinja, Beograda i Zagreba do pariskog Muzeja de eluny,
njujorškog MetropoUtana i petrogradskog Ermitaža, te jednog broja privatnih zbirki.
Najzad, u četvrtoj studiji, odnosno četvrtom dijelu knjige, autorica na primjeru
četiri stele iz XV stoljeća utvrduje uticaj islama na bosanske nadgrobne spomenike.

Marian Wenzel je u svojim razmatranjima došla do jasnog zaključka da se

sa ubikacijom i historijskim karakterom bosanskog kultumog blaga i nasljeđa počelo
u političke svrhe manipulirati još prije Prvog svjetskog rata. Odbacujući takve
manipulacije, ona je konkretnom analizom utvrdila da ornamentima ukrašene
srebrne i pozlaćene posude, prstenovi, pojasevi i drugi metalni predmeti predstavljaju

7
najvažniju umjetničku formu u Bosni tokom XIV i XV stoljeća. Ova se bosanska
umjetnost, iskazana na metalu, nalazi u "kraljevskom srodstvu sa stećcima", kao
drugim osnovnim oblikom umjetničkog izražavanja u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni.
U umjetničkoj obradi metala i kamena u srednjovjekovnoj se Bosni mogu
raspoznati različiti uticaji Istoka (Bizant) i Zapada (Madarska, Italija, Francuska),
ali i islamske sjeveme Afrike, odnosno sirijsko-egipatske mamelučke umjetnosti. Svi
su ovi uticaji u Bosni sjedinjeni i sintetizirani na jedan osoben i prepoznatljiv
način, koji autorica odreduje i definira kao bosanski stil.
Slobodno se može reći da je Marian Wenzel prva u nauci uočila na metalnim
i kamenim predmetima bosanske izrade onu specifičnu estetsku sugestiju i nijansu
po kojoj se odredena umjetnost stilski definira. Ovo njeno revolucionarno otkriće
iz osnova mijenja ustaljena naučna mišljenja o bosanskoj srednjovjekovnoj umjet-
nosti.
Dosadašnja historija umjetnosti je razne luksuzne stvari, posebno posude
proizvedeno u Bosni, jednostavno nazivala predmetima izradenim na "bosanski
način". Tradicionalna nauka se nije trudila da taj način poveže sa bosanskim
društvom i bosanskim srednjovjekovnim čovjekom, koji je sličan drugim svojim
savremenicima, ali i različit od njih. Upravo u toj razlici leži osnova bosanskog
stila, jer stil je sam čovjek.
Otkrivajući bosanski stil, Marian Wenzel je posredno skrenula pažnju na
činjenicu da se bosanski srednjovjekovni čovjek, jednako kao i svaki drugi čovjek,
bavio umjetnošću prije svega iz formalno-estetskih i komemorativnih razloga i
interesa. Ljudi su oduvijek imali potrebu da različite predmete lične i kućne upotrebe
(oružje, alat, pribor za jelo, namještaj i sl.) ukrašavaju ornamentima i drugim
dekorativnim elementima. To su činili iz čisto formalno-estetskih razloga, da bi
stvarima kojima se koriste jednostavno dali ljepši izgled. Na drugoj strani, ljudi su
oduvijek željeli da nekim formalnim simbolima, ritualima i ceremonijama obilježe
izvjesne dogadaje i pojmove u svom ličnom, vjerskom, socijalnom i političkom životu
kako bi ih zapamtili i sjećali ih se. Tako je nastala cijela komemorativna umjetnost
koja je u Bosni doživjela vrhunac sa stećcima kao nadgrobnim spomenicima.
Utvrdujući bosanski stil, kako na formalno-estetskom tako i komemorativnom
planu, Marian Wenzel je istovremeno negirala bilo kakvu njegovu vezu sa Crkvom
bosanskom i njenom duhovnošću_ Ona je štaviše pristalicama Crkve bosanske
negirala svaku duhovnost, tvrdeći da je njihovo "krivovjerstvo" plod potpunog ~e­
znanja i nemara, a ne nekog razboritog "protestantskog duha". Medu brojnim i
različitim mišljenjima o rasprostranjenosti i prirodi bosanske hereze Wenzlova se
priklonila teoriji po kojoj je Crkva bosanska doktrinarno bila nedefinirana sa vrlo
malim brojem sljedbenika, čiji je uticaj na stanovništvo srednjovjekovne Bosne bio
zanemarljiv. Ovo mišljenje ne može, u svjetlu dosadašnjih saznanja o srednjovje-

8
kovnoj Bosni i njenoj herezi, izdržati temeljnu naučnu kritiku i nema potrebe ovdje
s njim polemizirati.
Mada bosansko bogumilstvo nije predmet ovog kratkog predgovora, potrebno
je ipak skrenuti pažnju na dvije·tri činjenice koje je autorica u svom tretiranju
Crkve bosanske potpuno zanemarila. U nauci je utvrđeno (dr. Srećko Džaja) da
se do sada preko četrdeset značajnijih historičara bavilo pitanjem bosanske hereze,
koja se populamo naziva bogumi/stvom. Uprkos tome ovaj je fenomen do danas
ostao nerazjašnjen, odnosno "utopljen u spekulacije i maštanja". Medu brojnim
varijacijama na temu bosanske hereze posebno se ističu "bogumilijade" Miroslava
Krleže.
Sigurno je da u cijeloj južnoslavenskoj povijesti nema ni jedne teme oko koje
su se toliko lomila koplja kao oko pitanja bosanske hereze i Crkve bosanske. To je
pitanje u historijskoj nauci prisutno već preko 130 godina, još od 1867, kada su
se istovremeno pojavile studije Božidara Petranovića Bogumili, crkva bosanska i
krstjani i Franje Račkog Bogumili i patareni. Od tada je o Crkvi bosanskoj
nastala, kako je već rečeno, brojna i različita literatura, ali ona uprkos tome sve
do danas predstavlja, kako je to zgodno primijetio Vladimir Dvorniković "jednu
sfingu".
Bez obzira na sve zagonetke, ne može se reći da su bosanski bogumili bili
malobrojni ili da su predstavljali efemernu pojavu. Ipak su bosanski bogumili bili
"prvi koji su na ovom terenu tjerali svoju vlastitu politiku" (Krleža). Za to postoje
brojni dokazi još od vremena Kulina bana i Sabora na Bilinom polju i više križarskih
pohoda protiv heretičke Bosne, te bacanja poimenične anateme na starješine Crkve
bosanske, do činjenice da je bosanski katolički biskup morao 1252. definitivno
napustiti Bosnu i svoje sjedište premjestiti u Đakovo u susjednoj Slavoniji. Odatle
se ne može odricati uticaj Crkve bosanske i njene duhovnosti na bosanski stil u
umjetnosti. Taj je stil Marian Wenzel živo prikazala, a njeno akribično pričanje
nije lišeno elemenata i draži !ičnog doživljaja i sjećanja, pa i putopisa.

Mustafa Imamović

9
 UVOD

Četiri članka sadržana u ovoj knjizi su napisana prije mnogo vremena. Sva
četiri sebaziraju na temi koja se može iskreno nazvati bosanski stil, priznat kao
bosanski stil u svoje doba, i oblikovan kao stil kroz proizvod primijenjene umjetnosti
u periodu Bosanskog Banata i Bosanskog Kraljevstva u 14. i 15. vijeku. U to
vrijeme, prema istorijskim podacima, bilo je moguće naručiti nakit, metalne posude,
oružje i štitove rađene u bosanskom stilu. Različiti primjerci koje je identificirao
autor ilustrovani su u ovoj knjizi. Bosanski stećci su nosioci bosanskog stila,
potvrđujući svoju prirodu, jer oni, za razliku od drugih primjeraka, ostaju na istom
mjestu, i moj životni rad demonstrira tu činjenicu. Bosanski stil više nalikuje
stvaralaštvu Centralne Evrope kao i stvaralaštvu Mam[uk Egipta unutar Medite·
ranske sfere, nego otomanskom stvaralaštvu, koje je imalo uticaja na Bosansku
umjetnost samo poslije otomanskog osvajanja. Priroda Bosanske crkve, kao što sada
može biti definisana, prema osjećaju autora nije imala uticaja na prirodu bosanske
primijenjene umjetnosti o kojoj se ovdje govori, koja prije reflektuje popularne,
nereligiozne aspekte bosanskog života. Tema o Bosanskoj crkvi, još uvijek pod
razmatranjem, se ne može i ne bi trebala smatrati kao tema ove knjige.
Kao Amerikanka koja je preko trideset godina radila u Bosni, i kao direktor
jedine dobrotvorne organizacije za zaštitu bosanskohercegovačkog kulturnog naslijeđa
(l,3HHR, Bosnia-Herzegovina Heritage Rescue) reći ću nekoliko riječi o pozadini
mog proučavanja ovih tema.
Kao dijete, Bosna me je zainteresirala kroz predmete i knjige koje je u
Ameriku donosila žena jednog rodaka, američkog inženjera koji je pomagao u
izgradnji bosanskih željeznica nakon Prvog svjetskog rata. Otišla sam u Bosnu
mlada i energična. Moj životni rad u ovoj zemlji može se vidjeti kroz niz aktivnosti,
usmjerenih na bolje razumijevanje njezine kulture koja me privukla. Rana, glavna
aktivnost, bila je bilježenje i slaganje ukrasa sa čuvenih bosanskih nadgrobnika,
što je rezultiralo mojim doktoratom na londonskom Univerzitetu Courtauld Institute
of Art, i knjigom sa hiljadama crteža koju je 1965. objavio "Veselin Masleša",
prethodnik "Sarajevo·Publishinga", pod nazivom Ukrasni motivi na stećcima (Or-
namental Tombstones of Medieval Bosnia and Surrounding Regions). Druge
aktivnosti, paralelne sa prethodnom, i dugogodišnje, odnosile su se na proučavanje

II
evolucije stećaka, čiju prirodu sam do tad već dobro poznavala. Tražila sam odgovor
na dva izuzetno bitna pitanja. Prvo pitanje vezano je s tim da sam od početka
istraživanja, oko 1960, bila uvjerena da su stećke izraaivali ljudi koji su sebe zvali
bogumili, jer mi je tako svugdje bilo rečeno. Upitala sam se: "Kako je došlo do toga
da bogumili naprave ovakve spomenike (jer mi je rečeno da su oni smatrali sve
materijalno izvorom zla, a ovi spomenici su teški i po nekoliko tona), i zašto su se
uopće trudili?"
Ovome su uslijedile godine istraživanja tokom kojih sam shvatila da srećke
nisu pravili bogumili, a rezultati ovog istraživanja sažeti su u prvom članku ove
knjige, Povijest Bosne i austrougarska politika - srednjovjekovni pojasevi, bajka
o bogumilima i grobovi kraljeva Tvrtka I i II.
Drugo pitanje proizašlo je iz mog dugogodišnjeg istraživanja koje je pokazivalo
da takozvani bogumili nisu nikad ni postojali u Bosni, te da ni u Bugarskoj, svojoj
matičnoj zemlji, a ni bilo gdje drugo nisu podizali spomenike nalik stećcima. To
pitanje je bilo: "Odbacivši bogumile kao graditelje ovih spomenika, kako i zašto se
ovakav tip spomenika pojavio u Bosni, i, šta je, nakon što su primili korijen u
Bosni, uslovilo upravo ovakav njihov dalji razvoj?"
Na prvi dio ovog dvokrakog pitanja odgovoreno je u članku Dva srednjovje-
kovna prstena u Zavičajnom muzeju Trebinje, u kojem je, meau ostalim, opisano
kako je Stjepan II Kotromanič, bosanski ban uz podršku katoličke Ugarske, a čija
se sestra pravoslavne vjere udala u važnu srpsku familiju nemanjićkih korijena iz
regije gdje rijeka Neretva dijeli katolička od pravoslavnih posjeda, tokom 1330-tih
godina u područja u srpskom pravoslavnom posjedu slao majstore da klešu posebne
gotičke nadgrobne spomenike sa bosanskim banskim grbovima onim plemićima koji
su pristali boriti se za bosansku državu. Kasnije su ovi pravoslavni posjedi došli u
sastav Bosanskog Kraljevstva, i postali kreativni centar prozvodnje stećaka. Nad-
grobni spomenici ovog područja iz ranijih razdoblja nemaju gotička obilježja ni
figurativne motive.
Odgovarajući na drugi dio pitanja susrela sam se sa multi-etničkim fenomenom
koji je, zapravo, bosanski stil, i koji je jezgro ove knjige. Moja ukupna istraživanja
(koja nisu sva iznesena u ovoj knjizi) bez sumnje dokazuju da stećci - bosanski
monolitni nadgrobni spomenici - nisu ništa drugo do jedan aspekt jedinstvene mode,
bosanskog stila - mješavine gotičkog, mediteransko-islamskog i bizantskog - koji
su u Bosni u 14. i 15. stoljeću prije dolaska otomanskih Turaka pratili katolici,
pravoslavni i pripadnici Crkve bosanske, kao i ljudi nejasnih uvjerenja. Pripadnici
različitih vjerskih grupa pridonijeli po nekoliko svojih elemenata hibridnom, a ipak
vrlo individualnom rezultatu (bosanskom stilu), za koji se može reći da je izvan-
religijski kao i par jeans-hlača.

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 Nadgrobne spomenike u bosanskom stilu treba promatrati kao jedan ogranak
evropskog korpusa gotičkih nadgrobnih spomenika - monolitnih spomenika, koji u
ovom slučaju ne nose skulpuralni prikaz pokojnika kao drugdje, već uklesane ili
reljefne portrete preminulog, njegov pogrebni ritual, one koji ga oplakuju (plesači
u kolu) i zaštitne znakove. Doprinos pravoslavnog utjecaja vidljiv je po prirodi i
rasporedu ćiriličnih natpisa na stećcima - iako moramo zapamtiti da je upotreba
ćirilice u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni prelazila granice pravoslavnih područja, prema
katoličkim područjima na Neretvi i dalmatinskoj obali. Veliki dio najranijih ukra-
šenih nadgrobnih spomenika javlja se u pravoslavnoj Hercegovini. Ipak, miješanje
ćiriličnih natpisa sa figurativnim prikazima, kao na mnogim stećcima, nikada se
ne javlja na nadgrobnim spomenicima čistog srpsko-pravoslavnog porijekla iz tog
razdoblja.
Primijetiće seda su članci objavljeni u ovoj knjizi prvi put štampani 1980-tih
i 1990-tih godina. Našla sam se zatečena kada me je dr. Aloj Benac - direktor
Nacionalnog muzeja i kasnije Akademije nauka - oko 1978. godine zamolio da
doprinesem Bosni kratkom knjigom o stećcima kao priručnikom za studente, koja
bi dala interpretaciju korpusa iz ranije knjige Ukrasni motivi na stećcima i ukratko
iznijela moje stavove o stećcima. Morala sam reći dr. Bencu da nisam spremna
napisati takvu knjigu.
Tada, zapravo, nisam znala zašto stećci izgledaju upravo tako. Nacrtala
sam na hiljade njih, ali to mi nije pomoglo da shvatim zašto su onakvi kakvi jesu.
Zanemarivši moju ljubav prema njima, i gledajući ih čisto akademski, morala sam
reći da mi je većina stećaka izgledala kao gruba, primitivna kopija nečeg sofisticiranog
a napravljenog u nekom drugom materijalu. Istražila sam rezbarene drvene kovčege
i škrinje iz istog razdoblja, ali nisu mi se učinili stvarnim izvorom.
Nevoljno sam rekla dr. Bencu da mi treba više vremena. Trebala sam sjesti
i popisati sve precizno datirane stećke, staviti ih u hronološki redoslijed, i istražiti
pojavu svakog od njih u odnosu na ostale. Srećom, obiteljsko naslijede omogućilo
mi je kratkotrajan izvor prihoda da se ovom temom pozabavim nekih pet godina,
u mirnom okruženju Abingdon Abbeyja gdje smo moj bivši muž i ja bili kustosi.
Iznajmila sam kancelariju, i zatvorila se sa materijalom i mojim knjigama.
Ova četiri članka su mahom rezultat tadašnjeg istraživanja, iako detalji
potiču iz mog kasnijeg širokog iskustva u području islamske umjetnosti i umjetnosti
Starog vijeka stečenog u radu za londonske trgovce umjetninama i u izloŽbeno.pro-
dajnim galerijama u periodu od sredine osamdesetih godina do početka ovog rata.
Rezultate koji su mi trebali da shvatim stećke dobila sam kroz dvije aktivnosti.
Kompi/irala sam studiju od oko 150 datiranih bosanskh stećaka od 12. do 15.
stoljeća, datirajući ih na sve moguće načine - novcima i predmetima iz pripadajućih
grobova, oblicima slova ili uklesanim motivima koji se mogu datirati. Na primjer,

13
napravila sam liste oblika ćiriličnih slova iz bosanskih i srpskih dvorskih dokumenata
kroz cijelo spomenuto razdoblje, i otkrila da mnogi oblici slova na stećcima mogu
doista biti vrlo dobro datira ni. Srećom, stećci su rađeni u doba kada su se rukopisni
stilovi u Bosni prilično brzo mijenjali. Poznati lokalni pisari često su izrađivali
natpise koji su bili prenošeni na stećke. Dvorski rukopisni stil se naročito brzo
mijenjao u 15. stoljeću - neka slova su napuštena u utvrdeno t'rijeme, a pojavljuje
se "brzopis". Postalo je moguće datirati mnoge stećke sa natpisima po obliku njihovih
slova.
U moju listu datiranih bosanskih stećaka uvrstila sam nadgrobne spomenike
i zapise o nadgrobnim spomenicima bilo kojeg stranog vladara koji je držao neki
dio zemlje koji je neko vrijeme bio i dio Bosne, posebno srpskih i ugarskih vladara,
kao što su car Dušan, kralj Ludovik Veliki Ugarski, i bilo koje kraljevske ličnosti
u Evropi koja je ženidbom bila vezana za bosansku vladarsku kuću. Ovo mi je
omogućilo da utvrdim u kojoj su mjeri stećci reflektirali moguće utjecaje visoke
mode nadgrobnih spomenika iz drugih područja ..
Iz materijala koji sam do tada prikupila proizišao je novi umjetnički i
historijski zaključak koji sam lično mogla donijeti o studiji umjetničke forme stećka.
A to je da najvažnija umjetnička forma 14. i 15. stoljeća bosanske države nisu
stećci. Glavna bosanska umjetnička forma bile su kuca ne, ornamentalne srebrne i
posrebrene zdjele, napravljene od metala iz bogatih bosanskih rudnika, dok su
dekoracije na stećcima njihova reducirana forma. U takvim zdjelama donosila se
ritualna hrana na grobove, a ornamenti, figura Ini prikazi, a ponekad i prikazi istih
posuda u formi udubljenja, preneseni su sa metalnog predmeta na površinu nadgrob·
nog spomenika kao ukras.
Zašto su toliki narodi u prošlosti osvajali Bosnu, i zbog čega? Zbog rudnog
bogatstva, naravno, a u 14. i 15. stoljeću naročito zbog srebra. Bosanske rudnike
srebra kopali su Rimljani, a ponovno su ih otvorili saski rudari u ranom 14.
stoljeću. U kasnom 14. i 15. stoljeću bosanski majstori metala školuju se u
radionicama primorskih gradova; kako je prikazano u radu Cvite Fiskovića. Uskoro,
u ranom 15. stoljeću, ovi novonaučeni bosanski majstori metala preselili su se u
unutrašnjost. Neki od njih radili su na plemićkim dvorovima, dok su drugi radili
u blizini rudnika, prerađujući rudu u prenosivu luksuznu robu. Njihovi proizvodi
davani su sve pristižućim Turcima kao porez ili vazalima kao nagrade za vjernost,
u ceremonijama zakletvi na vjernost. Šta je drugo uzdignuta ruka pravoslavnih
Miloradovića na Radimlji nego standardna gesta zakletve na vjernost? Pored toga
je prikaz izdubljene zdjele iz tog razdoblja, obrubljene prstenom, s malim centralnim
diskom, koju je plemić dobio od svog feudalnog gospodara, kao što je dobio svoj
mač i štit.

14
 U 15. stoljeću neki članovi iz porodice Miloradović, iz okolice Stoca, dobili
su od bosanskih vladara titulu vojvode, zbog toga što je bio na čelu porodice Vlaha
koja je bila veza izmedu feudalnih, dvorskih krugova i drugih Vlaha, znatnog
dijela bosanske populacije. Zadaća ove porodice je bila da skuplja vojsku za
bosanskog kralja. Bosna je tada imala feudalni sistem koji se nametnuo plemenskom
društvu, sastavljenom od ostataka različitih predslavenskih grupa čiji pripadnici su
se nazivali vlasi ili Vlasi, po slavenskoj riječi "drugačiji". Vlasi su bili neka vrsta
nomada stočara - ljeti su odlazili u planine sa svojom stokom. Vezu izmedu
feudalnih gospodara i Vlaha održavao je po tradiciji jedan čovjek, izabran da za
kralja skupi vojsku po katunima, grupama vlaških plemena.
Bosanski kraljevi u 15. stoljeću zadužili su glavnog čovjeka stolačke porodice
Miloradovića da skuplja vojnike medu hercegovačkim vlaškim plemenima. Prije
toga, dok je ovo područje bilo pod vlašću srpskog kralja, ovaj posao je obavljala
druga ličnost. To je bio Vukosav Pliščić iz okolice Gacka (umro je ubrzo poslije
1382. godine, kad se zadnji put spominje u historijskim izvorima, u dubrovačkom
dokumentu: "Voleoslauo Plescich comitem Vlacorum omni um domini regi Rassie
et Bossine. ") Na njegovom velikom, neukrašenom nadgrobnom spomeniku na lokao
litetu Zborna Gomila, u području Gacka istočno od Stoca, on je opisan kao knez
ili knez svih Vlaha, što je titula kojom je on najvjerovatnije samog sebe nazivao
na svom jeziku. On je, sigurno, skupljao vojsku ne za bosanskog, već za srpskog
gospodara. Njegova titula je nešto drugačija od one koju su primili Miloradovići,
a mogao ju je primiti od srpskog plemića Nikole Altomanovića, kojem je mogao
položiti zakletvu na vjernost. Ovaj plemić je, pak, držao u posjedu Gacko i većinu
Hercegovine izmedu 1366. i 1373. kada su ga nadjačali lokalni plemići, kao
Kosače, porodica hercega iz Hercegovine (herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača), koji su
sredinom 14. stoljeća okrenuli leda Srbiji i postali lojalni novoj, rastućoj bosanskoj
državi.
Grupa stećaka iz porodice Vukosava Pliščića, većinom iz 14. stoljeća, koja
se nalazi na visoravni kod Gacka, mogu se posmatrati kao model za sada poznatu
nekropolu Radimiju porodice Miloradovića, iz 15. stoljeća, pripada pravoslavnim
vazalima bosanskog a ne srpskog gospodara. Jedan visoki, rano ukrašeni stećak na
Zbornoj Gomili, koji su napravili dovedeni strani majstori iz 1330·tih, viši je od
bilo kojeg stećka na Radimlji, i možda ukazuje na to da je u ranom 14. stoljeću
Zborna Gomila bila važnija lokacija od Radimlje.
Sin Vukosava Pliščića, Sracen V ukosalić, više nema titulu kneza ili princa
Vlaha, jer je ta titula nestala kada je Bosna preuzela Srbiji kontrolu nad herce·
govačkim Vlasima. On je, ipak, katunar, ili glava vlaškog katuna Plijeske i kao
takav se spominje u arhivi iz 1422. godine. On je bio poznat pisar koji je sastavio
i potpisao mnoge natpise na stećcima, te nadgledao njihovu izradu. K tome, bio je

15
oženjen kćerkom dubrovačkog zlatara, koja je kotira la vrlo visoko medu vlaškim
ženama (Đurdica Petrović, lična komunikacija). S njom su, kao miraz, sigurno
stigle srebrne zdjele, izradene u gotičkom dalmatinskom stilu, iz područja gdje su
naukovali bosanski zlatari 14. stoljeća.
U tihu kancelariju u Abingdonu, gdje sam dio po dio otkrivala evoluciju
ornamentacije bosanskih stećaka, pala je "kulturna bomba" 1981. godine. To je
bila vijest o izložbi srpskog zlatarstva u Londonu, u Viktorija i Albert muzeju.
Moji prijatelji historičari umjetnosti bili su zbunjeni sadržajem ove izložbe, i nekoliko
njih su me nazvali. Šta je to takozvano srpsko zlatarstvo? Previše različitih stilova
u katalogu bilo je označeno zajedničkim imenom Moravska škola, iz razdoblja od
14. do 15. stoljeća, na području od Morave do obale, uključujući čak i dubrovačke
zlatare koji su takoder bili Srbi, kako je katalog tvrdio. Naravno, odjurila sam na
izložbu.
Mnoge izložene zdjele bile su mi potpuno nepoznate. To je bila moja greška,
jer su mogle biti izložene u nacionalnom muzeju u Beogradu, Muzeju Srpske
pravoslavne crkve i Muzeju dekorativnih umjetnosti onda kad sam ih posjetila, ali
tada bih ih vidjela prije nego što sam se zainteresirala za radove u metalu. Ali
sada sam, zbog dosadašnjeg istraživanja stećaka, bila sigurna da su neke od navodno
srpskih zdjela nosile neke motive, kao recimo grbove, koji se takoder mogu locirati
i na bosanskim stećcima. Originalni srpski predmeti izbjegavaju gotičke grbove koji
su tada postali popularni u Bosni. Dakle, ovi predmeti su morali biti iz zone
utjecaja bosanske države (iako su mogli biti iz istočnog, pravoslavnog dijela Bosne),
i iz područja na kojima se pojavljuju stećci sa istim motivom. Srebrne zdjele se
mogu prenositi, ali ne i stećci sa heraIdičkim motivima. Srebro je lako prenosivo,
a teška vremena nisu dozvolila da mnogo ovakvih predmeta ostane tamo gdje su i
nastali. Ipak, meni su površine ovih sofisticiranih iskucanih zdjela otkrile mnogo
o dekoracijama na stećcima. Moja reakcija je bila brza. Promijenila sam naslov
predavanja koje sam trebala održati u Srpskoj akademiji nauka u Beogradu, i
nazvala ga bosanski stil.
Predavanje je izazvalo uzbudenje koje sam pogrešno shvatila. Prijatelji su
se čudno ponašali; žalili su me oni koji su mislili da ignoriram činjenicu da bosanski
stil ne bi mogao postojati kao koncept. Objavljivanje mog predavanja u Beogradu
je odbijeno, ali je zato pokojni Vinko Zlamalik ljubazno organizirao objavljivanje
u Peristilu, u Zagrebu, i ponovno štampanje ovdje, u ovoj knjizi, pod nazivom, A
Bosnian Metalworking Tradition.
Radeći na ovom materijalu, postala sam nestrpljiva da lociram još bosanskih
metalnih predmeta. Shvatila sam da su veliki dio iz Bosne mogle odnijeti "plemićke"
bosanske porodice - ili neke od porodica koje se spominju u Fojničkom grbovniku,
da bi u Evropi, na dvorovima gdje su primani kao izbjeglice pred Turcima, dokazale

16
svoju prethodnu pripadnost plemstvu. Njihove porodične zdjele od kucanog posreb·
renog lima, sa novonastalim grbovima na dnu, pomogle su im da ostvare plemićki
status u emigraciji po dvorovima Portugala, Austrije i Rusije. Bila sam sigurna da,
dospjevši izvan Bosne, ove zdjele nisu bile pretopijene.
Tada sam počela raditi sa londonskim prodavačima umjetnina i u prodajnim
galerijama, gdje sam procjenjivala različite "neobične" predmete, pretežno od metala,
sa ličnim ciljem da istovremeno imam plaću i pokušam locirati što više bosanskih
predmeta. Imala sam dodira sa mnogim prastarim predmetima; mnogi drugi su bili
falsifikati, mnogi su bili islamske metalne zdjele nastale pod očitim balkanskim
utjecajem. Ali medu njima, kao poziciona svjetla dalekih brodova, bili su kratkotrajni
dodiri sa predmetima koji su nagovještavali prave bosanske metalne proizvode 14.
i 15. stoljeća. Još uvijek se sa nostalgijom sjećam polaroid fotografije koja je iz
Australije poslana na identifikaciju Islamskom odjelu Sothebyja u Londonu, a
pokazivala je nešto što je bilo vrlo slično bosanskoj srebrnoj zdjeli. Nisam uspjela
dobiti kopiju fotografije niti ime vlasnika, koji je nakraju ipak odlučio zadržati raj
predmet.
Već sam spomenula da sam kroz rad sa prodavačima i skupljačima umjetnina
u Londonu proširila znanje o islamskoj umjetnosti, što me ponovo okrenulo Bosni,
i rezultiralo finalnim člankom ove knjige, o predislamskim stelama u Bosni. Ovi
rijetki i prelijepi spomenici podizani su u Bosni u ranom 15. stoljeću, u vrijeme
zadnjih vrhunskih dvorskih utjecaja Crkve bosanske, u krugovima utjecajnih plemića
iz porodice Hrvatinića i Pavlovića. Iako Crkva bosanska, po mom mišljenju, nije
nikada proizvodila stvarno "heretičnu" umjetnost, ipak je dozvoljavala miješanje
bujnih kreativnih zamisli iz različitih kultura koje bi se tada i danas moglo smatrati
bosanskim stilom.
ledne večeri 1960·tih, dok sam još bila studentica, pila sam lozu sjedeći na
podu ateljea umjetnika Mile Ćorovića i Mladena Kolobarića, gdje sam često odlazila
da slikam. Ovaj atelje je tada pripadao Radničkom univerzitetu, a danas je restoran.
Tu se zatekao i John Fine, radeći na sakupljanju podataka za njegovo važno djelo
Crkva bosanska, nova interpretacija (New York i London, 1975). Oboje smo u
to vrijeme proučavali bogumilsku kulturu, nadgrobne spomenike i Crkvu bosansku.
"Reci mi", pitao je lohn Fine, "da li si našla bilo šta bogumilsko u vezi sa
stećcima?"
"Ne", rekla sam iskreno. "Ni traga. A što je s Crkvom bosanskom? Jesi li tu
našao ikakvu vezu s bogumilima?"
"Ne", rekao je lohn. "Ništa dokazivo o Crkvi bosanskoj nema zajedničko s
bogumilima. A ja lovim već dugo vremena."
Tada i tu smo zajedno zaključili da ništa u bosanskoj kulturi nije vezano
za bogumile, uprkos svemu što nam je rečeno.

17
 Sljedećeg dana sam posjetila svog mentora u Zemaljskom muzeju, dr. Alojza
Benca, koji me je inspirirao i ohrabrio za rad na knjizi o stećcima Ukrasni motivi
na stećcima, i omogućio mi pomoć od članova njegovog osoblja, Vlajka Palavestre,
Nade Miletić i sada pokojnog Đure Bas lera, koji je uvijek bio odani sljedbenik
teorije o bogumilima. Benac je i sam, skupa sa Bihalji Merinom iz Beograda,
napisao knjigu o stećcima, čiji engleski naslov glasi The Bogomils (London 1962).
"Dr. Benac", rekoh, " moram vam nešto reći. Prošle večeri sam razgovarala
sa Johnom Fineom, koji istražuje Crkvu bosansku. Zajedno smo zaključili da ni
na stećcima ni u Crkvi bosanskoj nema ničeg bogumilskog. Mislim da bogumili
nisu napravili stećke. Mislim da nikad nisu ni bili ovdje."
"Znam", reče on. "Uvijek sam to znao. Ali to nije nešto što ja mogu reći.
Vi to možete i ja ću vam pomoći."
Rezultati ovog razgovora došli su sporo, kao što sam već opisala, i konačno
su uobličeni u tekstovima u ovoj knjizi. Kratka knjiga o stećcima koju je zatražio
dr. Benac tek treba biti napisana, ali ova publikacija četiriju članaka o stećcima
u formi dostupnoj i Bosancima i Englezima, dobar je početak.
Novo otkriće o stećcima ipak tek slijedi. Iako se st~ćci više ne prave, profinjenija
bosanska umjetnost, to jest, njezina srednjovjekovna proizvodnja metalnih i srebrnih
predmeta nikad nije zamrla. Ta tehnika preživjela je i ovaj posljednji rat, i prisutna
je i dan danas u sokacima sarajevske Baščaršije. Oblici zdjela nisu kao oni koji
su opisani u ovoj knjizi. Srebro je zamijenio bakar, prekriven srebrnim limom. Ali
ipak neki vrlo karakteristični cvjetni rubni ukrasi, danas često reproducirani, potpuno
su nalik rubnom ukrasu nadgrobnog spomenika relativno nedavno iskopanom u
kraljevskoj grobnoj crkvi u Bobovcu.
"Odakle dolaze ovi oblici?", upitala sam gospodina Jabučara u njegovoj
poznatoj radnji na kraju ulice, upirući prstom u već opisane motive.
"Ne znam. fl, reče on. "Taj motiv je već dugo u mojoj porodici. Moja familija
obradUje metal u Sarajevu već četiri stotine godina."
"Koji motiv je najstariji?", upitala sam.
"Ne znam. fl, odgovorio je. "To trebate vi meni reći."
Nadajmo se da sadržaj ove knjige može dati neke odgovore na ta pitanja.

Marian Wenzel
London, 9. septembar 1998.

18
Povijest Bosne i austrougarska politika -
srednjovjekovni pojasevi, bajka o bogumilima
i grobovi kraljeva Tvrtka I i II
(Objavljeno u časopisu Peristil XXX, no. 30, Zagreb 1987, pp. 29-54)

Povijest Bosne ...

JOk sam nedavno proučavala
umjetničko oblikovanje metala u sred-
njovjekovnoj Bosni, u nedoumicu me
dovelo krivo datiranje grupe zanimlji-
vih dekorativnih pojaseva iz pozlaćena
srebra (sl. 7-10, lld-16), balkanske re-
gionalne varijante tipa koji se u Fran-
cuskoj susreće u prvoj polovici 14. sto-
ljeća (sl. lla-e). Od pojaseva čije je
porijeklo utvrđeno, tri su pronađena u
samoj Bosni ili u njenoj blizini (sl. 7-
-10) (Gunjača 1952-3; str. 233, sl. 14;
Fingerlžn 1971; kat. br. 465; Kovače­
vić-Kojić 1978; str. 307), a preostali u
Grčkoj (sl. lld, 12) (Dalton 1911; str.
397, sl. 13, tabela 56, sl. 8, 9, ll, 13;
Tait 1986; str. 142, sl. 326; Fingerlin
1971; kat. br. 152, 153, 155), dok se
jedan primjerak dugo čuvao u Gruziji
(sl. 13-16) (Milliken 1930; str. 35,26;
Fingerlin 1971; kat. br. 66). Cijela ta
grupa krivo je datirana II inače vrlo
vrijednoj knjizi o srednjovjekovnim
pojasevima koja je nedavno objavljena
u Njemačkoj. Daljnje je čitanje razja-
snilo da ova naoko neshvatljiva greška
potječe od predmeta koji su navodno
iskopani iz groba jednog od bosanskih
kraljeva po imenu Tvrtko.!
I dok sam pokušavala'odrediti
zbog čega se autorica pt'ildonila tom za
me besmislenom st~jalištu, još jednom
sam se susrela s onim što me za dugo-
godišnjega proučavallja srednjovjekov-
nih nadgrobnih spomenika u Bosni i
Hercegovini često znalo zbuniti: s pip-
cima tek djelimično razotkrivenih iz-
vrtanja bosanske povijesti u suvreme-
noj znanosti, nametnutih kvazi-službe-
nim austrougarskim spisima s kraja 19.

! Ilse Fingerlin, Giirtel des hohen und spiiten Mittelalters, Miinchen 1971. Zahvalna sam
Ronaldu Lightbownu iz Victoria and Albert Museuma (Viktorija i Albert muzej u Londonu) koji
mi je skrenuo pažnju na ovaj materijal i Dereku 1. Contentu koji mi je pomogao u prikupljanju
dodatnih informacija. Nada Miletić iz Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu omogućila mi je proučavanje
i fotografiranje nalaza iz prave grobnice kralja Tvrtka l, za što joj se posebno zahvaljujem. Zahvale
idu i mom suprugu, Johnu Comishu, koji mije pružio mnogo pomoći prilikom završnog oblikovanja
ovog teksta, te njegove pripreme za objavljivanje.

19
i početka ovog stoljeća. Pomislila sam
da bi bilo zanimljivo izložiti na koji su
način stanovita sramotna izvrtanja s
kraja prošlog stoljeća, ne tako davno,
zavela nekoliko lahkovjernih i uglednih
stranih znanstvenika.
Problem predstavlja zamršen
čvor sa slijedećim izdancima:
a. Neobična povijest muslimana
u Bosni za prve polovice 19. stoljeća.
b. Iskrivljena povijest Bosne ko-
ju je krajem 19. stoljeća izmislio au-
strougarski režim, okoristivši se okol-
nošću (a).
e. God. 1909-10. stručnjaci Ze-
maljskog muzeja iz Sarajeva otkrivaju
bogato opremljen kraljevski grob u ko-
jem je gotovo sigurno pokopan bosan-
ski kralj Tvrtko I (umro god. 1391.)
pod oltarom crkve u Arnautovićima
kraj Visokog u središnjoj Bosni, no taje
njegovo postojanje ne bi li održali (b).
d. Činjenica da se (b) usadilo u
bosansku svijest tako duboko daje nad-
živjelo političke izmjene koje je donio
Prvi svjetski rat.
e. Djelatnost nekadašnjeg austro-
ugarskog vojnog liječnika početkom
dvadesetih godina ovog stoljeća navodi
na krivi trag o grobovima Tvrtka I i II.
Objavio je tobož nove podatke o isko-
pavanju izvršenom u prvim godinama
habsburške okupacije Bosne i Hercego-
vine.
f. Jedna njemačka znanstvenica
iz sasvim različite oblasti koja, nara-
vno, nije bila upoznata s (e) prihvaća
u svojoj publikaciji iz god. 1971. po-
datke iz publikacije koja je uslijedila
nakon (e), te stoga čitavu jednu grupu
pojaseva smješta u drugu polovicu 14.
stoljeća, kad umire Tvrtko I (1391),
20
umjesto na njegov početak, te tako stva-
ra pomutnju koja proizilazi iz (e) izme-
đu tog kralja i Tvrtka II (umro 1443).
Kad se jednom taj čvor prikaže
i bar djelimično razmrsi, moguće je is-
pitati i te kako valjane razloge datiranja
pojaseva i njima srodnih nalaza u prvu
polovicu 14. stoljeća i tako ispraviti
povijest.
Navedeni se izdanci mogu ovako
izložiti:
Muslimani u Bosni i
Hercegovini
U razdoblju od 1820. do 185l.
bosanski muslimani nisu bili štovani u
Istanbulu (Šišić 1938; str. 19,20). Što
je tijekom druge polovice 19. stoljeća
međusobni prezir više rastao, postajali
su oni to samovoljniji. Vlast musliman-
skih zemljoposjednika nad njihovim
kršćanskim kmetovima postaje sve su-
rovija, a nameti se sve češće pretvaraju
u kazne, pa otud slijede mnogi nemili
događaji u kojima kmetovi ustaju protiv
gospodara. U to doba Istanbul više ne
može kontrolirati ponašanje bosanskih
muslimana. Tako su oni sedamdesetih
godina 19. stoljeća jedina vjerska grupa
u Bosni i Hercegovini bez ikakvih pre-
tenzija za podrškom neke strane sile,
dok se katolička Hrvatska u to vrijeme
uzda u Austriju te posredno II Rim, a
pravoslavna Srbija u Crnu Goru kojoj
je na čelu pravoslavni vladika, te preko
nje, naravno, u Rusiju.
 Iskrivljena povijest
Bosne
Takozvana "bogumilska" povi-
jest Bosne danas se uglavnom smatra
tvorevinom Janosa von Asbotha, vla-
dina činovnika s početka austrougarske
uprave i člana mađarskog parlamenta,
te njegova poznatijeg kolege Benjami-
na von Kallaya (Wenzel, Kojić, 1980;
str. 209, 210), koji upravlja Bosnom
od 1882-1903. (Ćorović 1925; str. 80).
Tu je mogućnost tijekom godina nas-
lutilo nekoliko jugoslavenskih znan-
stvenika. Jedan neobjavljeni rad numiz-
matičara Ivana Rengjela o stećcima na
zanimljiv način razmatra ovaj problem
("Srednjovječni nadgrobni spomenici,
stećci", bez datuma). Kopija tog kuca-
nog teksta nalazi se u jednoj privatnoj
biblioteci u Zagrebu i kao cjelina danas
nema veće važnosti jer su ga nadomje-
stili mnogo opsežniji radovi te vrste
(npr. rad Šefika Bešlagića). No Ren-
gjelova je bibliografija vrijedan kritički
prikaz ranih izvora tada općeprihvaće­
ne teorije o porijeklu fenomena stećaka.
Rengjeo je u iskrivljenoj povijesti vidio
težnju austrougarskih vlasti da nakon
prvih godina okupacije pronađu ideo-
loško uporište njima neophodna raz-
dvajanja Bosne i Hercegovine od Srbi-
je. Ideja o širenju tzv. "bogumiiske hi-
poteze" došlo tek nakon prvih nekoliko
godina austrougarskog upravljanja u
svakom se slučaju podudara s objašnje-
njem Ferde Šišića objavljenim godine
1938. o glavnom pravcu djelovanja au-
2 Revizija bugarskog bogumilstva u svjetlu novijih istraživanja koja je poduzeo John V. A.
Fine, "The Bulgarian Bogomi! Movement", East Europian Quarterly, Vol. XI, no. 4, Bou/der.
Colorado, 1977; str. 385-412.
strijske politike u tom razdoblju (Šišić
1938; str. 19-20,43-44); von Asbotho-
va je pak "popularna" knjiga o bosan':-
skoj kulturi, namijenjena stranim čita­
ocima, bila prvo štivo koje je tu disku-
tabilnu postavku iznijelo na stranim je-
zicima. U Budimpešti je objavljeno
god. 1887, u Beču god. 1888, u Lon-
donu 1890.
Berlinskim sporazumom zajam-
čeno je Austro-Ugarskoj isključivo pra-
vo okupacije i upravljanje Bosnom i
Hercegovinom nakon njena preuzima-
nja god. 1879. Deset godina kasnije
mnogi stanovnici ovog predjela i dalje
se protive takvom sporazumu, te upor-
no teže k povezivanju sa Srbijom kao
prirodnim tokom razvoja vlastite povi-
jesti. Von Asbothov nov prikaz povi-
jesti Bosne trebao je neposlušne zago-
vornike takvog gledišta uvjeriti da za-
nemaruju stvarnu povijest svoje zemlje.
Von Asboth tvrdi kako je jedan od ključ­
nih momenata u povijesti Bosne to što
je nekoć, u razdoblju koje prethodi na-
metanju osmanlijske vlasti, imala du-
boko Ukorijenjenu nacionalnu religiju.
Ta religija, nadalje, sa Srbima nema
nikakve veze, a Rimje žestoko napada.
Radilo se, zapravo, o krivovjerstvu srod-
nom mnogim srednjovjekovnim dua-
!ističkim herezama iz tog razdoblja. po-
rijeklo vuče iz zemlje koja je kasnije
također pala pod turski jaram - iz Bu-
garske~ 2 Stoga bi Bosanci srodnosti u
kulturi trebali tražiti u Bugarskoj, a ne
u zapadnoj ili srednjoj Evropi. Ne ospo-
rava se da je za procvate krivovjerja
21
Bosna uglavnom bila pod mađarskom
vlašću. U to se doba katolička Mađar­
ska milostivo udostojila oprostiti i za-
boraviti krivovjerje koje je zatrovalo
većinu bosanskih lokalnih vladara i nji-
hovih podanika. Mađarska je također
tu i tamo provodila akcije čišćenja, na
Papin nalog, ne bi li Bosnu vratila u
okrilje majke Crkve. Pa ipak, tvrdi von
Asboth, Bosna se zbog svoje vjerske
povijesti ne uklapa ni u istočnu ni u
zapadnu maticu. Da ne poljulja vlastitu
tezu, u svom prikazu heretičke izolira-
nosti Bosne u kasnom srednjem vijeku
trebao je uskladiti njeno kulturno nas-
lijeđe. A Bosna svakako posjeduje je-
dinstveno naslijeđe iz kasnog srednjeg
vijeka: velike, pomalo neobične nad-
grobne spomenike, na tisuću primjera-
ka razasutih zemljom, među kojima
ima i bogato ukrašenih nadgrobnika.
Radi se - zaključuje von Asboth - o
preostalom kulturnom blagu hrabrih
krivovjernika koje u svakom slučaju
treba zvati jednako kao i njihovu bu-
garsku braću - "bogumilima" (von As-
both 1890; str. 30-100).
Bilo je to vješto stvaranje "po-
vijesti" koja će istovremeno poslužiti
Austrijancima i uglavnom se uklopiti
u postojeći povijesni okvir. Von Asboth
je, naravno, računao s činjenicom da
će rijetko kojem Bosancu biti dostupni
iscrpni povijesni spisi iz austrougatskih
knjižnica. No glavno sredstvo kojim je
von Asboth želio ostvariti svoj cilj -
prikaz bosanske nacionalne religije -
nije od svog stvaraoca zahtijevao na-
ročitu intelektualnu razigranost: sred-
njovjekovna vjerovanja u Bosni i nji-
hove tadašnje, a i kasnije službe, vrlo
su zagonetni i stoga podložni različitim
manje ili više vjerodostojnim tumače-
22
njima. "Crkva bosanska", institucija ko-
jaje u katoličkim spisima tog razdoblja
često ocrnjavana, u protewklomje sto-
ljeću izazvala niz zabuna i raspri. Na
temelju današnjih saznanja, stvarno je
stanje ukratko slijedeće.
Uvriježeno je mišljenje da je od
13. stoljeća do dolaska Turaka Bosna
imala specifičnu nacionalnu crkvu čiji
su se svećenici nazivali krstjanima, a
narod bi ih katkad nazivao patarenima
(Petković 1953; str. 13; Fine 1975; str.
334) - imenom koje je na talijanskom
jeziku prvotno označavalo krivovjerni-
ke. Dakako, valja spomenuti da su u to _
doba isti naziv rimokatolici koristili za
članove srpske pravoslavne crkve. Ma-
lo je vjerovatno da su pripadnike Crkve
bosanske u njihovo doba ikad nazvali
bogumilima. U jednoj kopiji rukopisa
biografije Konstantina Filozofa iz god.
1432. despota Stefana Lazarevića na-
vodno je upotrijebljeno upravo ovo od-
ređenje; taj prijepis izgleda nije saču­
van, a ime nije pronađeno ni u jednom
prijepisu istog djela do sada (Fine 1975;
str. 44). Za druge "rane" spise koji ko-
riste naziv pri određivanju pripadnika
Crkve bosanske dokazano je da su kri-
votvoreni mnogo kasnije ne bi li pot-
krijepili tezu kako se uistinu radi o du-
alističkom pokretu. Nadalje, kad bi se
taj naziv pojavio u suvremenim ili stra-
nim prijevodima ranih spisa, bilo bi to
naprosto zbog primjene nepromišlje-
nog pravila da je patarin isto što i bo-
gumil. Otud velika vjerovatnost da je
izgubljeni rukopis o Konstantinu Filo-
zofu sačinjen ili krivotvoren upravo s
tim ciljem.
Suvremeni povjesničari specija-
lizirani upravo za ovo neispitano pod-
ručje balkanologije opredijelili su se za
tumačenje Crkve bosanske kao strem-
ljenje za nacionalnom crkvom kakvu
su imali Srbi, no bez ikakvih političkih
veza s Istokom ili Zapadom. Pokret vje-
rovatno nije imao odjeka, i jedva da je
poprimio obrise organizirane crkve. Ia-
ko se za neke elemente njene službe
čini da ponavljaju pravoslavni obrazac,
struktura joj je (pretjerana li izraza) po-
malo nalik zapadnoj, samostanskoj, no
čini se da njeni pripadnici nisu bili svjes-
ni razlika između te i prave eklezijas-
tičke strukture. Tako su nezaređeni re-
dovnici preuzeli mjesto namijenjeno
svećenicima, čini se neupućeni u značaj
naređivanja svećenstva u crkvama Is-
toka i Zapada, kao ni u zgražanje Rima
pri najmanjem odstupanju od te norme
(Petković 1953; str. 40; Fine 1975; str.
148-150,219). Pokret je u razdobljima
svoje dugačke povijesti moguće sadr-
žavao neke dualističke elemente ili bi
naprosto prihvatio nekog dualistu s
obale u svoje okrilje, premda u unu:'
trašnjim duhovnim spisima nema ni spo-
mena eventualnog dualizma u Bosni
prije 15. stoljeća (Fine 1975; str. 131,
361). No danas se uglavnom smatra da
je, bez obzira na doktrinu (ukoliko je
doktrinarne postojanosti uopće i bilo
tokom nekoliko stoljeća njena postoja-
nja), Crkva bosanska imala tek malen
broj sljedbenika i izvršila minimalan
utjecaj na stanovnike srednjovjekovne
Bosne i Hercegovine - bilo katolike ili
pravoslavce, ovisno o tome u kojem su
dijelu živjeli (Fine 1973; str. 19-29;
Fine 1975; str. 131, 361).
3 Pavao Anđelić mi je jednom rekao da zbog svog poznavanja bosanskog istorijskog materijala
vjeruje kako su stanovnici Bosne vjerovatno o sebi mislili kao o prostim krstjanima, kao što i arhi-
tektura mnogih bosanskih crkava slijedi pojednostavljenu formu koja se ne razlikuje ni od katoličkih,
ni od pravoslavnih, i da nisu stoga previše brinuli kojoj crkvi treba pripadati za konačni spas duše.
Kod seljačkog je stanovništva
zasigurno prevladavalo potpuno nepoz-
navanje doktrinarnih pitanja - ne samo
tada, već i u novijoj prošlosti. Vjero-
vanja mnogih koji se smatraju katoli-
cima ili pravoslavcima i te kako bi izne-
nadila obrazovanije pripadnike tih
ogranaka kršćanstva iz drugih krajeva.
Moguće je veći dio ili barem za Rim
neprihvatljivih ili heretičkih vjerovanja
tog prostodušnog življa, koji se sam
nazva kršćanima, no stremljaše za au-
tonomnom crkvom, tek rezultat nezna-
nja proizašla iz dugotrajna nemara Ri-
ma za zabačena mjesta na granicama
vlastitog carstva.
Smatra se (a nikad nije bilo va-
ljanog razloga za sumnju) da je među
svim vjerskim sektama u Bosni tijekom
14. i 15. stoljeća bio raširen običaj po-
dizanja golemih nadgrobnih spomeni-
, ,ka. Od nekoliko stotina stećaka s nat-
pisima, samo za njih osam utvrđeno je
da pripadaju sljedbenicima Crkve bo-
sanske (Fine 1975; str. 260-264). Danas
se kao pouzdana određenja uzimaju sa-
mo imena znanih pojedinaca čijaje po-
vezanost sa Crkvom bosanskom ranije
utvrđena. Za ambleme koje neki ma-
štoviti autori smatraju karakterističnim
za "bogumile" (npr. križ u obliku grč­
kog slova tau i tzv. djedov štap) lakše
bi bilo dokazati da bogumilima ne pri-
padaju, te da u pravilu ne određuju dok-
trinu (Kojić-Wenzel 1980; str. 208-209).3
Von Asbothova iskrivljena po-
vijest zbir je manipuliranih predodžbi
23
o srednjovjekovnoj Crkvi bosanskoj i
o stećcima, iz ne tako daleke prošlosti.
O ideji da su tzv. krivovjernike
iz Bosne obratili bugarski bogumili ras-
pravljalo je nekoliko vatrenih pristaša
panslavizma prije uspostavljanja au-
strougarske vlasti u Bosni, u vrijeme
kad se vjerovalo da valja potaknuti so-
lidarnost između Bosne i Bugarske, obi-
ju pod turskim jarmom. Djelo Franje
Račkog o bogumilima i patarenima, ko-
je je u Zagrebu prvi put objavljeno 1869-
-70. pod pokroviteljstvom biskupa Jo-
sipa Juraja Strossmayera i novoosno-
vane Jugoslavenske akademije, prezen-
tira tu ideju na naizgled znanstven na-
čin, a bugarsko ime "bogumili" uvodi
u literaturu kao naziv za pripadnike Cr-
kve bosanske (Rački 1931; Šanjek 1975;
str. ll, 12). Nedugo je zatim Arthuru
Evansu, mladom engleskom novinskom
izvjestiocu i strastvenom ljubitelju po-
vijesti, koji je bio u Bosni za vrijeme
ustanka 1875, palo na pamet da bi go-
lemi bosanski stećci mogli biti grobovi
baš onih bogumila o kojima je ranije
čitao. U svom objavljenom putopisu toj
pretpostavci nije posvetio mnogo pro-
stora, no potkrijepio ju je primjedbom
da nadgrobni spomenici koje je vidio
ne sadrže u svom ikonografskom re-
pertoaru križ, za koji se zna da je dua-
listima bio anatema (Evans 1973; str.
163, 164).4 Kako je Arthur Evans ubrzo
postao svjetski poznat arheolog, ta čista
izmišljotina automatski je promovirana
i u vrijeme kad je von Asboth iz poli-
tičkih razloga odlučuje rasprostraniti
kao nepobitnu činjenicu u austrijskim
se krugovima naziva "Evansovom tezom"
(von Luschan 1881; str. 107, bilješka 1).
Von Asboth je tu ideju (da su
stećci nesumnjivo spomenici bogumi-
la) vješto spojio s jednom drugom: da
su praktički svi Bosanci bili bogumili,
te su uslijed stalnih proganjanja koje
je poticao Rim masovno prihvatili is-
lam. Ni to von Asboth vjerovatno nije
sam izmislio, već čuo. Ova teza nema
nikakve povijesne osnove. (Fine 1975;
str. 382-385). Austro-Ugarska je u pr-
vim godinama upravljanja Bosnom i
Hercegovinom uveliko iskorištavala
muslimansko stanovništvo: islam je u
Bosni između 1800-1875. pri tome go-
tovo neovisan o Istanbulu, spomenuto
u (a), i u tom razdoblju još nije uspo-
stavio opasne političke veze s inozem-
stvom, pa gaje stoga okupator poticao.
Tako je muslimanima bilo dozvoljeno
da zadrže svoje katoličke i pravoslavne
kmetove (Dedijer 1967; str. 79-81), te

4 Ovo stanovište - da postojanje ili izostanak križa na nadgrobnim spomenicima implicira nešto
o vjerovanju pokojnika - bilo je stalno potencirano od strane zagovornika "bogumiIske hipoteze",
s uvjerenjem da ono snažno potkrepljuje njihove tvrdnje. To je, zapravo, potpuna besmislica;
proučavanje evropskih nadgrobni h spomenika od srednjeg vijeka do danas jasno pokazuju da je
njihov ikonografski repertoar tek stvar mode i da se ukop na posvećenom mjestu smatrao dovoljnim
iskazom pobožnosti. Kao primjer neprimjenjivosti "principa križa" može se navesti veliki broj bogato
ukrašenih nadgrobni h spomenika Vestminsterske opatije u Londonu, od kojih se samo na jednom
nalazi prikaz križa; sasvim sigurno niko od srednjovjekovnih engleskih kraljeva, kraljica i plemstva
nije obilježen kao sljedbenik dualističke hereze.

24
 su mnogi katolici i pravoslavci u Bosni,
koji su dolazak Habsburgovaca isprva
dočekali kao svoje oslobođenje, doživ-
jeli gorko razočarenje.
S druge je strane nametanje laž-
nog "bogumilskog" tona povijesti Bos-
ne bilo dio kampanje da se potencijalno
opasnim bosanskim kršćanima oduzme
što je moguće više kulturnog naslijeđa.
Stećci - nadgrobni spomenici predaka
svih kršćana i muslimana - na taj su
način dodijeljeni muslimanima, čime
su istaknuta njihova nasljedna prava u
zemlji, a kršćani su u odnosu na njih
degradirani u "došljake" (Wenzel-Ko-
jić. 1980; str. 209).
Grob Tvrtka I
Još jedan zanimljiv komentar u
Rengjelovoj bibliografiji odnosi se na
njegovo viđenje uloge Zemaljskog mu-
zeja iz Sarajeva u širenju glasa o tobož
bogumilskoj prošlosti Bosne. Taj naci-
onalni muzej Bosne i Hercegovine os-
novalaje god. 1885. austrougarska vlada
s namjerom da potpomogne proučava­
nje i razumijevanje povijesti, arheolo-
gije i prirodopisa regije. Rengjeo je uvje-
ren da von Asbothovi radevi na nje-
mačkom i engleskomjeziku svijetu pre-
zentiraju izrazito tendencioznu teoriju
kao provjerenu činjenicu, dok muzejski
stručnjaci taj isti zadatak treba da obave
na lokalnom nivou. Nepristrano sagle-
davanje činjenica koje slijede navodi
na zaključak da je Rengjeo vjerovatno
u pravu.
Grob kralja Tvrtka I prvi je ot-
krio kustos Zemaljskog muzeja Karlo
Patsch god. 1909, godinu dana nakon
politički
najosjetljivijeg poteza Austro-
-Ugarske: protuzakonite aneksije Bos-
ne i Hercegovine (Anđelić 1980; str.
227-230).
Grob je očigledno otkriven sas-
vim slučajno. Započeta su iskopavanja
ruševina u Arnautovićima, nekoliko ki-
lometara sjeveroistočno od Visokog u
središnjoj Bosni, da se odredi položaj
crkve koju je god. 1193. podigao ban
Kulin, a spominje se na kamenom nat-
pisu pronađenom u obližnjim Bišku-
pić-Mašinovićima (Vego IV, 1970, str.
70, 71, br. 254; Anđelić 1980; str. 232).
Sam ban Kulin ključna je ličnost u no-
voj povijesti Bosne skiciranoj pod (b):
po njoj je on poznati vjerski odmetnik
koji se, unatoč strogoj zabrani svog gla-
vara Bele III, "s cijelom svojom poro-
dicom i s 10.000 podanika priklonio
bogumilskoj vjeri" (von Asboth 1890;
str. 43). Također se, naravno, priznaje
njegova kasnija rehabilitacija i povra-
tak Mađarima nakon Papine interven-
cije, no predočena je tek kao kratko-
trajno pomirenje u slijedu banova-kri-
vovjernika.
Otkopavajući crkvu podignutu u
kasnom srednjem vijeku i očekujući
ostatke Kulinove crkve na nižem nivou,
arheolozi su naišli na prilično velik pra-
vokutni mauzolej ski prostor, do kojeg
su došli kroz prilaz smješten pod veli-
kim stećkom u blizini crkvenog oltara,
prostora za koji je već god. 1600. za-
bilježeno da se u lokalnoj tradiciji na-
ziva "kraljevskom kapelicom" (Anđelić
1980; str. 199). U njemu je otkriveno
osam kostura, što je navelo na pomisao
25
da grobnica pripada većoj porodici.
5

Jedan od kostura ležao je u lijesu koji

je nekoć bio drapiran mrtvačkim pokro-
vom; njegovi se ostaci danas mogu vi-
djeti u Zemaljskom muzeju (inv. br.
608), a na njima van svake sumnje znaci
kra~evskog grba kralja Tvrtka I (sl. la-
-e).

SL 1a: Motiv koji se ponavlja;preostaliJragment

mrtvačkog pokrova bosanske kraljevske poro-
dice iskopan god. 1909. u Arnautovićima kraj Sl. lb: Grb kralja Tvrtka l rekonstruiran od
Visokog; zlatni i srebrni brokat. Zemaljski muzej preostalih komadića tkanine iz Arnutol'ića.
u Sarajevu (608). Po Anđeliću, 1980.

5 Očevici iskopavanja, koje je intervjuirala Irma Čremošnik 1950-51. godine, slažu se o broju
pronađenih skeleta (Anđelić 1980; str. 187, 230, 231). Moje je mišljenje da je isti mauzolej mjesto
vječnog počinka bana Stjepana II Kotromanića (umro 1353), koji je u tu svrhu franjevcima izgradio
crkvu uMilama. Ukopni običaji bosanskog 14. stoljeća često su nalagali da najnoviji ukop u
zajedničku grobnicu bude pažljivo pripremljen, kao što je ovdje slučaj, dok su se ostaci ranijih ukopa
sklanjali drugdje (Bešlagić, Basler 1964; str. 22, grob 62, T. XIV, sl. 4, nakon 1329; str. 52, grob
251. T XXXlI, sl. 5. nakon 1342; str. 14, grob 6, T. XII, sl. 2, nakon 1342). Jedan od prstenova
pronađenih u mauzoleju (sl. 2b, c; Anđelić 1980; str. 187, 230, 231) stilski je mnogo raniji od onih
iz Tvrtkovog doba. Bojana Radojković ispravno ga smješta u kasnije 13. stoljeće (Radojković 1969;
str. 180. 334, 352). lako je Anđelić pokušavao utvrditi da je ban pokopan u jednom grobu blizu
crkvenog ulaza (Anđelić 1980; str. 231, 232), ipak se čini da bi centralna pozicija u mauzoleju bila
prikladnija poštovanju ovog crkvenog donatora - potomka i arpadovićke i nemanjićke krvi, a čija
kćer, u godini njegove smrti, postaje kraljicom Ugarske (Ćirković 1964; str. 121).
6 Ovu heraldiku - kacigu sa svežnjem pera iznad štita ukrašenog kosom trakom i motivom
fleurs-de-~~'s- koristili su i kralj Tvrtko I i njegov nasljednik kralj Dabiša (umro 1395), ako i Dabišina
udovica, kraljica Jelena Gruba (1395-1398). Anđelić daje vrlo uvjerljive razloge za uvjerenje da je
u kovčegu ispod kraljevskog plašta bilo tijelo kralja Tvrtka prije negoli nekog od manje važnih
ličnosti (Anđelić 1970; str. 21,1980; str. 187,214,218).

26
SI. 1e: Pečat kralja Tvrtka I sačuvan u 6 pri-
mjeraka koji datiraju iz razdoblja 1385-1389.
Promjer 3 cm. Po Anđeliću, 1970.
Daljnji su nam postupci arheo-
loga i muzejskih stručnjaka nažalost za-
uvijek onemogućili da saznamo kako
su mnogobrojni predmeti iz grobnice,
za koje je naknadno utvrđeno da su u
njoj pronađeni, bili tačno razmješteni,
premda se uglavnom smatra da je kru-
pan prsten od kristala i zlata (sl. 2a, b)
najvjerovatnije pripadao kralju (Anđe­
lid 1980; str. 221), I prsten i mnoge
druge dragocjenosti s nalazišta (neke
su prikazane na sl. 2a, e) pripojeni su
zbirkama Zemaljskog muzeja pod istim
inventarskim broj em - "G-I- 14-VIII-
-1909" - bez ikakva objašnjenja o pori-
SI. 2a: Četiri zlatna prstena s različitim draguljima iz kraljevskog mauzoleja u Amal/lavićima kraj
Visokog. Zemaljski muzej, Sarajevo (618, 616, 619, 617).
SI. ld: Srebrni prsten, Ifjevan, graviran, s grbom
vazala Tvrtka I; iskopan u kraljevskom mauzo-
leju u Arnautovićima kraj Visokog. Promjer
2,3 cm. Zemaljski muzej, Sarajevo (620).
jeklu; no Dimitrije Sergejevski je god.
1947. prepoznao rukopis Karla Patscha
i u inventarskoj bilješci spominje mo-
gućnost da se radi o nalazu iz Amau-
tovi ća (ibid; str. 187,212-213,221). Pre-
ostali predmeti iz Arnautovića kasnije su
pronađeni na različitim mjestima u Mu-
zeju: u klasičnim i u srednjovjekovnim
zbirkama, u podrumskom skladištu (ibid;
str. 185).
No istraživački pothvat Pavla
Anđelića, koji se nadovezuje na pret-
hodni rad Irme Čremošnik god. 1950-
-51, a ovaj je opet bio potaknut otkri-
ćem Sergej evskog, razotkrio je dokle
27

SJ. 2b: Zlatni prsten, filigran i kameni kristal.
Promjer 2,5 cm. Promjer odfasete do stražnjeg
dijela 3,4 cm. Zemaljski muzl':i, Sarajevo (616).
SI. 2c: Zlatni prsten sa safirom, šuplji obruč,
faseta poduprta izrezbarenim listovima djeteli-
ne. Promjer 2, l cm. Zemaljski muzej, Sarajevo
(619). Fotografirala autorica zahvaljujući su-
sretljivosti Nade Miletić.
su Karlo Patseh i njegovi muzejski su-
radnici bili spremni ići ne bi li zbrisali
svaki trag otkrića kraljevskog groba
pod stećkom smještenim u kršćanskoj
crkvi, premda Anđelić uopće nije na-
mjeravao ispitivati razloge takvog pos-
tupanja. No dva se razloga odmah sama
nameću. Po von Asbothovoj tvorevini
(b), u srednjovjekovnoj bosanskoj dr-
žavi postoji organizirana heretička cr-
kva i gotovo su svi njeni vladari (uk-
ljučujući Tvrtka I) bogumili. Nadalje,
28
po njegovu mišljenju bogumili stećke
(fenomen svojstven samo njima) nisu
podizali u samim crkvama. Te bi pos-
tavke bile ozbiljno uzdrmane da se pro-
čuo glas o pronalasku groba Tvrtka I
u grobnici zatvorenoj stećkom smješte-
nim u samoj zgradi crkve. U osjetljivoj
političkoj atmosferi koja je zavladala
nakon austrougarske aneksije Bosne i
Hercegovine, objavljivanje vijesti o pro-
nalasku bogato opremljene grobnice
prvog bosanskog kralja moglo je kod
Bosanaca samo potaknuti neželjen iz-
sIjev nacionalnog osjećaja.
Stoga su dokazi krivotvoreni.
Veliki stećak, opisan u kratkoj bilješci
OVdašnjeg pomoćnika Karla Patscha
Mustafe Salihagića (ibid; str. 214), na
karti nalazišta ucrtan j e kao malen pred-
met veličine lijesa pronađena u grobu
(ibid; str. 190, 199, 228, 229). Sam je
lijes izgleda uništen. Pokušali su uni-
štiti i stećak koji Anđelić opisuje kao
ogroman, šiljat sljemenjak s integral-
nim postoljem. Po njemu, stećak bijaše
tako velik te su Austrijanci mogli tek
izbiti najveći dio jednostavne i pomno
izrađene površine, a središnji su dio
spomenika odvukli van crkve (ibid; str.
211,229). Izbijeni su dijelovi ostali kraj
ulaza u mauzolej, unutar same crkve,
dok je razbijeni dekorativni materijal
od crvenog kamena, iz kojeg je po An-
đeliću bilo izgrađeno podnožje spome-
nika, zakopan u mauzoleju i pronađen
je prilikom njegova ponovnog iskopa-
vanja god. 1976. i 1977. (ibid; str. 202-
-203, 227-229).
Iskopine iz Amautovića tek su
uzgred spomenute u arhivi Zemaljskog
muzeja i u djelima objavljenim u to
doba. Ne postoji izvještaj o iskopava-
nju. Doduše, u zapisniku sa sastanka
održanog u Muzeju 2. studenog/no-
vembra 1909. opisano je iskopavanje,
no težište je stavljeno na pitanje može
li se crkvu dovesti u vezu s banom
Kulinom. Na nj' je dat potvrdni odgo-
vor, a tek je uzgred spomenuto da gro-
bovi "u vezi" s crkvom predstavljaju
bogat nalaz.
"Dr. Patsch, u vezi sa svojim re-
feratom na zadnjoj sjednici, izvještava
o iskopavanju u Arnautovićima i kotaru
Visoko. Iskopavanje je trajalo čitav
mjesec avgust i sve do sada nije zavr-
šeno. Produženje radova objašnjava se
veličinom otkrivene crkve i okolnošću
da su se unutar prvotno otkrivene crkve
pojavili i ostaci jedne manje - starije
(crkve) i da se također naišlo na gro-
bove iz istog vremena. Stoga je došlo
do većeg iskopa zemlje, a bio je nužan
i jedan oprezniji i polaganiji radni pos-
tupak. O značaju građevine za našu
srednjevekovnu crkvenu arhitekturu
moći će se dati sud kada se otkrije čitavi
tloris. Već sada se može zaključiti, ali
uza sve rezerve, da položaj dviju crkava
u Arnautovićima asocira na natpis bana
Kulina koji govori o gradnji crkve na
temeljima neke starije (crkve). Nala-
zište natpisa je svega 20 minuta uda-
ljeno od Arnautovića i leži neposredno
na obali Bosne, tako da je prijenos ka-
mena sa natpisom bio lako moguć. Da
li je ova pretpostavka prihvatljiva, da
li je, dakle, Kulin ban izgradio crkvu
u Amautovićima, provjerit će se isko-
pavanjem na mjestu gdje je nađen nat-
pis. Ako se tamo ne nađe nikakva crkva
onda je gornja sumnja opravdana."
"Grobni nalazi su mnogobrojni
i vrijedni, osobito zbog priloga nakita,
zlatnih i srebrnih prstenova, naušnica
itd., tako da će naša srednjevjekovna
zbirka biti znatnije obogaćena."
"Od skeleta, samo je jedan nađen
čitav. Kosti su zbog močvarnog tla vrlo
trošne." (Anđelić 1980; str. 186, 187)
Na sastanku održanom 17. ruj-
na/septembra 1910. Patseh ukratko iz-
vještava da su radovi u Amautovićima
okončani (ibid; str. 187).
Uz spomenute muzejske podat-
ke, ponešto su o iskopavanjima u crkvi
objavili Patschovi suradnici. Ćiro Tru-
helka piše u Glasniku Zemaljskog mu-
zeja u Sarajevu iz god. 1914 (str. 223;
Anđelić 1980; str. 187, bilj. 11) da je
crkva u Amautovićima prvotno bila ra-
nokršćanska bazilika, a datira iz istog
razdoblja kao i crkve u mjestima Da-
bravina, Zenica i Turbe. U Glasniku iz
te iste godine Vladimir Ćorović tvrdi
da je u toku iskopavanja otkriveno mo-
numentalno zdanje iz vremena bosan-
skih kraljeva koje djelimično leži na
temeljima starije i manje crkve, pod
kojom se opet nalazi ostaci zdanja iz
rimskog razdoblja (ibid; str. 187, bilj.
13, GZM 1914. str. 12). Ti su podaci
tačni u dijelu koji se odnosi na pret-
postavke o samoj crkvi - ona je uistinu
sadržala 4 zasebna nivoa: jedno roma-
ničko i dva gotička zdanja najvjerovat-
nije podignuta na temeljima kasnoan-
tičke bazilike (Anđelić 1980, str. 187,
190). No šira javnost sasvim sigurno
namjerno nije bila upoznata s pravim
značajem nalaza iz Amautovića.
Nakon prikaza prvih triju kom-
ponenti zamršenog čvora koji je pred-
metom ovog napisa, prisjetimo se ok-
rutne ironije sudbine da je nadvojvoda
Franz Ferdinand, prijestolonasljednik
29
Austro-Ugarskog carstva, trebao veli-
čanstveno novo zdanje Zemaljskog
muzeja proglasiti otvorenim 28. lip-
nja/juna ujutro god. 1914, te da ga je
na samom putu do Muzeja smrtno ranio
Gavrilo Princip. Bio je to povod lancu
događaja koji dovode do početka Prvog
svjetskog rata i do konačnog sloma Au-
stro-Ugarske.
Bajka o bogumilima
Međuratna literatura o Bosni i
Hercegovini i o njenoj povijesti uglav-
nom ponavlja bogumilsku hipotezu ski-
ciranu u (b). Kako je to tumačenje ve-
ćina nastavnika usvojila još u đačkoj
dobi, u školama koje je financirala Au-
stro-Ugarska, to su ga nastavili preno-
siti, jer kontradiktornih napisa nije ni
bilo. Često su vrijedna znanstvena djela
sve stećke pripisivala bogumilima. Za
primjer nek nam posluži članak Vejsila
Čurčića "Kako su naši bogornilski pređi
sjekli i prevozili nadgrobne spomeni-
ke" (NAPREDAKIX, 3-4, Sarajevo 1934,
str. 35-39), koji ponavlja potpuno ne-
ispitanu pretpostavku o porijeklu ste-
ćaka, no istovremeno predstavlja vrlo
suvisli prikaz o samom umijeću njihove
izrade.
Bez sumnje su neke obrazovane
ličnosti koje su se u to doba bavile
proučavanjem prošlosti Bosne (a tu
vjerovatno spada i Rengjeo ) bile upoz-
nate s pravim stanjem stvari, no odlučili
su da ga ne objave. Otvoreno se u to
doba ipak izjasnio Vladislav Skarić, ko-
ji u članku objaVljenom u Sarajevu god.
1932. optužuje Austro-Ugarsku zbog
širenja ideje da su "bogumili" tvorci
30
stećaka. Budući da mi sam članak nije
dostupan, citiram ono što Alojz Benac
piše o toj temi (Benac 1951; str. 69-70):
"... vrlo ispravno prilazi ovom
problemu i Vl. Skarić. On još 1932.
piše da u jugoslavenskom naučnom svi-
jetu postoji "skoro utvrđeno vjerovanje,
da su bosanski mramorovi grobni spo-
menici djelo ljudi bogumiiske vjere"
(V. Skarić, "Bogomi/ski grobovi i bo-
sančica", NARODNO JEDINSTVO, al-
manah-kalendar, Sarajevo, 1932, str.
356). "Nitko se nije obazirao" - veli
dalje Skarić - "i na druge okolnosti iz
kojih se bogumiisko porijeklo mramo-
rova ne samo nije moglo izvesti, nego
ga je i pobijalo" (ibid). On smatra da
je u ovo pitanje i politika unijela svoje
prste. Austrija je htjela da Bosnu naci-
onalno odvoji od Srba i Hrvata i da
stvori neke Bošnjake. Stoga je njena
uprava u Kalajevo vrijeme vrlo rado
prihvatila teoriju o bogumilskim gro-
bovima, jer je ta teorija išla u prilog
ovakvoj zamisli."
Bencuje ta ideja god. 1951. (str.
69-70) djelovala uvjerljivo. "Ne upu-
štam se ovdje", kaže on, "u ispitivanje
prirode bogumilstva ili u to je li ono u
Bosni i Hercegovini uopće postojalo.
Unatoč tome, neki mi se Skarićevi sta-
vovi čine u potpunosti prihvatljivima.
Mnoga neobjašnjena mjesta, pa tako
lako moguće i ovo, rasvjetljavaju ne-
prijeporni utjecaj austrijske politike."
No Skarić kasnije nije više pisao o toj
temi, pa u popularnim napisima i dalje
dominira "bogumilska hipoteza".
Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata iz
drugačijeg su političkog - ovaj puta
plemenitijeg - razloga mnogi autori po-
pularnih djela nastavili širiti bogumiI-
sku verziju prošlosti Bosne. To nije ni
u kakvoj sprezi s potenciranjem njene
turističke atraktivnosti, kako se pone-
kad znade tvrditi. Za te su autore "bo-
sanski krivovjernici" važne ličnosti u
dugačkoj povijesti suprotstavljanja or-
ganiziranoj crkvi i strukturama. Prika-
zani su kao junaci koj i se bore za zemlju
prečišćenu od vanjskih utjecaja, a pro-
tive se vjerskoj netrpeljivosti toliko
svojstvenoj vjerskim monopolima isto-
ka i zapada tijekom kasnog srednjovje-
kovlja. Oslikani su kao onovremeni
partizani što u svojim planinskim gni-
jezdima čuvaju nezavisnost i dostojan-
stvo naroda. Razumljivo da tim auto-
rima nije bilo do provjeravanja povi-
jesne ili geografske utvrđenosti vlasti-
tih prikaza, te daje "krivovjerstvo" prije
plod potpunog neznanja i nemara nego
li razborita protestantskog duha. Ma
koliko im motivi bili plemeniti, ti su
poslijeratni pisci uspjeli stvoriti bajku
o bogumilima koju će mnogi loše upu-
ćeni strani autori preuzeti u svojim dje-
lima. Zadalo je to mnogo poteškoća
znanstvenicima koji su svoje vrijeme
utrošili na njeno pobijanje. Nesretno je
to i dugovjeko naslijeđe iz vremena au-
strougarskog manipUliranja bosanskom
kulturom prije Prvog svjetskog rata, ko-
je je uvjetovalo dugogodišnje nekritič­
ko prihvaćanje arheoloških radova iz
tog razdoblja.
Verzija
Felixa von Luschana
Godine 1921. u njemačkom ča­
sopisu "Cicerone" (Miinchen 1921; str.
659-666) objavljen je članak s podaci-
ma koji navode na sasvim drugačiji
Tvrtkov grob. Ta neočekivana tvrdnja
prezentirana je kao logičan zaključak
autora članka, stanovitog Felixa von
Luschana, na temelju proučavanja is-
kopina sa srednjovjekovnog groblja u
Ravnoj Trešnji kraj Tuzle, u sjeverois-
točnoj Bosni. Iskopavanje je izvršeno
davno ranije, početkom god. 1879.
Felix von Luschan bio je liječnik
austrijske vojske u vrijeme austrougar-
ske okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine.
Navodi da su on i njegov zapovjednik
sasvim slučajno otkrili groblje, bez ikak-
vih nadgrobnih spomenika. Nije dugo
služio Austro-Ugarsko carstvo, i vel'
god. 1885. zaposlen je u Museum fur
V6lkerkunde u Berlinu. Njegovi odnosi
s austrougarskim vlastima u razdoblju
od iskopavanja do pada carstva danas
se više ne mogu rasvijetliti. Očigledno
nastavlja kontaktirati s bivšim drugo-
vima iz vojske, jer u članku iz god.
1921 (str. 659) bilježi da je izgubljen
bodež iz dijela iskopina koji je pripao
jednom tada već pokojnom oficiru (bi-
jaše to Hauptmann Schaffer, čiji su ar-
tiljerci pomagali pri iskopavanju, dok
su djeca ili neko od slugu razbili stak-
leni pehar istog porijekla. Danas se više
ne može utvrditi je li von Luschan su-
djelovao u austrougarskom politički
motiviranom izvrtanju kulturne baštine
Bosne. No ta se pretpostavka ipak na-
meće zbog većih nepodudarnosti izme-
đu njegova prvotnog opisa iskopanih
predmeta iz god. 1881 (von Luschan
1881; str. 112-114) i kasnijeg članka
iz god. 1921.
Von Luschanov članak iz god.
1881. zapravo je izvještaj pročitan na
sjednici Društva antropologa iz Beča
koji opisuje okolnosti u kojima je pro-
nađeno i iskopano 30 lubanja u Ravnoj
31
Trešnji. Taj je nalaz god. 1879. poklo-
nio antropološkom odjeljenju Prirodos-
lovnog muzeja grada Beča. No opisu
samih iskopanih predmeta prethodilo
je dulje tumačenje srednjovjekovnih
nadgrobnih spomenika u Bosni i Her-
cegovini. Za neke je uistinu mogao tvr-
diti da potječu iz 14. stoljeća. Osobno
je vršio iskopavanja 30 grobova ispod
takvih spomenika; u 2 je pronašao nov-
čiće iz 14. stoljeća. Pod jednim nad-
grobnim spomenikom u Han Šibošici
(sjeveroistočna Bosna, između Srebre-
nika i Tuzle; danas Šibošica) (ibid; str.
109, 111; Bešlagić 1971; str. 194) pro-
našao je mađarski novčić s Ludovikom
I (1342-1382), a pod drugim u Han
Kolibači na Drinjači (sjeveroistočna
Bosna, južno od Zvornika) novčić s li-
kom Ludovikove kćerke, kraljice Ma-
rije (1382-1395). U grobovima podno
tih nadgrobnih spomenika pronađeno
je mnogo kratkih, širokih (brahikefal-
nih) lubanja. 7 Von Luschan zaključuje
da su zbog poštovanja koje musliman-
sko stanovništvo gaji prema nadgrob-
nim spomenicima svih vrsta, grobovi,
uglavnom, ostali netaknuti. Bosna bi-
jaše pravi Eldorado za kraniologe (ibid;
str. 113, 114).
Von Luschanov osobni Eldora-
do bijaše pak u Ravnoj Trešnji: groblje
bez ijednog nadgrobnog spomenika, što
je, naravno, uveliko olakšalo iskopava-
nja. Mjesto ga je zainteresiralo kad je
sasvim slučajno primijetio kako jedna
nožna kost strši iz zemlje (von Luschan
1921; str. 659). Lubanje su vrlo neo-
7 Slične brahikefalne lubanje nedavno su iskopane ispod stećaka kod Raške Gore, u mostarskoj
regiji (Mikić 1978; str. 226-241).
32
bične i po opisu iz god. 1881. sve su
dugačke i uske (dolikokefalne), pa se
odlučio da ih pripiše pripadnicima du-
brovačke trgovačke kolonije koja obi-
tavaše u tom kraju (ibid; str. 113). Tu
je tezu potkrijepio primjedbom da je
opasač od pozlaćena srebra za sablju
("Wehrgehenk") iz jednog groba izgle-
da ukrasio majstor iz Giottova vremena
što, po njegovu mišljenju, pristaje doš-
ljaku iz Dubrovnika.
I tu je god. 1881. von Luschan
stao. No, god. 1921. upravo taj pojas
(sl. 7a-e, e; sl. 8a, b) i vlasnikova lu-
banja, koja je ovaj put malo drugačije
opisana, poslužit će kao navodni dokaz
da se radi o grobu bosanskog kralja
Tvrtka.
U svom ranijem članku von Lu-
schan bez posebnog objašnjenja bilježi
da su grobovi u Ravnoj Trešnji bili bo-
gato opremljeni. Ne objašnjava na koji
su način učesnici u iskopavanju podi-
jelili pronađene predmete, već naprosto
spominje da je plijen iz 40 grobova
međusobno podijeljen, a on sam posje-
duje dragocjenu zbirku oružja i nakita.
No u članku iz god. 1921. naši-
roko opisuje zajednički projekt iskopa-
vanja austrijskih oficira, njegovu rea-
lizaciju i pronađene predmete, koje sad
navodi mnogo iscrpnije no ranije, te
prilaže ilustracije predmeta u svom vlas-
ništvu. Budući da je to građa od pre-
sudne važnosti u odnosu na druge pred-
mete iz bosanskih grobova kojima se
u zadnje vrijeme poklanja velika paž-
nj a, zbog potreba ovog članka preko-
pirala sam sve von Luschanove ilustra-
cije (sl. 3, 4a-b, 5, 6a, 7, 8).
Predmeti koje von Luschan god.
1921. nije ilustrirao nisu mu više bili
dostupni - bilo zato što su se prilikom
iskopavanja raspali, ili su pak pripali
drugim članovima ekipe koja ih je ot-
krila. Unatoč tome, uspio je opisati ve-
ćinu. U fazi raspadanja otkrivene su
željezne pojasne kopče iz nekih muških
grobova, te "bijedni ostaci nazubljenih Sl. 3a: Stakleni pehar iskopan u RavIloj Trešnji
noževa za rezanje koji su nekoć imali kraj Tuzle god. 1879. Prozirno staklo s aplici-
ranim plavim nitima; puhano. izrađeno pomoću
drvene drške". Željezne mamuze, koje kalupa. Promjer čaše 12,8 cm. Visina 16 cm.
također navodi među nalazima iz tobož Po von Luschanu, 1921, sl. 4a.
kraljeva groba, nisu ilustrirane i vje-
rovatno su pripale nekom drugom. Oba
predmeta, koji su ranije spomenuti kao
vlasništvo Hauptmanna Schaffera, kas-
nije su nestala. Radilo se o relativno
dobro očuvanom bodežu s 3 oštrice i
o "zaobljenom i izdub1jenom malom
peharu sa savijenim postoljem, promje-
ra 10 cm, od prozirna i gotovo bezbojna Sl. 3b: Profil. Po von Luschanu, 1921, sl. 4b.
svijetlo zelena stakla" (von Luschan Mjesto gdje se trenutno nalazi nepoznato.
1921; str. 659-660).
Slični primjerci iz drugih grob- nih 12 okomitih rebara. Na podnožju
nih nalazišta (a ne iz navodno Tvrtko- je jaka udubina u obliku stošca. Taj je
va) ovdje su ilustrirani na slikama 4c, pehar pronađen uz lubanju jednog kos-
6b, 8c. Tu se nalazi par brončanih ma- tura, a u istom su položaju nađeni pehari
muza koji je izgleda sličan "kraljev- slična oblika koji su kasnije iskopani
skim" (sl. 6a) (ibid; str. 660, sl. 2); dva u Veličanima na Popovu polju u Her-
srebrna prstena (sl. 4a; iz groba jednog
cegovini (Wenzel-Kojić 1967; str. 78,
muškarca i jedne žene) (ibid; str. 661,
79, sl. 7, 8) i u Kaknju kraj Visokog u
sl. 3); 9 srebrnih puceta (sl. 4b, iz groba
jedne žene; nalik pucetima koja je isk- središnjoj Bosni (Tomičić 1975; str.
opao u istočnoj Bosni, u Mramoru kraj 182-185).
Zvornika) (ibid; str. 661, sl. 3); i pehar U grobu muškarca koji je von
od prozirnog stakla (sl. 3) (ibid; str. Luschan kasnije pripisao kralju Tvrtku
661, sl. 4a, b), za koji kaže dajetanak pronađena je željezna sablja sa savije-
poput papira i potpuno bezbojan, za- nim držačem oštrice, ostaci kopče za
obljena ruba s plavim nitima, s upuha- korice, željezne mamuze (po opisu iden-

33

SJ. 4a: Dva srebrna prstena iskopana u Ravnoj
Trešnji kraj Tuzle god. 1879. U prirodnoj veli-
čini. Po von Luschanu, 1921, sl. l. Mjesto gdje
se trenutno nalazi nepoznato.
SI. 4b: Dvije srebrne puce iz Ravne Trešnje u
prirodnoj veličini. Po von Luschanu, 1921, sl. l.
Mjesto gdje se trenutno nalazi nepoznato.
SJ. 4c: Dvije srebrne puce iz A lišića kraj Sanskog
Mosla u Bosni. Po Kovačević-Kojić 1978, Ze-
maljski muzej, Sarajevo.
tične onima koje su ovdje ilustrirane,
inače iz obližnjeg groba), bodež od že-
ljeza i kosti i jedna željezna kopča (sl.
5, 6a). Ovaj posljednji predmet možda
je pripadao kožnom pojasu za mač, koji
je nestao sa svom drugom odjećom. Tu
se također nalazi pojas od pozlaćena
srebra za koji je von Luschan smatrao
da pripada gore opisanom bodežu jer
je bodež pronađen pod samim gvozda-
cem pojasa (sl. 7; 8a, b).
Pojas valja pažljivo opisati, jer
o njegovu datiranju mnogo štošta ovisi.
Sastavljen je od 52 zasebna metalna
dijela koji su pričvršćeni na istkanu tra-
34
o
•
(")
Sl. 5: Sablja, bodež i odgovarajući pribor isko-
pani u Ravnoj Trešnji god. 1879, u grobu koji
je kasnije pripisan kralju Tvrtku. Neplemenit
metal. Šestina prirodne veličine. Po von Luscha-
nu, 1921, sl. 5. Mjesto gcije se trenutno nalazi
nepoznato.
ku širine 15 mm i debljine oko 2 mm.
Ostala je uglavnom neoštećena, što von
Luschan objašnjava okolnošću da su
tkaninu impregnirale metalne soli i tako
je konzervirale (ibid; str. 663, 664).
Aplicirani oblici okrunjenog lombard-
skog slova M izmjenjuju se s pravo-
kutnim i zvjezdolikim oblicima duž či­
tave duljine trake (sl. 8a). Među njima
su bila i dva okrugla privjeska i jedna
kopča (sl. 8b). Okrugli privjesci su u
obliku brojke 8, a na prednjoj je strani
kopče okrunjena žena sa žezlom u ruci

Sl. 6a: Željezne mamuze iskopane u Ravnoj Treš-
nji kraj Tuzle. identične onima koje su prona-
đene u grobu pripisanu kralju Tvrtku. Duljina
18 cm. Po von Luschanu 1921. sl. 2. Mjesto
gdje se trenutno nalaze nepoznato.
SI. 6b: Mamuza iskopana u Kraljevoj Sutjesci,
prva polovica 14. stoljeća. Po Anđeliću. 1973.
Zemaljski muzej, Sarajevo.
- vjerovatno Bogorodica (ibid; str. 663.
666. sl. 6, 10). Pojasna kopča i rasklo-
piva dvostruka pločica koja čini jezik
(pojasa) pričvršćeni su na poj asnu traku
s 3 srebrne zakovice.
Dok su aplikacije duž pojasne
trake ukrašene tehnikom tucanja meta-
la, crteži na pločicama za pričvršćiva­
nje kopče i na jeziku su ugravirani. Na
kopči se nalazi zmaj s lisnatim repom
(sl. 7c) (ibid; str. 663, sl. 7). Na jednoj
Dijelovi pojasa iskopana u Ravnoj Trešnji. u
grobu pripisanu kralju Tvrtku. Pozlaćeno sreb-
ro. rezbareno, s bordurom.
a e
Sl. 7: - a, b: Jezik. 14,5x1,8 cm. Po von Lu-
schanu. 1921, sl. 8; - e: Kopča. 10.7 cm. Po
von Luschanu, 1921. sl. 7. Zeughaus. Berlin
(1924).
strani svake pločice sa strane jezika na-
lazi se ptica, a s druge čovjek i žena
koji u rukama drže snop lišća (sl. 7a,
b). Ukošene crte stvaraju pozadinu za
likove, dok paralelni nizovi udubljenja
predočavaju ljudske, perje i krzno (ibid;
str. 665, sl. 8, 9). Odjeće muškarca i
žene vrlo su precizno prikazane (sl. 7a,
b, e). Upravo je odjeća navela von Lu-
schana na pretpostavku (iz god. 1881)
da je pojas izradio majstor iz Giottova
vremena [1266?-1337] (von Luschan
1881; str. 113, bilj. 1).
35
Sl. 7d: Talijanska odjeća I 320-tih. Slika Maj-
stora iz S. Pietra in Sylvis - Krist, Bogorodica
i sveci - detalj. Zbirka Guggenheim, New York.
Na drugo datiranje pojasa i svih
predmeta koji su s njim pronađeni u
članku objavljenom god. 1921. naveo
je Felixa von Luschana jedan susret
koji se zbio neposredno nakon završet-
ka iskopavanja i prije njegova odlaska
u Berlin. Zapravo, polazeći od njegovih
riječi, mora daje bio upoznat s građom
koja je toliko izmijenila njegova staja-
lišta i onda kad je podnosio svoj izvješ-
taj Društvu antropologa iz Beča, prem-
da to uopće ne spominje. Po von Lu-
schanu, zbilo se slijedeće.
God. 1880, godinu dana nakon
iskopavanja u Ravnoj Trešnji, Dubrov-
nik postaje von Luschanovim vojnim
sjedištem. Dosljedan svojoj prirodi, za-
griženi se kraniolog odmah daje u pro-
učavanje novih lubanja. Ovaj su put još
uvijek pokrivene kožom i pripadaju lju-
dima koje susreće. Primjećuje da se tip
lubanje kod dubrovačkih plemićkih po-
36
Sl. 7e: Detalj sa sl. 7b. po von Luschanu, sl. 9.
rodica podudara s većim brojem luba-
nja koje je iskopao u Ravnoj Trešnji i
pretpostavlja da im je porijeklo isto.
Izgleda da ga upravo to navodi na za-
ključak iznesen god. 1881. da su u Rav-
noj Trešnji pokopani mnogi Dubrovča­
ni. S oduševljenjem će za svoje pozna-
nike iz Dubrovnika reći da "imaju iden-
tičnu iznenađujuću veliku zapremninu,
a širina je mala u odnosu na duljinu
prostora u kojem je smješten mozak.
Za razliku od njih, kod seljaka u cijeloj
južnoj Dalmaciji lubanje su vrlo široke
i uglavnom sitne" (von Luschan 1921;
str. 664).
Navodeći mnoge dubrovačke
porodice čijaje gostoljubivost očigled­
no pripomogla njegovim kraniološkim
proučavanjima, bilježi da mnogi imaju
dva oblika imena: talijanski i slavenski.
 a

SI. 8: - a: Isprepletena traka s aplikacijama, privjescima i kopčom, dio pojasa pronađena u Ravnoj
Trešnji kraj Tuzle. Pozlaćeno srebro, tucano, rezbareno, lijevano. Po von Luschanu, 1921, sl. 6.
- b: Profil kopče (von Luschan, 1921, sl. 10). Zeughaus, Berlin 1924).

Tako je to kod njih već stoljećima, pa
ističe razlike izmedu Dubrovčana i pre-
ostalog življa. Kao primjer spominje
porodice Bona i Bonda (ili Bunić i Bun-
dić), Cerva (tada ih zvaše Criević, ili
prije Crijević), te porodicu njegova dob-
rog prijatelja Ghetaldija-Gondole, po-
tomka povjesničara Ivana Gundulića
(von Luschan, 1921; str. 664).
Ghetaldi-Gondola ga god. 1880.
navodno upoznaje s franjevačkim pri-
orom u Dubrovniku. Vrlo je neobično
da tu osobu nikad neće imenovati, no
sa žarom spominje njegov dobar glas i
tvrdi da se radi o jednom od najvećih
stručnjaka za povijest južnoslavenskih
zemalja tog vremena. Taj je prosvije-
ćeni čovjek izgleda čuo za von Luscha-
nova iskopavanja u Ravnoj Trešnji i
jednog ga dana iznenadio saopćenjem
da je on - von Luschan - sasvim slu-
čajno nabasao na groblje dubrovačke
kolonije u Tuzli. Nadalje, u jednom
"starom rukopisu" koji se igrom slučaja
nalazio u Franjevačkoj biblioteci zabi-
lježen je neobičan podatak da se bo-
sanski kralj Tvrtko II na svom putu u
Tuzlu razbolio, te tu umro.u bolnici
dubrovačke kolonije, a sahranjen je na
njihovu groblju. Velečasni je prior tako
mogao zaključiti da je čovjek kojem je
pripadao skupocjeni opasač "nesumnji-

-
, ~,.
"

SI. Sc: Aplikacije od pozlaćena srebra s pojasa pronađena u crkvi sv. Spasa u Cetini kraj Sinja,
Hrvatska. Širina aplikacija 1,2 cm. Po Gunjači, 1952. Muzej hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika,
Split.

37
vo" kralj. Jednako je izvjesno daje po-
jas poklon njegove rođakinje, mađarske
kraljice Marije iz dinastije Anžuinaca,
što "dokazuje" okrunjeno M na pojasu
(sl. 8a). Uzbuđen tim otkrićem, prior i
povjesničar otkri von Luschanu svoju
nakanu da napiše učenu povijesnu ras-
pravu o vezama između Francuske,
Mađarske i Bosne, kojoj bi von Lu-
schan mogao pridonijeti opisom svojih
iskopavanja.
Von Luschan tvrdi da je bio vo-
ljan pristati. Također ga je prior uspio
ubijediti kako je vlasnik dragocjenog
pojasa uistinu kralj Tvrtko, jer se pri-
sjetio da je god. 1879, kad je lubanje
iz Ravne Trešnje poklonio Prirodoslov-
nom muzeju iz Beča, izvršeno njihovo
mjerenje i tako ustanovljeno da je glava
čovjeka s pojasom najšira i najmanja
među svim iskopanim lubanjama. Radi
se, dakle, o "strancu" na dubrovačkom
groblju, o osobi iz tog kraja. Poduprt
neprijepornim dokazima dubrovačkog
priora, von Luschan nas želi ubijediti
da je zaključak evidentan.
No na kraju von Luschan ipak
neće u ime znanosti udružiti svoje sna-
ge s tim istaknutim neimenovanim pov-
jesničarem. Ako povjerujemo njego-
vim riječima, učinit će nam se da možda
pri svom prvom prikazu iskopavanja u
Ravnoj Trešnji pred Društvom antro-
pologa iz Beča niti jednom nije spo-
menuo kako se lubanja vlasnika pojasa
bitno razlikuje od ostalih, jer mu je na-
mjera bila da vijest o otkriću kraljev-
skog groba obznani zajedno s priorom
- premda je na temelju von Luschano-
vih riječi nemoguće odrediti je li prio-
rovo otkrivanje stvarnog značaja otkri-
ća u Ravnoj Trešnji prethodilo preda-
38
vanju. No i tada je sigurno bio svjestan
kranioloških razlika, što se vidi iz nje-
gova prikaza slijede događaja. Otud je
sumnjivo što ih ni riječju ne spominje,
već se usredotočuje na naoko talijanski
stil pojasa, koji bi trebao poduprijeti
njegovu tezu da su svi pronađeni kos-
turi pripadali Dubrovčanima.
Dakako, mnogo će godina pro-
teći prije no što von Luschan odluči
objaviti da se bez sumnje radi o grobu
Tvrtka II - vrlo neobično, ako se uzme
u obzir kako je u to bio ubijeđen već
negdje 1880. U članku iz god. 192I.
skrušeno veli kako je nedugo nakon
priorove molbe za suradnju bio prisiljen
napustiti Dubrovnik, pa čak i austrijski
teritorij (1921; str. 664). God. 1881-2.
mora se kao liječnik priključiti ekspe-
dicijama u Malu Aziju i obližnje kra-
jeve, a zatim muje Akademija znanosti
iz Berlina ponudila posao na terenu.
God. 1885. Museum mr Volkerkunde
iz Berlina nudi mu zaposlenje, i tu se,
kaže on, prekidaju njegove veze s Au-
strijom, pa nastavlja: "Sad, kad je kraj
blizu, dužnost mi je da otrgnem od za-
borava ta nevelika iskopavanja iz dav-
nih dana."
Ova neobična priča otkriva sta-
novito nepoznavanj e povijesti i kod von
Luschana i kod njegova neimenovana
kolege franjevca. U von Luschanovu
je to slučaju još i shvatljivo, što se baš
ne bi moglo reći za "učenog franjevca".
U svom izvještaju iz 1881. god. von
Luschan bilježi da je mađarski kralj
Ludovik punac kralja Tvrtka (von Lu-
schan 1881; str. 111). Radi se o ne-
poznavanju mađarske genealogije, koje
je u to doba vrlo rašireno. No kad prih-
vati da je kralj Tvrtko II (umro god.
1443) pokopan krajem 14. stoljeća (von
Luschan 1921; str. 664), te još tvrdi
kako gaje u to uvjerio jedan od najvećih
južnoslavenskih povjesničara tog vre-
mena (kojeg ne imenuje), tu nešto ne
štima. Nameće se pitanje je li učeni
franjevac uopće postojao, a ako jest, je
li ikad tvrdio to što mu von Luschan
stavlja u usta. To ne znači da je von
Luschan lagao: franjevac je možda pos-
tojao i sam izmislio priču; franjevca je
možda zaveo krivotvoreni dokument,
u 19. ih je stoljeću bilo mnogo, a neke
su sastavili baš franjevci kod kojih je
vjerski entuzijazam nadvladao težnju
za istinom (Fine 1975; str. 106-108),
premda von Luschan nigdje ne iznosi
da ga je sam vidio.
Tu zagonetku nije potrebno rje-
šavati: bitno je da von Luschan u svom
drugom radu grob pripisan Tvrtku II
smješta na kraj 14. stoljeća; otud pro-
izilazi da i pojas potječe otprilike iz
tog doba, a ne iz Giottova vremena
(gdje ga je instinkt ranije odveo). Kas-
niji datum nastanka tog pojasa, kao i
drugih koji mu naliče, prihvatili su ne
tako davno nedovoljno upućeni autori.
Pa ipak ostaje neobjašnjeno zašto je
von Luschan nakon 40 godina odlučio
objaviti mišljenje stvarnog ili izmišlje-
nog franjevca. Ako su ga kolege iz Au-
strije i zamolili da podupre njihove kas-
nije arheološke radove, očigledno se
nije osjećao toliko obaveznim da tu zem-
lju podari svojim najvrednijim otkri-
ćem. Od god. 1924. kad je von Luschan
umro, pojas od pozlaćena srebra iz Rav-
ne Trešnje čuva se u berlinskom Arse-
nal muzeju, u Zeughausu (Fingerlin,
op. cit; kat. br. 21, str. 312-314).
Odjeci
God. 1930. Muzej umjetnosti u
Clevelandu dobio je prekrasan pojas
istog tipa kao i primjerak iz Ravne Treš-
nje, finije izrade i s emajliranim ume-
cima (sl. 13-16). Trenutno se pojas pri-
pisuje(inv. br. 30.742) Sieni s kraja
14. stoljeća. Radi se o nekadašnjoj po-
rodičnoj baštini koja se dugo čuvala u
državi Gruziji, u porodici princa Nico-
lasa Mingrelskog. W. M. Milliken, koji
je u vrijeme nabavke pojasa bio direktor
Muzeja, u članku objavljenom u Bilte-
nu za tu godinu (W M. Milliken, "Gir-
dIe of the Fourteenth Century", Bulle-
tian of the Cleveland Museum of Art
27,1930, str. 35-38), spominje daje u
Bosni, nedaleko Tuzle, za vrijeme rata
između Austrijanaca i Turaka pronađen
jedan grublje izrađen pojas koji "bez
sumnje" potječe iz iste radionice tali-
janskog tipa kao i klivlendski primjerak.
Otud se tuzlanski i klivlendski pojas u
literaturi redovito spominju zajedno.
God. 1971. njemačke istraživa-
čica po imenu Ilse Fingerlin objavila
je katalog s pojasevima i pojasnim kop-
čama u kojem pojasevi klivlendsko-tuz-
lanskog stila čine zasebnu skupinu. U
početku su svi oni bili izrađeni od sa-
vitljive pojasne trake (tkanina, koža ili
isprepletene metalne niti), s tucanim ili
lijevanim dodacima i aplikacijama. Na
jednomje kraju pojasa izrezbarena kop-
ča, a drugi završava jezikom koji se
obično sastoji od dvije ili tri zasebne
preklopive pločice na čijimje rubovima
urezano lišće karakterističnog oblika
(sl. 7a, b; 9a; 10a; 12a, d, e, f; 13-15),
koje niče iz privjeska u obliku žira ili
pupoljka. Kopče su lijevane u obliku
39
Dijelovi pojasa pronađena ispod najvećeg nad-
grobnog spomenika u crkvi sv. Spasa, u Cetini
(Sinj), HnJatska; spol pokojnika nije poznat. Poz-
laćeno srebro, rezbareno, lijevano, gravirano,
surezanom bordurom iemajlom.
b ne Trešnje kraj Tuzle. Ponavlja priču
SI. 9: - a: preklopiv jezik, 17xl,4 cm; - b: tro-
dijelna kopča i držak: 11,5x1,4 cm. Po Gunjači,
1952. Muzej hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika,
Split.
slova U čiji uspravni dijelovi katkad
predstavljaju modelirane figure, dok im
je vrh otvoren (sl. 9b, 14b).
Primjerci iz kataloga Ilse Finge-
rlIin stilski najbliži pojasu iz Ravne
Trešnje kraj Tuzle (sl. 7, Sa) (Fingerlin
1971, kat. br. 21, str. 95, 101, 104,
40
312-314) jesu pojas pronađen u Cetini
kraj Sinja, u Hrvatskoj (sl. 9) (ibid; kat.
br. 465, str. 20, 95, 96, 444-446) i di-
jelovi raznih pojaseva pronađenih u Kal-
kisu na Eubeji u Grčkoj (sl. 12) (ibid;
kat, br. 152, 153, 155, str. 95, 96, 370-
-373); no čini se da više liče jednom
drugom bosanskom pojasu pronađenom
u Staroj Bili kraj Travnika (sl. 10), ko-
jeg nema u katalogu I. Fingerlin (Ko-
vačević-Kojić 1978; str. 307; Bach
1980; str. 95-97). Za grčke se pojaseve
dugo smatralo da su izrađeni u Vene-
ciji, kojaje upravljala Kalkisom od god.
1385. do dolaska Turaka god. 1470.
Sve te pojaseve Ilse Fingerlin
smješta na sam kraj 14. stoljeća. God.
1930. njemački stručnjak za odjeću P.
Post (Fingerlin, op. cit; str. 95, bilj.
356) primijetio je da nošnja na tuzlan-
skom primjerku dokazuje kako ovaj po-
tječe s početka 14. stoljeća. Po I. Fin-
gerlin, takvo mišljenje opovrgava "či­
njenica" da je materijal iz Kalkisa si-
gurno nastao nakon god. 1385 (njena
je pretpostavka da su Mleci po svemu
sudeći postojeće primjerke donijeli u
Kalkis (Fingerlin, op. cit, str. 96), kao
i "pouzdano" datiranje zasnovano na
historijskim podacima o otkriću iz Rav-
kako se kralj Tvrtko razbolio i umro u
Tuzli, a zatim unosi još veću pomutnju
između dvaju kralja Tvrtka, koju je za-
počeo von Luschan, jer datume koji se
odnose na Tvrtka I (von Luschan ih
nikad nije odredio) pripisuje Tvrtku II.
Njeno je stajalište izloženo u slijedećim
odlomcima:
"Niz se dalje nastavlja sa dva
groba iz Tuzle (Bosna) i Cetine (Hr-
vatska), koji, za razliku od dosadašnjih
primjera, leže u okvirima jednog većeg
 :: : .
....;, ",,--.-:!~~

a b e d

SI. 10: Dijelovi pojasa pronađena u grobu muškarca u Staroj Bili kraj Travnika, Bosna, god. 1959.
Srebro, rezbareno, lijevano, surezanom bordurom, gravirano, zeleni emajl u udubljenjima. Po
Kovačević-Kojić, 1978; crteći nisu u mjerilu. Zavičajni muzej, Travnik.

groblja. Međutim, zbog predmeta na-
đenih u njima, prije svega pozlaćenih
i bogato ukrašenih pojaseva (kat. br.
21 i 465) oni zauzimaju posebno mjesto
u odnosu na siromašno opremljene
ostale grobove. Možda je moguće ono-
gakojije sahranjen u Tuzli identificirati
kao Tvrtka II od Bosne (dugi mač, bo-
dež i mamuze ukazuju da se radi o
vitezu), koji je prema zapisima u fra-
njevačkom samostanu u Dubrovniku,
za vrijeme nekog putovanja obolio u
Tuzli i tu na groblju, navodno, i poko-
pan" (Fingerlin, op.cit; str. 20, 21).
"Za poznati pojas iz Tuzle već
su dati odgovarajući prijedlozi: P. Post
(nota 356) smjestio ga je u prvu po-
lovinu 14. stoljeća, na osnovu istorij-
sko-etnografskih procjena, kojima će­
mo se još vratiti u drugom kontekstu.
Međutim, treba napomenuti, da za ovu
vremensku odrednicu nema čvrstog
uporišta. Na kasnije datiranje, kao što
se ovdje i predlaže, dolazi F. von Lu-
schan, međutim na osnovu drugih raz-
mišljanja. On, naime, pretpostavlja, da
je čovjek pokopan sa bogatim pred-
metima (koji su u ostalim grobovima

41
 a

SI. 11: - a, b, e: Detalji svilenog pojasa s trodijelnom kopčom i aplikacijama duž trake; 128 x 1,5
cm. Pariška radionica iz prve polovice 14. stoljeća. Pozlaćeno srebro, lijevano, gravirano, s
urezanom bordurom; - a: Kopča i držak, duljina 8 cm, - b: Jezik, duljina 9 cm. Po Fingerlin, kat.
br. 14, Zahringer Museum u Baden-Badenu (1169); - d: Trodijelna kopča i držak iz Kalkisa na
Eubeji u Grčkoj, 12,4 x 1,4 cm. Pozlaćeno srebro, rezbareno, lijevano, gravirano, surezanom
bordurom. Po Fingerlin, kat. br. 150, British Museum, London (AF 2820).

na groblju bili samo siromašni), koji se osobe s inicijalom M sasvim je izlišna.

i po antropološkom nalazu jasno razli-
kovao od domaćeg stanovništva, kralj
Tvrtko II od Bosne (1353-1391). On
se navodno, na nekom putu u Tuzlu
razbolio, tu umro u bolnici i pokopan
je na obližnjem groblju" (ibid; str. 95).
Fingerlin ne sumnja u priču o
Tvrtku, premda primjećuje da bi okru-
njeno M moglo biti simbol Bogorodi-
ce-madone (to je značenje u srednjem
vijeku prošireno u cijeloj Evropi), ali i
mađarske kraljice Marije s kraja 14,
stoljeća (ibid; str. 101), Tu je očigledno
dozvolila da je zavede von Luschanova
građa: M se sasvim sigurno može ob-
jasniti kao obična aluzija na Bogorodi-
cu, i pretpostavka da se radi o poklonu
No teza da pojas potječe s kraja 14.
stoljeća postaje krajnje neuvjerljiva ako
ne povjerujemo da okrunjeno M doka-
zuje da je pojas pripadao rođaku kra-
ljice Marije. Pojas i srodni nalazi mogu
se zapravo datirati na temelju stilistič­
kih osobina, te tako u potpunosti opo-
vrći postavku koju je von Luschan prvi
iznio, a Fingerlin prihvatila. Valja nam
ispitati te osobine, kao i ključna mjesta
priorove priče, te njihov smisao u svjet-
lu von Luschanovih nalaza. No kod
ovog drugog nastojanja odmah se po-
javljuju poteškoće: spominjući vladara
koji je posjetio Tuzlu, tu se razbolio i
umro, prior je očigledno aludirao na
Tvrtka II. No cjelokupni kontekst von

42
Sedam dijelova pojasa iz Kalkisa na Eubeji u Grčkoj. Pozlaćeno srebro, rezbareno, lijevano,
gravirano, surezanom bordurom.

a b e d e f g

SI. 12: - a-e: Fragmenti jednog pojasa; širina 1,3 cm, duljina 12,6, 9 i 8,2 cm. Fingerlin, kat. br.
152, British Museum, London (AF 2813a, 2813, 2812); - d: Jezikpojasa, 9,5 x 1,6 cm. Po Fingerlin,
kat. br. 153. British Museum (AF 2816); - e: Jezik pojasa, 13,4 x 1,6 cm. Fingerlin ga spominje
pod kat. br. 153, bez ilustracije. Po Taitu, 1986. British Museum (AF 1817); - f: obje strane istog
pojasnog jezika, 8,3 x 1,6 cm. Fingerlin, kat. br. 155, ilustracija postavljena u obrnutom smjeru.
British Museum (AF 2814); - g: Dio pojasa, vršak otkinut da se vidi srebrna traka umetnuta iz
ašupljeg kućišta od pozlaćena srebra, 1l, l l xl, 3 cm. Fingerlin, kat. br. 156, bez ilustracije. British
Museum (AF 2821).

Luschanove rasprave ukazuje da on mi- (1) Mogućnost da je jedan od

sli na Tvrtka I, premda to nigdje ne dvaju kraljeva po imenu Tvrtko posjetio
spominje. Kako ne znamo ko je pogri- Tuzlu
ješio, u obzir valja uzeti oba kralja. Ako se i složimo da je Tvrtko I
* glavno lice ove priče, zbog nekih po-
Da bi bio što pregledniji, ovaj se vijesnih okolnosti koje se odnose na
dio sastoji od 7 zasebnih pretpostavki: Tuzlu sasvim je jasno da krajem 14.

43

SI. 13: Pojas porodice princa Nicolasa Mingrel-
skog iz države Grnzije, 238 x 2,9 cm. Ispreple-
tene srebrne niti s dodacima od pozlaćena sreb-
ra. Lijevano, rezbareno. tucano, gravirano, s
urezanom bordurom i višebojnim emajlom. Mu-
seum of Art u Clevelandu (30.742, dar Zaklade
Johna Huntingtona za umjetnost i tehniku).
stoljeća kralj u njoj ne bi susreo ni ple-
miće, ni dubrovačku koloniju, a ni ta-
kav luksuz kao što je bolnica koja će
ga zbrinuti ako oboli.
Na temelju povijesnih podataka,
Tuzla (srednjovjekovni Soli ili Salenes)
je lokalno središte i rudnik soli tokom
13. i početkom 14. stoljeća. Naizmjeni-
ce je u rukama Srbije i Mađarske, a
god. 1324. potpada pod upravu bosan-
skog bana Stjepana IlKotromanića (Ćir­
ković 1978; str. 72, 74-75, 89). U bo-
sanskim sudskim spisima koji potječu
otprilike iz tog razdoblja spominje se
da su u radu Stjepanova suda prisustvo-
vali i svjedoci iz mjesta Soli. U kasni-
44
jem razdoblju Soli je i dalje titularno
vlasništvo bosanskih vladara, no ne
spominje se niti jedan dvorjanin iz tog
mjesta (Dinić 1978,' str. 295). Čini se
da je negdje god. 1325. mjesto počelo
nazadovati, te se od tada pa do turskog
razdoblja u svim dubrovačkim spisima
spominje tek jednom, i to kao razboj-
ničko gnijezdo (Kovačević-Kojić 1978;
str. 84).
Sudeći po svim podacima, kra-
jem 14. i početkom 15. stoljeća Soli je
naselj e bez veće važnosti. Početkom
16. stoljeća u njem se nalaze 2 franje-
vačka samostana: jedan u samom mjes-
tu, a drugi sjeverno od njega (groblje
u Ravnoj Trešnji nalazi se južno od
mjesta), no ne zna se kad su tačno os-
novani. Istovremeno Turci ponovo po-
dižu grad po imenu "Tuzla" (Fisković
1960; str. 89; Vego 1957b; str. 106,
107,' Kovačević-Kojić 1978,' str. 84,
226). Za dugačkog perioda nazadova-
nja i beznačajnosti obustavljen je izvoz
soli, te tako nema ni govora o dubro-
vačkoj koloniji. Ne spominje se ni li
jednom povijesnom izvoru, izuzevši
možda nikad pronađeni spis s kojim je
eventualno bio upoznat von Luschanov
misteriozni prior. Ako gore navedeni
podaci ukazuju kako je malo vjerovatno
da je Tvrko I posjetio Tuzlu (umro
1391), još je manja vjerovatnost da je
to učinio Tvrtko II (umro 1443). Na-
dalje, svi preostali predmeti stranaca ili
bogatih stanovnika koji su na tom pod-
ručju živjeli sigurno potječu iz prvih
desetljeća 14. stoljeća ili iz ranijih dana.
 Sl. 14a, b SI. 15 Sl. 16

Sl. 14: Pojas porodice princa Nicolasa MingreIskog iz države Gruzije, detalji od pozlaćena srebra
i višebojnog emajla; - a: preklopiv jezik, 31,5 x 2,9 cm; - b: trodijelna kopča i preklopiv držak,
18,6 x 2,9 cm. Clevland, Museum of Art, dar Zaklade Johna Huntingtona za umjetnost i tehniku.
SI. 15: Detalj jezika. Druga je strana prikazana na sl. 14.
SI. 16: Detalj trake s aplikacijama od emajla i tucanog metala prikazane na sl. 14.

(2) Mogućnost da su bosanska oznaka grobova na otvorenom, u Bosni

groblja bez nadgrobnih spomenika iz proširio nakon god. 1350. Prvi poznati
druge polovice 14. stoljeća poveći stećci vjerovatno su postavljeni

Budući da na groblju u Ravnoj u Hercegovini sredinom tog stoljeća.

Trešnji nije bilo nadgrobnih spomeni-
ka, ukop vjerovatno prethodi godini
1350. U svom proučavanju datiranih
srednjovjekovnih nadgrobnih spomeni-
ka u Bosni i Hercegovini, koje će usko-
ro biti objavljeni, ustanovila sam da se
običaj postavljanja velikih, stalnih
Nakon god. 1350. i u Bosni i u Herce-
govini naveliko se počinju podizati spo-
menici raznih vrsta na otvorenom. Ve-
lik broj preostalih stećaka vjerovatno
je postavljen u razdoblju od stotinjak
godina. Stanovnici Dubrovnika običa­
vali su svoje mrtve ukapati u crkve,

45
pod podnim oznakama, sve dok ih sre-
dinom 14. stoljeća epidemija kuge nije
prisilila koristiti prostor pod vedrim ne-
bom. I dalje su grobove nastavili ozna-
čavati spomenicima (Petrović 1972;
str. 72-79). Duboko sam uvjerena da
bi svako groblje u Bosni iz druge po-
lovice 14. stoljeća, u kojem su pokopani
ljudi s takvim blagom kakvo je prona-
deno u Ravnoj Trešnji, imalo stećke.
(3) Mogućnost postojanja neoz-
načenog kraljevskog groba na otvore-
nom
Ovaj dio rasprave odnosi se na
lahkovjernost von Luschana, njegova
priora (ako je ikad postojao) i drugih
pisaca koji su priču o Tvrtku prihvatili
kao osnovu za datiranje prethodno spo-
menute grupe pojaseva. Danas se tačno
zna gdje su Tvrtko I i Tvrtko II poko-
pani. O grobu Tvrtka I već smo raspra-
vili, a grob Tvrtka II pronašao je po
objavljivanju djela Ilse Finger1in Pavao
Andelić u kralj evskoj kapeli dvorca Bo-
bovac. Iako su god. 1463. zbog topov-
ske pucnjave Turaka s obližnjih brego-
va gotovo svi nadgrobni spomenici u
Bobovcu srušeni, neki su naknadno dje-
limično sastavljeni od ostataka, pa je
na taj način ustanovljeno da označavaju
grobove kraljeva ili njihove najbliže
rodbine. Jedan je od njih najvjerovat-
nije pripadao Tvrtku II (Anđelić 1973;
str. 89-91; 1980; str. 231).
No i bez tih dokaza, svakom ko-
ga je privukla ideja da svoje postavke
zasnuje na von Luschanovoj priči mo-
ralo je odmah biti jasno da ličnosti od
takva povijesnog značaja poput Tvrtka
I i II sigurno nisu pokopane u neozna-
čenu grobu pod vedrim nebom.
46
(4) Mogućnost da sablja prona-
đena u Ravnoj Trešnji pripada Tvrtku
1 ili 11
Sablja iskopana u Ravnoj Trešnji
(sl. 5) očigledno potječe iz prve polo-
vice 14. stoljeća. Širok i zaobljen nosač
oštrice prikazanje na nizu srpskih fres-
ki tog vremena: u Gračanici oko 1320
(Škrivan ić 1957; str. 46, sl. l), u De-
čanima i Lesnovu oko 1348 (ibid; str.
47, sl. l 0, 14; str. 48, sl. 15, 16; Pri-
baković 1954; str. 80, T. 1-111, prilog
1), i najednoj starijoj freski iz Sv. Sofije
u Ohridu, naslikane u razdoblju od
1346-50 (Đurić 1975, sl. 67). Vrh ko-
rica (sl. 5) nalik je primjerku naslika-
nom u Dečanima (ibid; str. 48, sl. 16).
Sablja nije ceremonijalna i namijenjena
je korištenju, pa nema nikakvih drago-
cjenih ukrasa, a to znači da je vjero-
vatno iz istog razdoblja kao i njen vlas-
nik, a ne dio porodične baštine poko-
pane s pokojnikom. Oblici sablji iz dru-
ge polovice 14. stoljeća i iz 15. stoljeća
bitno se razlikuju, pa tako i sablja učvr­
šćuje uvjerenje da grob potječe iz prve
polovice 14. stoljeća, a ne iz doba kralja
Tvrtka I ili II.
(5) Mogućnost da mamuze iz
Ravne Trešnje pripadaju Tvrtku 1 ili 11
Mamuze iskopane u Ravnoj Treš-
nji (kao na sl. 6a) samo potvrđuju zak-
ljučak na koji nas je navela sablja. Radi
se o mamuzama s kotačićem (u obliku
zvijezde) koje su bočno zakrivljene, što
je karakteristično na 1. polovicu 14.
stoljeća. Iskopavanje u dva središnja
bosanska dvora - Kraljevoj Sutjesci i
Bobovcu - dokazala su da takvo dati-
ranje ovog tipa mamuza, koje se inače
odnosi na cijelu Evropu, važi i za sred-
njovjekovnu Bosnu (Anđelić 1973, str.
197, bilj. 75). ledna takva mamuza pro-
nađena je u Kraljevoj Sutjesci (sl. 6b)
(ibid; str. 197), dokje u Bobovcu (ibid;
str. 134) iskopan primjerak mamuze
uobičajene u 14. i 15. stoljeću, kod koje
bočni dio nije zakrivljen već ravan. No
ovdje valja reći iz kog su razdoblja ta
dva važna nalazišta.
Kraljeva Sutjeska i Bobovac
smješteni su u istoj srednjovjekovnoj
župi središnje Bosne (ibid; str. 152) i
oba su nastanjena u 2. polovici 14. sto-
ljeća. No Kraljeva je Sutjeska izgleda
prva sagrađena i nastanjena. Zna se da
ju je podigao Stjepan IIKotromanić
(1314-1353), te juje za svoje vladavine
najvjerovatnije koristio kao sjedište
dvora (ibid; str. 156). U vrijeme kad
je prvi put spomenut u spisima 1449-50,
Bobovac je već bio čvrsto utvrđeni dvo-
rac (ibid; str. 46, bilj. 36; str. 139), a
od god. 1356. koristi ga kao svoj dvor
Stjepanov nasljednik, mladi ban Tvrt-
ko. Anđelić pretpostavlja da Tvrtko nije
imao ni vremena ni snage da se upusti
u velike gradnje, jer se u to vrijeme
prepire s bratom ko će naslijediti oca.
Otud Anđelić smatra da je veći dio ra-
dova u Bobovcu dovršen u doba bana
Stjepana. Unatoč tome, postoje mnogi
dokazi da je Kraljeva Sutjeska ipak bila
nastanjena prije Bobovca, za početka
vladavine bana Stjepana. Činjenica je
da su od predmeta pronađenih na oba
nalazišta svi oni koji nesumnjivo pot-
ječu iz prve polovice 14. stoljeća (poput
mamuze na sl. 6b) iz Kraljeve Sutjeske.
(6) Mogućnost da odjeća prika-
zana na pojasu iz Ravne Trešnje potječe
iz vremena Tvrtka J ili JJ
Široka nevezana odjeća likova s
pojasa iz Ravne Trešnje koji u rukama
drže lišće (sl. 7a, b, e) odgovara tali-
janskom stilu odijevanja iz prve polo-
vice 14. stoljeća i sigurno je u nekim
elementima slična odjeći s Giottovih
slika iz prvog desetljeća istog stoljeća,
što je isprva primijetio i von Luschan
(1881; str. 113, bilj. 1). Muškarci na
Giottovim slikama obično su u širokoj
odjeći koja liči nošnji muških likova s
pojaseva iz Tuzle i Cetine. Giottove
kape koje se vezuju pod bradom (Su-
pino 1920; tom JJ, T. CLV) i nose bez
ičega, ili pod muškim pokrivalom za
glavu s plosnatim vrhom, na slikama s
početka 14. stoljeća - npr. u bazilici
sv. Franje Asiškog (sl. 17d, e) - nalik
su muškim kapama na oba spomenuta
pojasa (sl. 7a; 9a), kao i sličnim kapama
koje je još god. 1321. slikao Paolo Ve-
neziano (Zlarnalik 1967; str. 4, 13, 17).
Usporedimo li Giottovu žensku odjeću
s nošnjom ženskih likova na pojasevi-
ma (koja je ovdje prikazana na uveća­
nom von Luschanovom crtežu lika iz
Ravne Trešnje s lišćem u ruci) (sl. 7e)
(1921; str. 661, sl. 9), uočit ćemo da
su u oba slučaja haljine široke, no kod
detalja se primjećuju zanimljive razli-
ke. Žene na Giottovu radu za kapelu
Arena u Padovi iz god. 1303-5. odje-
vene su u slične široke haljine (sl. 17a,
b), no rukavi i šavovi prekriveni su
uočljivim ukrasnim trakama, a na po-
nekom se gornjem dijelu rukava vidi
pseudo-kufijski vez koji je karakteri-
stičan za muslimansku odjeću iz pri-
47
 a b

SI. 17: - a, b: Ženska odjeća s Giottove slike, prvo desetljeće 14. stoljeća. Detalji fresaka Navještaj
sv. Ani, Susret na Zlatnoj kapiji, iz kapele Arena u Padovi; - e: Ženska haljina iz Italije s kraja
tridesetih godina 14. stoljeća. Detalj freske Ambrogia Lorenzettija Posljedice dobre vladavine,
1337-1340. Palazzo Pubblico, Sjena; - d, e: Muška odjeća, detalji Giottove slike iz Sv. Franje u
Assisiju.

bližno istog razdoblja (Dupont, Gnudi
1979; str. 61, 63).
Na talijanskim slikama nešto ra-
nijeg datuma, iz dvadesetih i tridesetih
godina 14. stoljeća, uočava se ženska
odjeća identičnog kroja i s istim deta-
ljima kao na von Luschanovu pojasu
(sl. 7e). Prikladan je primjer slika koja
se sad nalazi u zbirci Guggenheim u
New Yorku (Ladis 1982; str. 22, sl.
79), a izradio ju je Majstor iz S. Pietra
in Sylvis dvadesetih godina 14. stoljeća
(sl. 7d). Tu su tanko paspulirane samo
obje strane kratkog sapetog dijela ha-
ljine. No, odjeći s pojasa iz Ravne Treš-
nje liče rukavi, koji nemaju dekorativne
umetke na gornjem dijelu, te slobodan
pad koji tkanina ima od ramena.
Dok se tako koristimo odjećom
ne bi li datirali skupinu pojaseva L Fin-
gerlin i njihovih srodnika, valja reći da
su opće odrednice stila pojasa iz Ravne
Trešnje nadživjele stil odjeće koja je
na njemu prikazana. Tridesetih i četr­
desetih godina 14. stoljeća moda se br-
zo mijenjala. Tridesetih se godina na
ženskoj odjeći izrez oko vrata produljio
prema ramenima a struk spustio, te ga
katkad naglašava pojas. Na pojasu iz
Clevelanda, koji je nastao nešto kasnije
od primjerka iz Ravne Trešnje i slične
je izrade, rukavi ženskih haljina su uži
i s laktova vise trake tkanine; muške
su tunike kraće, u skladu s muškom
modom krajem tridesetih i u četrdese­
tim godinama 14. stoljeća (sl. 14-16)
(Newton 1980; str. 6-13). Taj novi stil
vidi se i na slici Ambrogio Lorenzettija
iz 1337-1340. na temu Posljedice dobre
vladavine u Palazzo Publico, Siena (sl.
17c) (Dupont, Gnudi 1979; str. 98-
-102).
Za pojaseve od pozlaćena srebra
o kojima je riječ često se čuje da su iz
Venecije ili iz nekog drugog dijela sje-
verne Italije (Bach 1980; str. 102; Ro-
nald Lightbown, lični kontakt). Možda
je povijesna slučajnost što niti jedan
primjerak tog tipa nije pronađen u sje-
vernoj Italiji. No neki su od njih naj-
vjerovatnije izrađeni u sjevernoj Dalma-
ciji - negdje, kao u Zadru ili Splitu. To

48
Balkanske gravure (sl. 18a-d) u srebru s moti-
vom uspravnog lišća.
SI. 18a: Pločica od pozlaćena srebra, s ureza-
nom bordurom, gravurom i emajlom. Detalj re-
likvijarija iz Sv. Krševana, 1326. Riznica kate-
drale u Zadru.
bi objasnilo njihovu distribuciju i tali-
janski duh, budući da u to vrijeme velik
dio Dalmacije pripada Veneciji i u njoj
djeluju talijanski majstori poput Paola
Veneziana, koji daju poticaj pa čak i
nacrte za proizvode lokalne izrade (Zla-
malik 1967; str. 45-47, 56, 57). Na re-
likvijariju iz Sv. Krševana u Zadru koji
je izrađen tridesetih godina 14. stoljeća
(sl. 18a) sličan je emajl kao na pojasu
iz Clevelanda, te snopovi lišća s usprav-
nim, ukrštenim listovima koji se mogu
vidjeti na svim pojasevima (Krleža, Gr-
gić, Grčević 1972; str. 59-61, 165,
166). Upravo taj stil s uspravnim listo-
vima u zadarskoj se zanatskoj tradiciji
održao bar do god. 1360 (sl. 18d) (Pe-
tricioli 1980; str. 76, br. 80), kad ga u
Italiji uglavnom zamjenjuje ugibljeniji
crtež lišća koji dolazi iz Bologne. 8 Da-
ljnje korištenje motiva uspravnog sno-
pa.lišća u Bosni za bana Tvrtka (1353-
1377) dokazuje medaljon na zdjeli sro-
dnog stila s ćiriličkim natpisom (sl.
18b). Na drugom sam mjestu utvrdila
da ona pripada Tvrtkovoj sredini iz vre-
mena prije no što se proglasio kraljem
(Wenzel 1984185; str. 6-9). U prvim
godinama bo.sanskog kraljevstva, na-
kon god. 1377, ukus se u tom predjelu
po mom mišljenju udaljio od dalmatin-
skog stila i postao samosvojnijim.

8 Fascinantna hronologija jedne grupe talijanskih radova u metalu, velike grupe crkvenih
predmeta sačuvanih u sjevemotalijanskoj diocezi Lucea, pokazuju daje kod talijanskih procesij skih
križeva prve polovine 14. stoljeća naglasak bio na uspravnom, blago povijenom lisnatom motivu sa
obje strane prikaza svetaca (Calderoni Masetti, Carobbi, Gillotto and Sodini 1986; str. 102-J03, sl.
56,57, str. 113, 118, sl. 64, 69), no u drugoj polovini ovog stoljeća taj motiv je napušten u korist
prikaza cvijeta okruglog centra i krutih latica, sa nešto valovitijim lišćem (ibid; str. 162-208, sl.
94-143).

49

SI. 18b: Srebrna pločica sa sredine zdjele s
ugraviranim bosanskim grbom, 14. stoljeće. S
Kosova, u Muzeju primenjene umetnosti, Beo-
grad (4581).
(7) Mogućnost da neki značajni
predmeti iz Ravne Trešnje potječu iz
razdoblja vladavine Tvrtka I ili II
Stakleni pehari s okomitim, upu-
hanim rebrima i zaobljenim rubom čest
su nalaz iz bosanskih grobova i neka-
dašnjih naseobina; neki veći primjerci
s relativno plitkim rubom (npr. pehar
pronađen u Biskupu kraj Konjica) mož-
da uistinu potječe s kraja 14. stoljeća
(Vego 1957; str. 132-134, Tab. 5; Ko-
jić-WenzeI1967; str. 80; Anđelić 1973;
str. 129-130). No maleni i vrlo krhki
rebrasti pehari s širokom zaobljenom
rubom ukrašenom apliciranim plavim
nitima, poput primjerka pronađena u
Ravnoj Trešnji (sl. 3), izgleda da su se
u Bosni često koristili u 1. dij elu 14.
9 British Museum, registarski broj 76, 11-4.3. "Magister Aldrevandin" čaša izvana ima obrise
izvedene bijelom bojom, a unutra je oslikana drugim bojama u stilu ulomaka iz Kraljeve Sutjeske.
Hugh Tait u Masterpieces of Glass, Exhibition catalogue, British Museum, London 1968; str. 151, 152.
50
stoljeća. U Kraljevoj Sutjesci otkriveno
je više od 100 komada takvog tipa stak-
la, u Bobovcu samo 2. U Bobovcu je
pronađeno mnogo čaša u obliku luko-
vice s apliciranim ukrasnim komadima
stakla koje liče na njemačku čašu "kra-
utstrunk", no takav primjerak u Kralje-
voj Sutjesci nije pronađen (Anđelić
1973; str. 129-132). Već sam iznijela
razloge zbog kojih smatram da je Kra-
ljeva Sutjeska starije naselje. To znači
da čaša iz Ravne Trešnje, pa tako i
sablja i mamuze, ukazuju da grobovi
najvjerovatnije potječu iz razdoblja
vladavine bana Stjepana.
Ovdje valja spomenuti da tvr-
dnju kako veći dio staklenih predmeta
iz Kraljeve Sutjeske potječe iz prve po-
lovice 14. stoljeća podupire činjenica
da je na istom mjestu pronađen još je-
dan tip čaše koju niko nije pokušao
pripisati drugoj polovici 14. stoljeća.
Uz komade rebrastih pehara s plavim
nitima, pronađeno je 7 komada prozir-
nog stakla s plavim i crvenim emajli-
ranim ukrasima na unutrašnj oj strani,
koji su s vanjske strane obrubljeni bi-
jeložućkastom bojom (Anđelić 1973;
str. 188, 189, 191). Taj je dobro poznat
i osebujan sliloslikavanja stakla, za
koji je uobičajen naziv "Aldrevandin",
po slavnom, u cijelosti sačuvanom pri-
mjerku s natpisom koji spominje "Ma-
gister Aldrevandin" .9 O tom tipu čaše
danas postoji obimna literatura. Katkad
je određuju kao sirijsko-franački tip, što
podrazumijeva da je izrađena u križar-
skom razdoblju 13. stoljeća na Bliskom
Istoku. 10 No mnogi se stručnjaci danas
priklanjaju stajalištu da se radi o ranoj
varijanti venecijanskog emajliranog
stakla, II a zanimljivo je da je jedan od
majstora izgleda bio Zadranin. 12 Pri ne-
davnim iskopavanjima u Italiji i u Lon-
donu pronađene su takve čaše iz mnogo
kasnijeg razdoblja no što se nekad sma-
SI. I8e: Gravirana pločica s kopče za odjeću;
tralo mogućim: s početka 14. stoljeća. B 14. stoljeće, detalj. Riznica katedrale u Splitu.
U tu skupinu spada i nalaz iz Kraljeve
Sutjeske. U svakom je slučaju nepri- setih godina 14. stoljeća. Sa sigurnošću
hvatljivo da je ta vrsta stakla nastala u se može utvrditi da su na srpskim fres-
drugoj polovici 14. stoljeća, a niti jedan kama malena, okrugla puceta na vrat-
takav primjerak, naravno, nije prona- nom otvoru odora po prvi put naslikana
đen u Bobovcu.
oko god. 1330. kod kćeri župana Bra-
Tip prstenja pronađena u Ravnoj
jana u Beloj Crkvi iz Karana (Kovače­
Trešnji (sl. 4a) koristi se tokom cijelog
vić 1953; T..IT, XXa). Otprilike u isto
14. stoljeća (Radojković 1969; T. l, str.
104, 107). Puceta (sl. 4b) su izrađena vrijeme zapadnjačka odjeća postaje pri-
u istom stilu kao i mnoga druga otkri- pijenija i čini se da su zahtjevi koje
vena u bosanskim grobovima iz 14. sto- postavlja nova moda, npr. uži rukavi s
ljeća - premda u ovom slučaju postoje nizovima puceta, utjecali i na odijeva-
dokazi da su najpopularniji bili tride- nje na Balkanu (Newton 1980; str. 100).

1'0 1bid; str. 151; Anita Engle u "Glass Finds at Acre throw New Light on the 'Syro-Frankish'
Group", Readings in Glass History no. 1 13/14, Jerusalem 1982; str. 34-69.
II Tait, op. cit. str. 151, 152; L. Zecchin, "Un decoratore di vetri a Murano alle fine del
duecento", Journal of Glass Studies J(I, Corn ing 1969; str. 39-42; D. Whitehouse. "Notes on late
medieval glass in1taly". Annales du Seme Congres International d'i:tude Historique du Verre, London
- Liverpool 1979. Liege, Association Internationale pour l'Histoire du Verre 1981; str. 172-173.
12 Bartolomeo iz Zare (Zadar: "Batholameus pinctor, qui fuit fr Jadra'~ oslikavao je staklo u
Veneciji između 1290. i 1325. godine. Čaša koju je on pocaklio najvjerovatnije je bila ukrašena u
"Adrevandin" stilu, budući daje njegov repertoar sadržavao "figure i drveće". (L. Zecchin, "Fornaci
muranesifra il 1279 ed il 1290", Journal ofGlass Studies XXII, Coming 1970; str. 82, 83; J. Clark,
"Medieval enamelled glasses from London", Medieval Archaelogy XXVII, London 1983 (The Society
for Medieval Archaeology); str. 153-155; A. Gasparetto, "Dalla realta archaeologica a quella
contemporanea" u Mille anni di arte del vetro a Venezia. Exhibition catalogue, Palazzo Ducale,
Museo Correr, Venezia 1982; str. 18).
13 Hugh Tait, British Museum, John Clark, Museum of London, lična komunikacija. Ulomci
pocakljene i oslikane "Aldrevandin" čaše iskopane u Foster Lane, London, pronađeni u jami skupa
sa keramikom iz prve polovine 14. stoljeća. Na dijelovima natpisa vidljivo je "S BARTOLOMEUS
FE(cit)" i "STERBA", moguće "(magis)TER BA(rtolomeus)". John Clark je sugerirao da se ovi
natpisi mogu odnositi na zadarskog majstora (Clark, op. cit.; str. 155).

51

SI. l8d: Procesijs/d križ iz Bibinja, gravirano
pozlaćeno srebro na drvenom nosaču; lokalna
obrada metala, 1360-1379. Stalna izložba sak-
.. ralne umjetnosti u Zadru.
Možemo ukratko ponoviti da sab-
lja i mamuze iz navodna Tvrtkova gro-
ba potječu iz prve polovice 14. stoljeća
(uz pretpostavku da su mamuze iz gro-
ba identične von Luschanovu crtežu
mamuza, kako je sam tvrdio), te uveliko
prethode navodnoj smrti von Luscha-
nova "kralja Tvrtka" god. 1391. - a da
ne govorimo o priorovoj verziji, po ko-
52
joj kralj umire god. 1443. Od najvažni-
jih nalaza iz obližnjih grobova, pehar
ukrašen plavim nitima najvjerovatnije
je iz prve polovice 14. stoljeća, dok
prstenje i puceta potječu iz istog ili neš-
to kasnijeg razdoblja.
Gore navedeni podaci navode na
neprijeporni zaključak da groblje u Rav-
noj Trešnji i predmeti koji su na njem
pronađeni potječu iz prve polovice 14.
stoljeća, iz vremena bana Stjepana II
Kotromanića (1314-13 53), koje pretho-
di naglom propadanju Tuzle. To znači
da je von Luschanova priča o grobu
kralja Tvrtka II (ili pak Tvrtka I) u
Ravnoj Trešnji izmišljotina koju je on
sam ili netko drugi sačinio iz neznanja
ili lukavstva.
Ako prvu polovicu 14. stoljeća
prihvatimo kao datum nastanka pojasa
iz Ravne Trešnje, to znači da za sve
pojaseve iz grupe važi isto datiranje.
Male stilske razlike među pojasevima
na zanimljiv način odražavaju modne
promjene u razdoblju koje je mode bilo
i te kako svjesno.
Dodatak
Značajan je znanstveni doprinos
pokojnog Pavla Anđelića u razjašnja-
vanju topografije središnje Bosne. U
svom vrijednom istraživanju kraljev-
skih boravišta središnje Bosne, koje
obuhvaća proučavanje arhivske građe
i rad na terenu - među ostalim, isko-
pavanje u Kraljevoj Sutjesci i u Bo-
bovcu - morao je kod podataka koji se
odnose na misterij kraljevskih grobova
u Arnautovićima tačno razlučiti od ne-
tačnoga. Kraljeva crkva - mauzolej, od
koje preostadoše tek temelji na mjestu
unakaženu gradnjom ceste, konačno
ponovo nosi svoje staro ime. Tu crkvu
sv. Nikole podigao je ban Stjepan II
Kotromanić oko god. 1340. u franje-
vačkom samostanu, u mjestu Mile, koje
se takoder naziva Mileševo (Anđelić
1980; str. 238-239). Nije razjašnjeno
je li to Mileševo ono isto mjesto u ko-
jemje godine 1377. okrunjen kralj Tvr-
tko. Budući da je bio potomak Nema-
njića i želio se prikazati kraljem Srba
i Bosanaca, opravdana je općeprihva-
ćena pretpostavka da je za takav doga-
daj izabrao srpski manastir Mileševo,
u kojem je bio mauzolej sv. Save, srp-
skog sveca; manastir se takoder nalazio
na samoj granici Tvrtkove netom pro-
širene 4ržave (Ćirković 1964; str. 137-
-139; Fine 1975; str. 43,106,192,209).
Unatoč svemu, jednako je uvjerljiva
Andelićeva pretpostavka da uništene
ruševine u Arnautovićima predstavljaju
mjesto na kojem je stvarni kralj Tvr-
tko I okrunjen i pokopan.
53
Dva srednjovjekovna prstena
u Zavičajnom muzeju Trebinje
(Objavljeno u časopisu Tribunia, Zavičajni
Zavičajni muzej Trebinje po-
sjeduje dva srednjovjekovna prstena
zanimljiva svakom koga interesira po-
vijest umjetničke obrade metala u sred-
njovjekovnom Bosanskom kraljevstvu.
Štaviše, jedan od njih navodi na vrlo
zanimljive povijesne pretpostavke.
Ovaj se rad dotiče različitih aspekata
dvaju prstena.
Prsten s inventarskim broj A 47
od bakra pronašao je Nurija Ramić u
Donjim Turanima kraj Trebinja, da bi
ga kasnije, god. 1963, otkupio Muzej
(sl. la-e, 2a). Drugi je prsten od poz-
laćenasrebra, iskopan god. 1968. u Mu-
ši ćima kraj Domaševa na Ljubomir-
skom polju, sjeverozapadno od Trebi-
nja; pronađen je podno stećka na loka-
litetu Đurđeve crkve, u Mušićima (Ve-
go ll: str. 56-7, br. JJ3). Prsten se na-
kon pohranjivanja u Zavičajni muzej
raspao i bit će restauriran. Inventarskog
broja još nema. Na sreću, u prvotnom
ga je stanju nacrtao Tom Emmert sa
Sveučilišta Stanford neposredno po is-
kopavanju, a Ljubinka Kojić god. 1971.
Njihovi' crteži i moja zapažanja o pr-
stenu u njegovu sadašnjem stanju pre-
zentirani su ilustracijom 7b, dok sl. ld
predstavlja njegovu fotografiju.
muzej, Trebinje, 1982, pp. 47-78)
Oba prstena pripadaju tradiciji
lijevanog metalnog prstenja koja se ras-
prostranila tokom 13. st. i zadržala ne-
koliko stotina godina (Taylor-Scaris-
brick; str. 29). No prsteni tog tipa pro-
nađeni u Evropi uglavnom su pečatnja­
ci; dok ovaj iz Domaševa pripada tom
tipu, prsten iz Donjih Turana se razliku-
je utoliko što glava praktički nema uk-
rasa u gornjem dijelu plohe. Premda je
upravo ta osobina, koja se zamjećuje
na nekim sličnim prstenima, navela po-
vjesničare umjetnosti da ih proglase ne-
dovršenim pečatnjacirna, smatram da
se u ovom slučaju radi o imitaciji tipa
zlatnog prstena s dragim kamenom koji
je bio moderan u 14. st., izvedenoj u
jeftinijem materijalu.
Prsten iz Donjih Turana
Presjek bakrenog prstena iz Do-
njih Turana iznosi 2,3 crn, a ovalna
glava irna dimenzije 1,5 x 0,8 crn. U
gornjem se dijelu površine ovalni oblik
glave malo mijenja zbog plastične obra-
de okvira sastavljena od zvjezdolikih
55
 vršaka i udubljenja k@ja ih odvajaju (sl.
la). Taj gornji dio površine nije ukra-
šen, izuzev osam polukružnih ureza s
unutrašnje strane okvira koji naglaša-
vaju oblik glave. Vidjet ćemo da je
upravo takva konfiguracija karakteri-
stična za mnoge prstenove iz Bosne, te
da se radi o osnovnoj karakteristici fe-
a
nomena koji se danas nameće kao stil
umjetničke obrade metala u srednjovje-
kovnoj Bosni.
Druga je značajna osobina prste-
na okruglo ispupčenje na stražnjoj stra-
ni obruča (sl. lc); treća, nepravilni tro-
kutasti dijelovi fakture s obje strane
glave (sl. lb). To je tačkasta faktura
b sastavljena od nasumce grupiranih sit-
nih udubljenja.
Čini se da je pojavljivanje ovih
triju osobina karakteristično za Bosnu;
pronašla sam ih kod dva prstena u vla-
stitoj zbirci: jedan je kupljen na sara-
jevskoj Baščaršiji, drugi u Mostaru.
Prikazani su na slikama 2c i 2b i na
njih ću se osvrnuti kasnije, u dijelu koji
e se bavi pojedinim sti1ističkim osobina-
ma. Teško je precizno datirati prsten iz
SI. la-e: Bakarni prsten, Zavičajni muzej Tre-
binje A 47. nađen u Donjim Turanima.
Donjih Turana (kao i druga dva), no
niz osobina ukazuje na razdoblje od
1350-1450. Razmjerno velika i teška
glava, izostavljanje spone između glave
i bočnih strana i karakteristična udub-
ljenja mogu se također vidjeti na dva
prstena koja se danas nalaze u Engle-
skoj. Jedan se nalazi u Muzeju Viktorije
i Alberta u Londonu, a pronađen je u
grobu Williama Wytleseyja (Taylor-
Scarisbrick: str. 49, br. 297; Oman
1974: str. 52, hr. 435. T. 18c) koji je
umro kao biskup kenterberijski god.
SI. ld: Srebrni prsten. pozlaćen. Zavičajni mu-
zej. Trebinje. nađen lI MIIšićima. Domaševo. 1374. i tu pokopan u katedrali (sl. 2d)~
Ljllbomirsko polje. Drugi se nalazi u Muzeju Ashmolean

56
 ·
O
""

a
..

d e

SI. 2: - a: Bakarni prsten, Zavičajni muzej, Trebinje A 47, Donji Turani; - b: Bakarni prsten,
autoričina zbirka, iz Mostara; - e: Srebrni prsten, autoričina zbirka, kupljen u Sarajevu; - d: Zlatan
prsten, nađen u grobu, Canterbury, prije 1374, Viktoria i Albert muzej, London, M191-1975;
- e: Zlatan prsten, nađen u Thame-u, Oxfordshire, Ashmolean muzej, Oxford, 1940-227.

57

SI. 3a: Bronzani prsten pozlaćen, italijanski, 15.
stoljeće, Viktorija i Albert Muzej, London,
741 - 1877.
u Oxfordu, a pronađen je u Thameu
(Taylor-Scarisbrick: str. 59, br. 435, T.
u boji Jl); kako izradom, tako i oblikom
naliči Wytleseyevu primjerku, možemo
pretpostaviti da potječu iz istog razdo-
blja (sl. 2e). Kod oba se prstena zamje-
ćuju vidljive izbočine sa strana na ko-
jima su grančice cvijeća; niti jedan ne-
ma zadebljanja sa stražnje strane. Mo-
žebiti i bosanski prsteni, po mnogim
osobinama nalik ovim dvama, datiraju
otprilike iz tog razdoblja, te predstav-
ljaju vid kulturne asimilacije karakte-
ristične za kraljevanje Tvrtka I (1353-
-1391). No i mnogi srpski prsteni iz
prve polovine 14. st. (za koje u nastavku
dokazujem da su nastali pod utjecajem
mamelučke mode) imaju tešku glavu,
nedostaje im spona između glave i boč­
nih strana i zadebljanje sa stražnje stra-
ne (Radojković 1969; str. 34, 42, 44,
45, 50), što znači da su neke preostale
karakteristike srpskog stila u Hercego-
vini mogle utjecati na stvaranje ovog
bosanskog oblika prstena. U svakom
slučaju, najkasniji su primjerci prstena
s teškom glavom i bez spone najvje-
58
rovatnije papinski prsteni iz sredine 15.
stoljeća (sl. 3a), kojima po svoj prilici
završava jedna konzervativna tradicija
(Taylor-Scarisbržck: str. 61, 62, br.
460-463).
Premda prisustvo svih triju na-
vedenih osobina - nazupčani okvir, za-
debljanje sa stražnje strane i trokutasta
područja punktirane fakture - vjerovat-
no karakterizira upravo bosansku izra-
du, jasno je da se pojedinačno te oso-
bine pojavljuju i drugdje. Slijedimo li
neke od tih mnogobrojnih manifestaci-
ja, možda ćemo uspjeti odrediti utjecaje
koji su sudjelovali u oblikovanju nama
zanimljivog stila.
Već sam navela engleske panda-
ne s nazupčanim okvirom glede even-
tualnog datiranja našeg prstena; no kod
njih su urezi funkcionalne prirode i slu-
že učvršćenju dragulja na glavu. Ko-
rišćenjem zubaca pri izmjeni osnovnog
ovalnog oblika, koje se na Balkanu čes­
to koristi kod izrade srebrnih zdjela u
kasnom srednjovjekovlju, bavim se u
svojoj slijedećoj knjizi o dekorativnim
izvorima ukrasa na stećcima, te ukazu-
jem na moguće veze s francuskim na-
činom umjetničke obrade metala.
Osvrnemo li se sad na zadeblja-
nje sa stražnje strane, i prsten iz Donjih
Turana i moja dva prstena iz Sarajeva
i Mostara imaju zaobljeno zadebljanje
sa stražnje strane obruča kojeg nagla-
šavaju urezane zrakaste linije (sl. lc,
2a-e). Kasnije ću ukazati da se ideja
kruga okruženog zrakama najuvjerlji-
vije može obrazložiti ako to prstenje
interpretiramo kao skromne kopije tada
skupocjena modernog tipa s draguljem
namjesto stražnjeg zadebljanja, dok
zrakaste linije predstavljaju u to doba
uobičajen način predočavanja izvora
svjetlosti ili predmeta koji blista i sja
(Meiss 1972; BR. 1-3, BR. 104-5).
Zadebljanje sa stražnje strane
obruča naizgled je sasvim nepoznato
sjeverno od Alpi (John Cherry, Britan-
ski muzej, Odjel za britanske i sred-
njovjekovne starine - lični kontakt), i
ta se osobina obično tumači kao islam-
ski utjecaj. No to je tek djelimično tač­
no. Zadebljanje sa stražnje strane na-
lazimo na britanskom zlatnom prstenu
iz 5. stoljeća s novčićem cara Marcijana
(god. 450-457. nove ere), sada u Bri-
tanskom muzeju (Ward-Cherry 1981;
str. 47, br. 101). U kasnijem bizant-
skom razdoblju stražnje zadebljanje
kao da nestaje (niti jedno nije prona-
đeno kod srednjovjekovnog lijevanog
SI. 3b: Krčag. mamelučki.14. stoljeće. Sirija.
prstenja iz Korinta; Davidson 1952; str. Narodni muzej Damask.
234-288), pa se smatra daje raniji rim-
sko-bizantski tip prenesen u središnju
Štaviše, u određivanju porijekla
Aziju, gdje se stoljećima sačuvao kod
tog utjecaja na balkansko prstenje mo-
prstenja izrađena od čvrstog karneola,
guće je ići još dalje: čak i kad se za-
a zatim se ponovo vraća u mediteransko
područje kao mongolska imitacija; u
debljanja sa stražnje strane uklapaju u
islamskoj je umjetničkoj obradi metala islamsku obradu metala, oblik im je
prisutan od 2. polovine 13. stoljeća (Bo- obično romboidan (a obruč je najčešće

ardman-Scarisbrick 1977: str. 86, br. trokutasta presjeka), dok se zaobljeno

203; Battke 1953: str. 99, br. 148). Ja- stražnje zadebljanje iznimno rijetko
mes Allan, stručnjak za islamsku umjet- susreće. Islamsko prstenje sa zaoblje-

ničku obradu metala, nije pronašao niti
jedan prsten iz ranijeg razdoblja s tom
karakteristikom (James Allan, lični
kontakt), što znači da se njena pojava
u umjetniČkoj obradi metala Bosne i
Srbije 14. stoljeća može shva.titi kao
preuzimanje detalja iz islamskog svi-
jeta koji je islamskoj umjetničkoj obra-
di metala u to doba sasvim nov.
nim stražnjim zadebljanjem najčešće je
mamelučkog porijekla i u datom je raz-
doblju prije egipatske ili sirijske negoli
perzijske provenijencije. Kao primjer
navodim prsten oko 1400 (sl. 3e), iz
franačke zbirke Britanskog muzeja in-
ventarski br. AF 2286 (Dalton 1912;
T. XXIX, 2286). Faktura njegove ovaine
glave sačinjena je od urezanih tački na

59

Sl. 3e: Srebrni prsten, mamelučki, oko 1400, kupljen u Kairu ili Bejrutu, Britanski muzej London.
vrhu i sa strana, što podsjeća na koriš-
tenje tački za ispunjavanje prostora iz-
među geometrijskih oblika na mame-
lučkoj keramici s početka 14. stoljeća
(Atil 1981: str. 158, 159, br. 70, 71;
str. 163, br. 73; The Arts ofIslam 1976:
str. 234, br. 314). Na primjeru sirijske
keramike iz 14. stoljeća (sl. 3b) iz Na-
cionalnog muzeja u Damasku, br.
A45471l2016, tačkasta je faktura za-
tamnjena gleđu, te djeluje kao imitacija
niskog reljefa. Na jednom drugom ma-
melučkom prstenu iz 14. stoljeća u Bri-
tanskom muzeju (AF 2292, Dalton
1912; T. XXIX 2292) tačkasta faktura
čini pozadinu nekim arapskim slovima
na glavi (sl. 3d).
Ta osobina - tačkasta faktura na
mamelučkim umjetninama 14. stoljeća
- vraća nas na treću stilističku karak-
teristiku bosanskog prstenja i navodi
na eventualno objašnjenje dosad neras-
vijetljene, no očigledne veze s papin-
Sl. 3d: Srebrni prsten, mamelučki,
60
@
skim prstenjem iz 1450. koje je već
spomenuto.
Kao što sam ranije naglasila, za
prsten iz Donjih Turana karakteristični
su tačkasti dijelovi fakture s obje bočne
strane glave, a isto se vidi i na prstenima
iz Sarajeva i Mostara s kojima sam ga
usporedila (sl. 2a-e). Premda je srebrni
prsten iz Sarajeva finije obrađen i do-
rađen u odnosu na druga dva (sl. 4) -
bez sumnje zbog veće vrijednosti ma-
terijala i bogatstva budućeg vlasnika -
neke tehničke osobine nesumnjivo uka-
zuju da prsten iz Donjih Turana i prsten
iz Sarajeva pripadaju istoj školi obrade
metala. Dok su tačke na bočnim stra-
nama mostarskog prstena vjerovatno
urezane alatom i prilično ravnomjerno
raspoređene, tačke na druga dva prstena
nejednake su veličine i nisu ujednačene
(sl. lb, 2a-e, 4), što znači da su izvedene
hemijskim putem. James Allan smatra
da je neki strani materijal, npr. so, na-
14. stoljeće, kupljen u Kairu, Britanski muzej London.
nesen na one dijelove kalupa gdje se
željela dobiti nepravilna površina me-
tala. Ukoliko je njegova pretpostavka
tačna, taj je proces bar unutar srednjo-
vjekovna razdoblja korišten isključivo
u Bosni, što zvuči upravo nevjerovatno
novatorski.
Budući smo ustanovili daje ovaj
oblik tačkaste fakture karakterističan za
izradu prstenja u Bosni, logično je da
ćemo nešto slično nastojati pronaći ne-
gdje drugdje, otprilike unutar istog raz-
doblja koje nas zanima. Jedina evrop-
ska paralela koja se nameće nalazi se
unutar grupe papinskog prstenja iz 15.
stoljeća (već spomenutog, namijenje-
nog papinskim emisarima i odaslanici-
ma). Na njihovoj se površini uistinu
vidi tačkasta faktura, no za razliku od
prstena iz Donjih Turana, odnosno Sa- SI. 4: Srebrni prsten. autoričina zbirka. Sara-
jevo; faktura je rezultat namjernog stavljanja
rajeva i Mostara, ona nije omeđena tro- nečistoća u metal.
kutima već okružuje izbočene dijelova
neukrašena metala koji dekoriraju ob- bitno razlikuju od francuske tehnike ma-
ruč prstena (Battke 1953; T XIII, str. tiranja prstenja pomoću gusto postav-
72, 72a). Kao ilustracija neka nam pos- ljenih krugova, koja je rasprostranjena
luži prsten od pozlaćene bronze s kri- u Evropi 15. stoljeća). Smatram da je
stalom (sl. 3a) i s natpisom "Episc. Lug- na temelju ranije prikazanih primjera
dun", ukrašen likom Bogorodice i gr- mamelučkih prstena i keramike jasno
bom podno kardinalskog šešira; prsten da se različite upotrebe tačkaste fakture
se nalazi u Muzeju Viktorije i Alberta - kao ispunjavanje geometrijskog pro-
u Londonu (inv. br. 741-1877). Papin- stora (sl. 3b, e), te kao pozadina za
sko se prstenje pojavljuje na kraju raz- natpise (sl. 3d) - podudaraju s jedne
doblja u kojem je najvjerovatnije na- s
strane tačkastom fakturom na bosan-
stalo bosansko prstenje. No čini se da skom prstenju, a s druge pak s papin-
nisu ni u kakvoj vezi s prethodnim mo- skim prstenjem. Logično je prepostaviti
delima talijanske papinske tradicije, ili da su obje manifestacije zapravo pri-
pak francuske tradicije obrade metala u mjeri itekako obimna mamelučkog ut-
doba papinskog progonstva (1309-1377). jecaja koji je Italiju i jadransko podru-
Premda bosanski i talijanski na- čje zahvatio mahom tokom 14. i 15.
čin korištenja oblika tačkaste fakture stoljeća. Mamelučki utjecaj u Italiji ne
nisu jednaki, međusobno su sličniji no svodi se, naravno, samo na gore spo-
ikakvom drugom primjeru (npr. oba se menuto prstenje. Doslovno preuzima-

61
nje mamelučkih modela u Italiji je za-
pravo bilo mnogo rasprostranjenije no
što se do sada znalo. Cijele dekorativne
plohe, koje znadu sadržavati suvisle
arapske tekstove, prekop irane su s me-
talnih i tekstilnih modela koji se često
mogu prepoznati na iluminacijama i na
slikama. Primjerice, milanski Oficij Vi-
skontijevih, započet god. 1388, u svo-
jim dekorativnim bordurama sadrži ti-
tule mamelučkih sultana, što komenta-
tori manuskripta do sada nisu primje-
ćivali (Meisse 1972). Ove motive nat-
pisa otkrio mi je i preveo James Allan.
To preuzimanje mamelučkih
predmeta na dvorovima sjeverne Italije
bez sumnje je imalo odraza i u drugim
jadranskim predjelima. Primjerice, bo-
sanskohercegovačka porodica Kosača
najvjerovatnije je u svom posjedu imala
određen broj mamelučkih metalnih in-
-krustacija. Na popisu njihova inventa-
ra za god. 1406 (Stojanović II; str. 333)
i 1413 (ibid; str. 351) navode se po-
hranjeni predmeti pod nazivom možul.
Porijeklo te tajanstvene riječi vjero-
vatno potječe iz mezopotamskog me-
taloobrađivačkog centra po imenu Mo-
sul, gdje su se u 13. stoljeću proizvodili
brončani predmeti sa srebrnim i zlatnim
inkrustacijama. Kad je proizvodnja u
tom mjestu obustavljena, mameluci su
u Egiptu i u Siriji preuzeli isti stil, a
naziv prvotnog centra postao je sino-
nimom samog proizvoda, ma gdje on
izrađen - kao što primjerice engleska
riječ "china" označava porculan, ma
gdje on nastao.
Pri proučavanju islamskog utje-
caja na balkanske umjetnine valja imati
na umu da se mamelučki stil svojim
osobinama bitno razlikuje od seldžučke
62
umjetnosti kojuje na Balkan donio oto-
manski osvajač. Egipatsko-sirijski Mam-
luci potpali su pod otomansku vlast tek
god. 1517 (Atil 1981; str. 18), nakon
čega se ta dva utjecaja stapaju. Otuda
se jasno razabire snažan utjecaj sel-
džučko-otomanskog stila na umjetnost
Srbije - naročito nakon Kosova - dok
je mamelučki stil mnogo više utjecao
na umjetnost u državi bosanskoj. No
tačno je i to da je mamelučki utjecaj u
Srbiji postojao prije nastanka države
bosanske. Gotovo je sigurno prodro
preko Hercegovine i Kotora, pa to ra-
zjašnjava porijeklo okruglog stražnjeg
zadebljanja koje se često nalazi na sr-
pskom prstenju s početka 14. stoljeća
združeno s jednostavnim bizantskim
stilom karakterističnim za srpsku umje-
tnost tog razdoblja.
Vratimo li se sad prstenu iz Do-
njih Turana, ustvrdit ćemo da se radi
o stilu koji osobine mamelučkog tipa
prstenja prenesene u dubrovačko zale-
đe (okruglo stražnje zadebljanje i tro-
kutasti tačkasti dijelovi) združuje s oso-
binama izvedenim iz zapadno-evrop-
ske mode lijevana prstenja, spomenute
na početku ovog teksta. Naročito je za-
nimljivo da sva tri prstena koje sam do
sada opisala, a pronađeni su unutar sred-
njovjekovne države bosanske, nemaju
nikakav ukras na gornjem dijelu glave.
U balkanskom se kontekstu radi o vrlo
neobičnoj pojavi, jer se kod jednostav-
na 1ijevana oblika eventualni ukras
stavlja ponajprije na gornji dio glave.
Teza da se radi o tri nedovršena pečat­
njaka pomalo je neuvjerljiva.
Spomenula bih sad i četvrti pr-
sten, koji po mom mišljenju objašnjava
ovaj misterij. Taj je prsten (sl. 5) kup-
ljen u Ženevi, trenutno se nalazi u pri-
 ....-...
. ..;. _."z:...:_
,.

8
"~·:··;·-J..
'- .ss'
- "-
"

~.",~, ..

.~

Sl. 5: Zlatni prsten. dva rubina. privatna zbirka. Istanbul.

vatnoj zbirci u Istanbulu, a porijeklo cima koji podsjeća na crkvene ukrase

muje nepoznato. Od zlata je, a na glavi
leži rubin u nazubljenom nosaču koji
oblikom izrazito podsjeća na glave triju
bosanskih prstenova. I zlatni prsten ima
trokutaste tačkaste dijelove s obiju boč­
nih strana glave, te okruglo stražnje za-
debljanje. Kao što to sa zlatnim prste-
njem biva slučaj, tako je i ovaj finije
dorade od pandana iz srebra i neple-
menitih metala, no njihova je srodnost
očigledna i moguće je da sva četiri po-
tječu iz istog kraja. Među ukrasnim de-
taljima na zlatnom prstenu nalazi se
crtež troliste palmete s ispruženim vrš-
u Srbiji 14. stoljeća, što bi se dalo ob-
jasniti hercegovačkim porijeklom pr-
stena. Nadalje, kod jednog trolista treći
je list savijen u obliku kvačice, što je
karakteristično za skupinu hercegovač­
kih stećaka stila koji određujem nazna-
kom Vranjevo selo, po tipičnom pri-
mjerku iz tog mjesta (Benac 1953: str
67, T. II, III; Wenzel 1965: e, 2; eIX,
13; ex, 7), koji se danas može vidjeti
u dvorištu sarajevskog Zemaljskog mu-
zeja. To je stil koji potječe iz sredine
14. stoljeća.

63
 Usporedimo li tri prstena iz Bos-
ne, o kojimaje riječ, s gore spomenutim
prstenom iz Istanbula, nameće nam se
zaključak da gornji dijelovi glave kod
prva tri prstena nemaju ukrasa naprosto
zato što se radi o kopijama tipa fino
izrađena prstena s draguljem koji je
adekvatno prezentiran istanbulskim pri-
mjerkom, izvedenim u jeftinijem ma-
terijalu i vjerovatno namijenjenim široj
upotrebi. No još je zanimljivije da pr-
sten iz Istanbula na stražnjem zadeblja-
nju ima mali "cabochon" rubin; otud
proizilazi da su stražnja zadebljanja sa
zrakastim linijama na bosanskim prim-
jercima rezultat nastojanja da se pre-
doči ova karakteristična upotreba dra-
gocijenog kamena u ovom položaju.
Budući da smo utvrdili zajednič­
ke osobine svih prstena, nameće se pi-
tanje tačnog mjesta njihove proizvodnje;
s tim u vezi zanimljivo je zapažanje da
su drvene preslice i glinene lule, nastale
u 19. stoljeću u okolici Mostara i Imot-
skoga sjeverno od Neretve, pa sve do
Duvna i Splita (sl. 6), zadržale tragove
ukrasnih ureza kakve smo vidjeli na
prstenju (preslice: Etnografksi muzej,
Zagreb 21261 iz Gornjih Mamića kraj
Lištice u oblasti Mostara i 1101 A iz
Imotskoga; lule: Etnografski muzej, Za-
greb 309 iz Duvna, 10083 iz Splita),
pa je Trg Drijeva, trgovište na stjecištu
Neretve i njene sjeverne pritoke Trebi-
žata, jedno od mogućih središta izrade.

Sl. 6: - a: Lula, keramika, Zelovo, kod Splita, Etnografski muzej Zagreb; - b: Lula, keramika,
Duvno, Etnografski muzej Zagreb; - e: Kudilja "kolača", Gornji Mamići, Lištica, Etnografski muzej,
Zagreb.

64
 Prsten iz Domaševa
Prsten iz Domaševa pronađen je
god. 1968, za zajedničkog poduhvata
Sveučilišta Stanford iz Kalifornije, In-
stitucije Smithsonian i Zemaljskog mu-
zeja iz Sarajeva u dolini Trebišnjice,
između Trebinja i Bileće. Rezultati isko-
pavanja još nisu publicirani, a vršena
su podno nekoliko značajnih stećaka
na Ljubomirskom polju (povjesničar
umjetnosti Marian Wenzel iz Londona;
arheolog Vukosava Atanacković-Sal­
čić iz Mostara). Prstenje pronađen pod
e
"o
OI
SI. 7a: Stećak, Mušići, Domaševo, 14. stoljeće, ispod koga je nađen prsten (sl. 7b).
stećkom u Mušićima, kod Đurđeve cr-
kve u Domaševu (sl. 7a). U grobu su
bila dva muška kostura: jednog mladića
i čovjeka od četrdesetak godina poko-
panog ispod mladića. Prsten je prona-
đen na lijevoj ruci starijeg muškarca.
Na sjeverozapadnoj strani stećaka stoji
natpis: "Radosava i sinom Bra(n)kom"
(VegoIJ; str. 56-7, br.ll3: "'ll' Pa.o;o-
caBa Hh CHHOMh npaKoMh"), što naj-
vjerovatnije znači: "Radosava sa (svo-
jim) sinom Brankom". Otud proizilazi
mogućnost da je prsten pripadao osobi
po imenu Radosava.
65
SI. 7b: Srebrni prsten, pozlaćen, Mušići,
Prstenje od pozlaćena srebra (sl.
ld, 7b), lijevan i graviran; promjer
obruča iznosi 2 cm, a na okrugloj je
glavi (promjera 1,7 cm) štit sa slovom.
Zlato se na površini ishabalo, no ostalo
ga je u nekim urezanim dijelovima. Si-
va gleđ pokriva pozlatu urezana slova
sa štita.
Dobro bi nam došao neki poda-
tak koji precizno datira stećak, pa tako
određuje i najkasniji moguć datum nas-
tanka prstena. No na raspolaganju nam
ništa pouzdano ne stoji, pa se valja pos-
lužiti indikatorima s prstena i sa stećka
ne bi li bar približno odredili vrijeme
njegova nastanka. Stećak pripada stilu
koji sam nazvala školom Vranjeva sela.
Tako određeni kameni spomenici naj-
češće se pojavljuju u predjelu kraj Vra-
njeva sela a zajedničke su im mnoge
osobine klesanja: kod većine se primje-
ćuje obrub sačinjen od trolista s jednim
listom u obliku kvačice, te živahni i
fino isklesani likovi. Te se osobine za-
mjećuju kako na primjerku istog stila
premještenu iz Vranjeva sela u dvorište
sarajevskog Zemaljskog muzeja (koji
66
Domaševo, Ljubomirsko polje, Zavičajni muzej Trebinje.
je ranije spomenut), tako na stećku iz
Domaševa o kojemje riječ (sl. 7a). Oba
su bez postolja, što predstavlja bitnu
odrednicu jer praktički svi drugi stećci
slične finoće izrade imaju integralno
postolje ili su nasađeni na zasebnu plo-
ču. Kad je prilikom iskopavanja nad-
grobni spomenik iz Domaševa pomak-
nut, ustanovljeno je da laži na unaprijed
pripremljenu sloju šljunka. Sa sigur-
nošću možemo ustanoviti da stećci iz
te grupe potječu iz sredine ili do kraja
14. stoljeća, no niti jedan od njih ne
nosi natpis s preciznijim određenjem.
Neke osobine prstena ukazuju na
sredinu 14. stoljeća. Neravan obruč pr-
stena na tri mjesta ima pljosnate izbo-
čine (sl. 7b), što podsjeća na ranije spo-
menuti mamelučki prsten iz Britanskog
muzeja (sl. 3d). Nadalje, bočne strane
oba prstena naglo završavaju visokom,
pljosnatom glavom; no dok je ma-
melučki prsten šesterokutan, glava pr-
stena iz Domaševa okrugla je oblika,
što je inače karakteristično za srpsku i
bizantsku izradu. Valja imati na umu
 Stećci sa heraldikom, tip "Vranjevo selo" i ptice
SI. 8: - a: Top%, Neum; - b: Zborna Gomila, Avatovac; - e: Ravno, "Kutinsko", Popovo polje;
- d: Zvirići, Ljubuški; - e: Trebijovi, "Kudeljin kamen", Trebinje; - f: Mušići, Domaševo, Ljubomir.
da je do god. 1377. predjel Travunije
još uvijek u posjedu Srbije. Daljnji de-
talj karakterističan za srpsku izradu 14.
stoljeća zalelujani je akantus na bočnim
stranama (sl. 7b) koji podsjeća na uk-
lesane oblike sa sjevernog portala u De-
čanima(Maksimović 1971; T. 181), do-
vršio ga je fra Vita iz Kotora negdje
oko god. 1335 (ibid; 99). U knjizi koja
će uskoro biti objavljena objašnjavam
kako je stil iz Dečana djelimično utje-
cao na bosansku umjetnost u prvim go-
dinama vladavine Tvrtka I.
No ostavimo za sada po strani
opće karakteristike stila stećka i prstena
i pozabavimo se značenjem nekih uk-
rasnih detalja. Stećak iz Domaševa, za
razliku od mnogih drugih primjeraka
iz škole Vranjeva sela, nema štita, no
dvije ptice na njegovu sjeverozapadnu
dijelu ispod natpisa (sl. 7a) možebiti
nose heraldičko značenje jer se često
pojavljuju uz štit na drugim stećcima
iste skupine (sl. 8; Wenzel 1965; T.
LXIII 1-5). Tipična se heraldika stećaka
škole Vranjeva sela sastoji od štita s
poprečnom trakom; strogo uzevši, radi
se o nepotpunoj heraldici (Zmajić 1971;
str. 47), jer nedostaje kaciga. Iza štita
nalazi se još jedna tipična naznaka: du-
gačka, ravna sablja s horizontalnim no-
sačem drška. Na stećcima iz Topola u
oblasti Neuma, Zborne Gomile kraj
A vtovca, "Kulinskog" kraj Ravna, u
Popovu polju i Zvirića kraj Ljubuškoga
(sl. 8a-d), i na još jednom stećku iz
Domaševa (sl. 8t) nalaze se dvije ptice
bočno na dršku sablje. U Trebijovi, u
oblasti Trebinja (sl. 8e) nalaze se dva
para tih istih ptica. Očigledno tako pos-
tavljeni motivi na štitu nose određen
heraldički smisao; smatram da na tak-
vom mjestu ptice imaju upravo to zna-
čenje a nipošto, kako neki drugi autori
pretpostavljaju, ne označavaju duše
preminulih ili ptice koje oplakuju mrtve
(Benac 1953; str. 78). No takvo se po-
stavljanje motiva ne podudara sa zna-
nim nam amblemima lokalnih porodi-
ca, a njihova pak geografska distribucija
ni s jednim zemljišnim posjedom kakve
vlastelinske porodice unutar vremen-
skih odrednica koje se za te spomenike
mogu odrediti. Valja nam stoga pro-
vjeriti ne označava li se možda tim oz-
67
 c(

~.~
~=<!
~ ~'I'~ BOSNA oko 1322
.;.:;, BOSNA 1324-1326
~ MAĐARSKA 1357-1382
~ SRBIJA 1350-1377

Sl. 8g: Promjene granica bosanske države sredinom 14. stoljeća.

nakama neka veća feudalna jedinica. Možda je najzahvalnije započeti

Na početku ćemo zanemariti stećak iz
Domaševa i koncentrirati se na stećke
iz škole Vraneševa sela sa štitom pre-
polovljenim poprečnom trakom, s po-
lumjesecom i s rozetom, bez obzira na
to ima li na njima i nekih drugih he-
raldičkih motiva.
od same geografske distribucije heral-
dičkih stećaka tipa Vranjeva sela. Na-
laze se s obje strane Neretve (sl. 8g) i
ako ukrasi imaju heraldičke implikaci-
je, njihova izrada ukazuje da pripadaju
istom kulturnom entitetu. Moguće je
takvo jedinstvo postojalo izmedu god.

68
1326. i 1350-1359, jer u razdobljima
koja ovom periodu prethode ili ga sli-
jede porodice s dviju strana Neretve
služe različitim gospodarima. Godine
1326. Stjepan II Kotromanić osvaja
dalmatinsko zaleđe i učvršćujesvoj po-
ložaj s obje strane Neretve, te pripaja
nasljedne posjede Srba južno od Ne-
retve području sa sj everne stranerijeke,
koje je neposredno prije toga zadobio
od Šubićevih (Ćirković 1964; str. 88-
-91). Sjedište je izabrao u okolici starog
dvora Nemanjina brata Miroslava u
Stonu, te na taj način uništio lokalnu
opoziciju Branivojevića a neutralizirao
je kod kneza Nikole, stvarnog Mirosla-
vova nasljednika, oženivši ga svojom
sestrom (Benac 1953; str. 80). Nikola
je u to vrijeme vladao područjem koje
se protezalo od Stona istočno, do po-
pova, dokje Stjepan II Kotromanić pre-
ko svojih vazala kontrolirao područje
koje se od Nevesinja proteže prema sje-
veroistoku (sl. 8g). Dubrovčani su vje-
rovali da će uskoro pripojiti i posjed
srpskog plemića Vitomira koji je vla-
dao područjem Trebinja i Konavla (Ćir­
ković 1965; str. 91), što znači da je
Kotromanić i tu imao svojih pristaša i
simpatizera. Stanje se nije izmijenilo
sve do god. 1350,jer su se srpski vladari
u svojim nastojanjima da situaciju iz-
mijene ograniči li na posredovanje Ve-
necije (ibid; str. 118-119), sve dok te
iste godine car Dušan nije krenuo u rat
te ponovo zadobio Popovo i pokorio
odmetnute Nikoliće (Dinić 1967; str.
6). Tek god. 1359. Srbija pod vodstvom
Vojislava Vojinovića ponovo uspostav-
lja kontrolu nad većim dijelom svog
negdašnjeg teritorija južno od Neretve
(ibid; str. 126-127).
Kulturno je jedinstvo u predjelu
gdje se pojavljuju stećci škole Vranjeva
sela s opisanim heraidičkim detaljima
očigledno moglo biti uspostavljeno je-
dino u razdoblju od l326. do 1359, ili
pak u razdoblju koje slijedi god. l382,
kad Mađari teritorij sjeverno od Neret-
ve, koji je u njihovu posjedu od god.
l357, vraćaju Bosni. S obzirom na mjes-
to ovog tipa stećka u razvoju fenomena
stećka, u obzir dolazi ranije razdoblje.
Sad se mogu izložiti slijedeće
pretpostavke:
l) za ovoga razdoblja, mnoge su
vlastelinske porodice iz tog kraja po-
državale stvaranje banske Bosne (od-
nosno Stjepana II Kotromanića i na-
sljednika mu Tvrtka);
2) članovi tih porodica moguće
su pokopani pod fino izrađenim stećci­
ma iz tog kraja;
Jasno je da određena heraldička
veza postoji između stećaka o kojima
raspravljamo; a heraldika, koliko je do-
sada poznato, ne pripada nijednoj po-
sebnoj familiji. Ove činjenice pridodate
gornjim pretpostavkama mogu odvesti
trećoj pretpostavci:
3) heraldika možda predstavlja
probosansku bansku konfederaciju u
tom kraju.
Premda se radi o vrlo osjetljivu
području, neke naznake povezuju ovu
sheraldiku s banskom Bosnom. Prije
no što ijednu proslijedimo, valja nagla-
siti da to ne znači da su stećci o kojima
je riječ nastali u razdoblju od 1326-59,
tek da je veza između različitih osoba
koje su pod njima Ukopane i koje im
pridaju heraldički značaj nastale unutar
tog razdoblja.
69
 Povezanost heraidičkog sistema
na stećcima škole Vranjeva sela s ban-
skom Bosnom djelimično podupiru kon-
troverzni grbovnici koji se pojavljuju
od svršetka 16. stoljeća naovamo a sa-
činjeni su s namjerom da prenesu po-
datke iz vremena koja prethode dolasku
Turaka. To s tim knjigama valja biti
oprezan: očigledno je većina sročena
ne bi li podržale potraživanja zemljiš-
nih posjeda ili vlastelinske titule uz po-
datke o plemićkom porijeklu. Manje je
jasno radi li se o totalnim izmišljotina-
ma, ili su pak djelimično zasnovane na
činjenicama. Prvi su o njima pisali au-
tori za austrougarskog perioda i mahom
utvrdili da se radi o lažnim podacima
(Asboth 1880; str. 455-6). No takva su
stanovišta vjerovatno uvjetovana sum-
njivim motivima. Zanemarimo li sve
druge elemente, često pojavljivanje kri-
ža na štitovima ne uklapa se s viđenjem
vlastele Kraljevine Bosne kakvo je zas-
tupala Austro-Ugarska: da je ona, nai-
me, pristala uz rasprostranjeno dualis-
tičko krivovjerje koje je predstavljalo
službenu državnu religiju. U tom bi slu-
čaju zazirali od križa. Ta tlapnja o du-
alističkoj državnoj Crkvi bosanskoj,
koju zbog razdoblja kad se pojavljuje
glupo nazvaše bogumilskom, punih je
sto godina ometala znanstveno prouča­
vanje stećaka. Jednom smo prilikom
Ljubinka Kojić ija (Wenzel-Kojić 1981;
str. 209-211) ukazale da je austrougar-
ski prikaz povijesti Bosne politički po-
taknuta tvorevina koja je trebala biti
protutežom panslavenskim aspiracija-
ma 19. stoljeća, naglašavajući jedin-
stvenost Bosne i zanemarujući pri tome
povijesne činjenice - tajeći podatke u
korist naumljena cilja.
70
Ne tako davno A. Solovjev je u
nekoliko navrata pisao o grbovnicima
(Solovjev, 1933. i 1954) i njegovi su
stavovi naisli na odjek. Uspio je odre-
diti da je prototip grbovnika napisan
krajem 16. stoljeća za jednog od Oh-
mučevića iz Slana. Dio podataka iz gr-
bovnika smatrao je tačnimjer se podu-
dara s informacijama iz drugih izvora,
no veći je dio naprosto izmišljen (So-
lovjev 1933; str. 99, 101). Nešto je kas-
nije ustanovljeno da su mnoge ranije
nepoznate porodice spomenute u grbo-
vnicima uistinu postojale (Traljić
1951; str. 184-5) i tačno je da se u
slučajevima kad je usporedba grbovni-
ka s autentičnim izvorima moguća gr-
bovnici pokazuju ispravnima. Premda
je nepromišljeno donositi zaključke tek
na temelju ilustracija iz grbovnika, pri
sakupljanju dokaznog materijala moglo
bi ih se uz određene rezerve i upotri-
jebiti. Vjerovatno donose tačne podatke
glede elemenata koji se pojavljuju na
štitu; manje su pouzdani kad se radi o
kruni i o popratnim likovima. Bez sum-
nje ukazuju na sklonost da se isti sistem
grbovlja koristi u nekoliko porodica.
No ta posljednja karakteristika neće
nam zadati problema glede grbova Bo-
sanske države.
Naglašavam to jer se uz grbove
bosanske i ilirske, na kojima su najčeš­
će polumjesec i rozeta, u grbovnicima
pojavljuju i slični grbovi porodice "Bos-
nić". Dokazano je da je ta porodica
živjela barem tijekom 16. stoljeća (So-
lovjev 1933; str. 97), no ne zna se radi
li se o stvarnim njihovim grbovima. Uz
polumjesec i rozetu na grbu Bosnića
nalazi se i poprečna traka koja rozetu
odvaja od polumjeseca, što smo već
zamijetili u heraldici škole Vranjeva
sela (sl. 9a).
 -{;BOSNIC.H~
SI. 9a: Fojnički grbovnik, grb porodice Bosnić.
Auto~ koji su se bavili grbovni-
cima iznose različita
mišljenja glede
autentičnosti bosanskog grba s polu-
mjesecom i rozetom (sl. 9b); Asboth,
predstavnik dominantnog austrougar-
skog gledišta, zaključuje da su polu-
mjesec i rozeta do Bosne mogli dopri-
jeti tek nakon najezde Turaka, pa stoga
grbu ne poklanja pažnju (As both 1890;
str. 455, 456). No činjenica je da se
polumjesec i rozeta pojavljuju na ne-
kima od najstarijih stećaka koji se mogu
datirati, a koji barem stotinu godina
prethode dolasku Turaka. Premda to ne
spominje, Solovjev naglašava da su po-
lumjesec i rozeta elementi dugovijeke
ilirske tradicije i sklon je pretpostavci
da se radi o autentičnom bosanskom
grbu, što potkrepljuje navođenjem pa-
ralelnog slučaja nadgrobnog kamena
kraljice Katarine, zadnje kraljice bo-
~ BOSNAE1r-
SI. 9b: Fojnički grbovnik, prva polovina 17.
stoljeća, grb Bosne.
sanske, kojaje umrla u Rimu god. 1478.
(Solovjev 1933: str. 101; Asboth 1890:
str. 97). Na njemu se kraljici s obje
strane nalaze dva različita grba (sl. 9c);
prvi poznamo kao grb Kosača, dok dru-
gi predstavlja tada moderan grb podi-
jeljen u četiri polja na kojem se između
ostalog nalazi središnji motiv sačinjen
od polumjeseca i rozete iznad ruke s
uspravnim mačem. Premda je Solov-
jev, inače naklonjen teoriji o bogumi-
lima, polumjesecu na stećcima prida-
vao mističko značenje povezano s pre-
porodom duše (Solovjev op. cit; str.
101), i sam je priznavao da je njegovo
pojavljivanje na štitu zajedno s rozetom
bez sumnje heraldičke naravi.
Valja upozoriti da se polumjesec
i rozeta često pojavljuju na mađarskim
kovanicama u 13. i 14. stoljeću nami-
jenjenim banskoj Slavoniji (sl. 10a;
71
SI. 9c: Nadgrobna ploča posljednje bosanske kraljice Katarine Vukčić
franjevačka crkva Aracoeli, detalj.
ibid; str. 101). Banska Bosna prostirala
se južno od Slavonije i uvijek se od nje
razlikovala, no postoji mogućnost da
je upotreba polumjeseca i rozete u Bos-
ni za banovanja Stjepana Il Kotroma-
nića i Tvrtka posredovana iz Mađarske.
Nema dvojbe da je Stjepan II Kotro-
manić koristio rozetu i zvijezdu kao
svoje heraldičke motive; na nekoliko
se njegovih kovanica kruna nalazi iznad
velike rozete, što djelimično podsjeća
na stil njegovih rođaka iz Srbije gdje
se kruna katkad nalazi iznad štita naz-
načena velikom zvijezdom (sl. lOb;
Anđelić 1980; str. 242). Mnogo je teže
na temelju građe koja se odnosi nepos-
redno na Stjepana II Kotromanića us-
tanoviti je li upotrebljavao polumjesec
uz rozetu ili zvijezdu. ledini podatak
koji nam stoji na raspolaganju verzija
je njegova pečatnjaka koju je nacrtao
Tha1l6czy (sl. lOe); prikazuje vladara
na konju s trokutnim štitom presječe-
72
Kosača (1424-1478), Rim,
nim poprečnom trakom u dva polja; na
njima su oznake koje se mogu iščitati
kao polumjesec i rozeta (Thal16czy 1914;
str. 273; ipak, valja priznati da oznake
nisu bile sasvim č itke ). No kad se svi
ti pomalo fragmentarni podaci povežu,
upravo se nameće pretpostavka da je
štit s poprečnom trakom, s polumjese-
com i s rozetom stvarno korišten kao
grb banske Bosne za Stjepana II Ko-
tromanića, a možda i za Tvrtka; ničim
se drugim ne može objasniti učestalo
ponavljivanje te skupine na stećcima
škole Vranjeva sela, uzme li se u obzir
mjesto njihova nastanka. Ne zaboravi-
mo da je Pavao Anđelić ukazivao kako
nema pouzdanih podataka po kojima
grb banske Bosne u to doba nadilazi
poprečnu traku ili rozetu (Anđelić 1970:
str. 15, 96, 99; 1980: str. 242); no valja
reći i to da se uglavnom koristio poda-
cima o pečatnjacima i kovanicama, te
da se nije u dovoljnoj mjeri bavio pro-

.4
a
b€!&
SI. 10: - a: Novac "slavonski banovac", kraj 13.
stoljeća, privatna zbirka, Zagreb; - b: Novac
Stjepana II Kotromanića; Anđelić, 1980.
učavanjem bitnih podataka sa stećaka
- naročito glede rasprostranjenosti mo-
tiva.
Mnogi podaci i pretpostavke ko-
je smo do sada spomenuli pružaju tek
prihvatljiv vremenski okvir nastanka
stećaka škole Vranjeva sela, odnosno
stećka iz Domaševa; vidjet ćemo da ti
podaci upiru otprilike na sredinu 14.
stoljeća kao vrijeme nastanka prstena,
a s time se podudaraju i opće njegove
SI. lOe: Voštani pečat, Stjepan Il Kotromanić,
detalj: Thall6czy, 1914.
stilističke osobine. Spomenimo još je-
dan koristan vremenski indikator za steć­
ke tipa Vranjeva sela: detalji odjeće
mnogobrojnih isklesanih figura, tj. pri-
mjeri na kojima se prepoznaje određen
modni stil odijevanja (npr. kratke muš-
ke tunike i ženska "cornette" frizura),
najstarije stećke lociraju u godine ne-
posredno nakon god. 1340 (Newton
1980; str. 3-5, 86-7, 96).
Pomni pregled hercegovačkih
stećaka otkriva nam uz skupinu karak-
teristično fine izrade koju sam odredila
naznakom Vranjeva sela velik broj nad-
grobnih kamena daleko inferiornije za-
natske obrade koji posjeduju mnoge
identične ikonografske elemente. Dje-
luju poput grubih kopija ili nastavljanja
istog stila na mnogo nižoj zanatskoj
razini. Otud proizlazi da je profinjenije
stećke vjerovatno izradio majstor (ili
majstori) koga je tu zbog posebne nje-
gove vještine možda doveo neki utje-
cajni pokrovitelj, a isti su stil kasnije
preuzeli lokalni klesari. S tim u vezi,
možda je stećke škole Vranjeva sela s
heraldikom polumjeseca i rozete naru-
čio jedan ili nekoliko Kotromanića u
slavu preminulih pristaša koji su se od-
metnuli od Srba i priklonili se Stjepanu
II Kotromaniću, ne bi li tako utjecao
(utjecali) na one koji se još uvijek ko-
lebaju.
Moguća su i druga nagađanja
glede povezanosti stećaka tipa Vranje-
va sela s pomalo zbunjujućom osobi-
nom koja karakterizira prsten pronađen
podno stećka u Domaševu, no prije ne-
go li ih iznesemo valja nam se ponovo
osvrnuti na ptice s obje strane sablje
koje se na tim stećcima često pojaVljuju
(sl. Sa-t). Pokušamo li pomoću naše
73
 je moguće da se i nadalje koristila u
14. stoljeću, te se možda smatrala pri-
mjerenom mađarskim vazalima. Pret-
postavka potječe otud što se ptice ne
pojavljuju samo na bosanskim kovani-
cama tog razdoblja, već i na novcu koji
je u razdoblju između god. 1325-1343.
dao iskovati Mikac Mihajlović, ban sla-
vonski kojije, naravno, također bio ma-
đarski vazal (ibid; str. 190). Valja imati
na umu da je u početku svoje vladavine
Stjepan II Kotromanić bio potpuno pot-
činjen Mađarskoj. Ma kako bilo, sas-
vim je očigledno da postoji sličnost
između tog bosanskog novčića i tipične
kompozicije stećka tipa Vranjeva sela
s dvjema pticama, sabljom, i mogućom
SI. 11: Najstarija novčanavrsta Stjepana II Ko-
tromanića, oko 1322.
verzijom grba banske Bosne.
Štit s poprečnom trakom, polu-
metode upotrijebljene sa štitom i po- mjesecom i rozetom postavljen ispred
prečnom trakom, polumjesecom i ro- sablje koji se često pojavljuje na steć­
zetom, naći spoj dviju ptica i sablje u cima stila Vranjeva sela bez sumnje je
domenu heraldike, naći ćemo ga kod heraldičke naravi, bez obzira na to je

kovanica jednog bosanskog bana iz 14. li moja pretpostavka o njegovu znače­

stoljeća. Dimitrijević smatra da se sa-
svim pouzdano radi o novcu iskovanu
po nalogu Stjepana II Kotromanića ne-
posredno nakon god. 1322 (Dimitrije-
vić 1966; str. 117, sl. 5, 6), premda
spominje mišljenja prethodnih autora
po kojima kovanice potječu od njegova
oca, Stjepana l Kotromana. Na jednoj
strani novčića (sl. 11) prikazan je bo-
sanski vladar s uzdignutom sabljom i
horizontalnim nosačem drške; stoji
između profila dviju ptica koje su ok-
renute prema unutrašnjoj strani kova-
nice. Premda kompozicija s figurom
smještenom između ptica u ovom slu-
čaju vjerovatno potječe od gotičkih ko-
vanica srpskog kralja Milutina koje pret-
hode godini 1299 (ibid; str. 116), lako
nju tačna. Mislim da su iste naravi i
ptice tamo gdje podupiru štit i sablju.
Na temelju podataka koji nam stoje na
raspolaganju ne možemo odrediti je li
oblik sa štitom i sabljom bez ptica ne-
potpun, ili ptice predstavljaju dodatni
znak koji mijenja značenje štita. Tako-
đer se ne može sa sigurnošću tvrditi
imaju li ptice heraldički smisao kad se
pojavljuju bez štita i sablje, kao npr.
na stećku iz Domaševa. Prihvatimo li
za sada pretpostavku da oblik sa štitom
i sabljom simbolizira neku probosan-
sku konfederaciju u razdoblju između
god. 1326-50. jedna je od mogućnosti
da ptice bez štita evociraju sjećanje na
takav pokret na stećku nešto kasnijeg
datuma, kad uklesavanje punog oblika
iz političkih razloga nije preporučljivo.

74
Valja naročito naglasiti da se radi tek
o pretpostavci, jer sami klesari vjero-
vatno nisu bili politički angažirani i si-
gurno su radili i na drugim lokacijama,
npr. Radimlja (Benac 1950; T. XXVJ-
-XXVII, br. 93), gdje je stanovništvo
bez sumnje bilo prosrpski raspoloženo.
Činjenica da stećak pripada stilu Vra-
njeva sela sama po sebi ne izražava
politički stav osobe koja je pod njim
ukopana. Spomenimo i to da se na jed-
nom drugom stećku iz Domaševa, koji
je vjerovatno izradio isti klesar, nalaze
štit, sablja i ptice. U ovom bi slučaju
mogli krenuti od implikacije da je kle-
sarlklesari dvaju stećaka ista osoba, ili
pak od implikacije da se ikonografija
dvaju stećaka razlikuje, no s obzirom
na to da ne znamo tačan datum nastanka
dvaju nadgrobnih spomenika, ta nam
činjenica nije od velike koristi. Naj-
vjerovatnije ta dva stećka obilježavaju
grobove rođaka, na što ukazuju znani
nam ukupni običaji tog kraja u datom
razdoblju.
Zna se da je Stjepan II Kotro-
manić nastojao steći podršku hercego-
vačkog sitnog plemstva i da mu je to
dj elimično pošlo za rukom - primj erice
Poznan Puričić, čiji se posjed nalazio
u okolici Nevesinja, pod srpskom vlaš-
ću, prešao je u Bosnu godine 1326 (Ćir­
ković 1964; str. 90), a u okolici Neve-
sinja nalazi se nekoliko stećaka stila
Vranjeva sela s gore predočenom mo-
gućom bosanskom heraldikom. Spo-
menuli smo kako su Dubrovčani oče­
kivali da Stjepan pripoji Travuniju, što
potvrđuje njegov utjecaj na tom pod-
ručju. Okvirno datiranje stećaka stila
Vranjeva sela na temelju njihovih sti-
lističkih osobina ukazuje da su mnogi
podignuti dvadesetih i tridesetih godina
14. stoljeća, kad su - uzme li se u obzir
tadašnji prosječni životni vijek - umrli
prve pristaše Kotromanića.
Vratimo li se ponovno prstenu
iz Domaševa, valja imati na umu mo-
gućnost da stećak pod kojim je prona-
đen pripada probosanski raspoloženom
vlastelinu kojije umro negdje sredinom
14. stoljeća, svakako prije nego li je
Tvrtko kao kralj pripojio područje Tra-
vunije. Sasvim je nebitno je li Radosa-
vin sin umro ili ubijen u isto vrijeme
ili nešto kasnije, i nije jasno potječe li
natpis iz istog razdoblja kao i ukrasi.
Sam prsten (sl. ld, 7b, 12a) sa-
drži zagonetku. Ranije je spomenuto
da se na štitu nalazi slovo u gornjem
dijelu plohe koja čini glavu prstena.
Njegovo uspoređivanje s oblikom slova
na raznim pečatima i dokumentima iz
približno istog perioda upućuje da se
vjerovatno radi o slovu T (sl. l2b),
premda ni slovo M nije isključeno (sl.
12c). No nema mjesta sumnji da kostur
ne pripada Radosavi imenovanu na nad-
grobnom kamenu. Postoji doduše mo-
gućnost da je čovjek o kojem je riječ
koristio dva imena - primjerice ime i
prezime, te se jedno našlo na stećku,
dok je drugo označeno inicijalom na
prstenu, što se opet ne slaže sa znanim
nam običajima iz tog doba.
Rekli smo da se radi o prstenu
pečatnjaku; ako je uistinu korišten kao
pečatni prsten, znači da zagonetku nis-
mo riješili jer je gotovo nemoguće da
je čovjek pokopan s tuđim pečatnjakom
(premda postoje dokazi da je vazalima
ponekad bilo dozvoljeno nositi pečat­
njak vladara kad bi sklapali poslove u
njegovo ime: Anđelić 1970; str. 85).
No obzirom da je srebrna glava nekoć
75
 a

d e f

g h

Sl. 12: - a: Detalj, Mušići, prsten iz Domaševa, Zavičajni muzej, Trebinje; - b: Detalj, pečat bana
Pavla Šubića, između 1299. i 1312; Anđelić, 1970; slovo T, srebrna raka sv. Šimuna. Zadar, 1380:
Krleža-Grčević; - e: Slovo M. raka sv. Šimuna; - d, e: Kontra-marke Kotromanića stavljane na
novac koji je bio u opticaju u Zahumlju poslije 1350; Dimitrijević, 1963; - f: Kontramarkirani
bosanski dinar Stjepana II Kotromanića, znak ptice; - g: Mali pečat kralja Stjepana Tvrtka, 2.
decembra 1382; Anđelić, 1970; - h: Detalj, pečat srednjega formata, 2. marta 1433. kralj Tvrtko!l.
Anđelić, 1980; - j: Bobovac, luneta iznad druge dvorske kapije, detalj, rekonstrukcija: Anđelić,
1973; - k: Bobovac, predstava štita sa grbom - ulomak nadgrobne ploče kralja Tomaža: Anđelić,
. 1973.

76
bila prekrivena pozlatom a inicijal cak-
linom, prsten vjerovatno nije bio ko-
rišten kao pečatnjak (premda ta moguć­
nost nije u potpunosti isključena), jer
bi u tom slučaju adekvatnija i vjerovat-
nija bila glava od kakva obična (ple-
menita ili neplemenita) metala. Na ne-
sreću, slovo urezano na glavi (radilo se
tu o T ili o M) je simetrično, pa se otud
ne može zaključiti koja je prava strana
glave: iz ugla osobe koja ga nosi ili iz
njemu sučeljena.
Ako je namjena prstena bila tek
dekorativna, a ne i upotrebna, možda
je nekoć pripadao nekom Radosavinu
rođaku s inicijalom T (ili M), a Rado-
sava ga kasnije naslijedio. Također je
moguće da prsten predstavlja osobni
spomen kojije Radosavi poklonila oso-
ba s inicijalom T (ili M). Tu bih željela
naznačiti mogućnost da se uistinu radi
o inicijalu T, a prstenje spomen Tvrtka
iz vremena kad je još bio ban (tj. prije
no što je god. 1377. postao kralj Tvr-
tko I). Prezentiram to kao jednu od mo-
gućnosti, ne iz pukog hira, već zato što
nekoliko zanimljivih indikatora ukazu-
je u tom smjeru.
Valja odmah reći da Anđelić čini
se prešutno podrazumijeva kako nema
dokaza da je Tvrtko ikad koristio ini-
cijal T u heraldičkom kontekstu. Ako
je to tačno, ova mogućnost ne bi bila
vrijedna ni spomena - a nesumnjivo je
tačna za razdoblje kad Tvrtko postaje
kraljem i češće koristi adoptivno ime
Stjepan. Na žalost, preživjeli su grafič­
ki podaci o samo dva Tvrtkova pečata.
Iz vremena kad je bio ban ostaje samo
otisak pečata srednje veličine, premda
se zna da je imao i prsten pečatnjak, a
može se pretpostaviti da je postojao i
banski pečat za državne dokumente. Iz
razdoblja Tvrtkova kraljevanja ostaju
otisci malih i srednjih pečata, kao i pr-
sten pečatnjak, te mnogi dokazi o kra-
Ijevskompečatu(Anđelić 1970; str. 17-
-25). U svakom slučaju, ni na jednom
nema inicijala T, što se iz gore nave-
denih razloga na kraljevskom pečatu
ne može ni očekivati, a jedini pečat iz
banskih dana koji nam preostaje do-
voljno je velik da se na njemu nađe
natpis u kojem se Tvrtkovo ime dvaput
pojavljuje u punom obliku (ibid; str.
18).
No Anđelić nespominje da se na
nekoliko kovanica koje su bile u opti-
caju za Tvrtkova banovanja nalaze kon-
tramarke na kojima uz ostalo stoji i
usamljeno slovo T (Dimitrijević 1963;
str. 96, 145, 148). Uglavnom su to srp-
ske kovanice namijenjene korištenju u
zapadnim dijelovima Srbije, no među
njima je i nekoliko bosanskih novčića
iz razdoblja Stjepana IIKotromanića.
Kontramarkirano T nalazi se u pravou-
gaoniku (sl. I2d). Gotovo je izvjesno
da kovanice potječu iz vremena prije
no što je Tvrtko postao kraljem jer niti
jedan kontramarkirani srpski novčić ni-
je iskovan nakon vladavine kralja Du-
šana (1331-1355). Zanimljivo je u kon-
tekstu ranije predočene moguće bosan-
ske heraldike da se na postojećim srp-
skim kovanicama pojavljuje drugačija
bosanska kontramarka u obliku profil-
no prikazane ptice unutar pravougaoni-
ka (sl. I2e, 1). Dimitrijević je o svim
tim kovanicama pisao i tvrdi da se znaci
utisnuti na stražnjoj strani novca uz
kontramarku ptice mogu isčitati kao C.
T, tako daje e otisnuto ispod T, te taj
način čitanja primjenjuje i na drugu kon-
tramarku koja po mojemu ne predstav-
lja doli usamljeno slovo T. Otud izvlači
77
niz neuvjerljivih zaključaka, te na kraju
konstatira da se možda radio o skraće­
nici riječi contramarcare. U svakomje
slučaju logično kovanice smjestiti u
razdoblje Tvrtkova banovanja, pa stoga
vjerujem da se u našem slučaju radi o
primjeru korištenja usamljena slova T
kao Tvrtkove oznake, odnosno o još
jednom primjeru upotrebe ptice u kon-
tekstu bosanske heraldike.
Prihvatimo li dakle da se Tvrtko
iz banskih dana može predočiti usam-
ljenim slovom T, zanimljivo bi bilo us-
porediti okruglu glavu prstena iz Do-
maševa (sl. ld, 7b), gdje se na štitu u
unutrašnjem krugu koncentričnom s ivi-
com glave vjerovatno nalazi slovo T, s
malim Tvrtkovim pečatom iz kraljev-
skog razdoblja (sl. 12g; Anđelić 1970;
T. IV) - krugom čija se veličina podu-
dara s glavom prstena (l, 7 cm), na ko-
jem se također nalazi štit identična obli-
ka u manjem koncentričnom krugu, no
slova T na štitu nema. Ako je T ovakva
oblika često korišteno na trouglu štitu
kao oznaka Tvrtka iz banskih dana, mo-
glo je kasnije poslužiti kao model odre-
đivanjima pronađenim na rezbarijama
u vezi s njegovim nasljednicima, kra-
ljevima Tvrtkom Il i Tomašom (sl.12h,
j, k).
Povezivanje prstena iz Domaše-
va s Tvrtkom predstavlja tek jednu od
mogućnosti, premda sam nastojala pre-
dočiti da njegov najvjerovatniji datum
nastanka i poznati nam podaci o poli-
tičkoj situaciji u predjelu Hum-Travu-
nija u tom razdoblju predstavljaju lo-
gično polazište za uspostavljanje takve
veze. Moguće je i to da prsten nema
nikakve veze s Tvrtkom, a do Radosava
je naprosto došao od neke osobe s ini-
cijalom T (ili pak M). No smatram da
78
primjeri navedeni uz hipotezu o Tvrtku
ukazuju da je, u slučaju njene neprih-
vatljivosti, prsten vjerovatno napravljen
kao kopija nekog umjetničkog djela,
prstena, pečata ili kakva drugog pred-
meta u vezi s bosanskim vladarem Tvrt-
kom. Za sada tek možemo sa sigur-
nošću ustvrditi da se radi o osobitu pr-
stenu iz 14. stoljeća koji odražava do
sada neviđen mamelučki utjecaj, iz gro-
ba inače nepoznata pripadnika nižeg
plemstva. Možda će se u arhivskim ma-
terijalima pronaći još neki podaci o Ra-
dosavi i tako razriješiti ova zagonetka.
U međuvremenu smo naznačili
ove mogućnosti ne bi li predstavili tek
nekoliko zapanjujućih izdanaka poje-
dinih predmeta koji se ukazuju čim ih
prestanemo promatrati u izolaciji; pri-
mjerice, ovdje smo prsten naizgled pos-
ve različita stila povezali sa stećkom
pod kojim je pronađen.
Na kraju valja reći da moje pro-
učavanje prstenja na kojemje ovaj tekst
zasnovan predstavlja dio opsežnijeg is-
traživanja kojim je definitivno dokazan
snažan mamelučki utjecaj na balkansku
umjetnost prije Turaka. To otkriće pred-
stavlja novost otud što stručnjaci za
srednjovjekovnu zapadnu umjetnost i
stručnjaci za srednjovjekovnu islamsku
umjetnost najčešće iz shvatljivih razlo-
ga nisu upućeni u međusobna područja
interesa. Kod proučavanja balkanske
umjetnosti postoji tendencija da se stilu
svakog predmeta koji se ne uklapa u
znani zapadnoevropski ili bizantski mo-
del nakalemi opći islamski utjecaj, a
otomanske Turke smatra jedinim nje-
govim nosiocem. Osobno mi je mnogo
štošta rasvjet1ilo surađivanje s eksper-
tima za islam Sveučilišta u Oxfordu i
nadam se da će se u vidu sličnih suradnji
ovo područje istraživanja i dalje širiti.
Tradicija umjetničke obrade metala
u Kraljevini Bosni
(Objavljeno u časopisu Peristil XXV, XXVI, Zagreb ·1985, pp. 5-39)

Srednjovjekovna bosanska država obilato se koristila rudnicima srebra; zna se da

su njeni imućniji stanovnici mogli sebi priuštiti srebrne posude. Smatra se da su takve
posude izrađivane u prepoznatljivu bosanskom stilu, koji se ovdje po prvi put analizira.
Opisani se stil ne odnosi samo na posude: prepoznaje se i u arhitekturi, na stećcima i na
iluminacijama rukopisa. Bosanski se stil koristi izvedbenim elementima iz Mađarske,
Francuske, Italije, Bizanta i islamske sjeverne Afrike, sjedinjujući ih na sebi svojstven način.
Neke osobine bosanskog stila određuju se kao "hercegovački stil" u radovima o umjetničkoj
obradi metala nakon prodora Turaka koji zanemaruju preteče iz ranijeg razdoblja. Ovdje
ukazujemo da neki ključni elementi tog stila umjetničke obrade metala potječu od načina
obrade metala koji je u Evropi moderan u vrijeme Stjepana II Kotromanića. Po njihovu
usvajanju na bosanskom dvoru (možebiti na zdjelama iz kojih se pilo po sklapanjufeudalnih
pogodbi), ti su se elementi ustalili u bosanskoj obradi i na tajje način razlučili od srpskag
ili dalmatinskog stila.
Ispravljene su neke krive dataCije izuzetno vrijednih srebrnih posuda izrađenih u
bosanskom stilu koje ovdje spominjemo.

namjera mi je da ukažem na lasku Turaka te se stoga naprosto odre-

upadljivu srodnost niza ukrašenih sre-
brnih posuda i posuda od pozlaćena
srebra, iz različitih muzeja u Jugoslaviji
i u inozemstvu, koje navodi na njihovu
pripadnost dosad nepoznatoj specijal-
noj tradiciji unutar umjetničke obrade
metala južnih Slavena. Vjerujem da su
te posude nastale na istom mjestu u
bosanskoj sferi, u razdoblju od stotinjak
godina koje prethode najezdi Turaka.
Kako se veliki broj tih predmeta po
mišljenju različitih stručnjaka trenutno
pripisuje razdoblju koje slijedi nado-
đuje kao "srpski" rad, valja nam nagla-
siti bitne podudarnosti s građom što
prethodi najezdi, koju su po mom mi-
šljenju autori previdjeli i pri datiranju
se oslonili na manje pouzdane sličnosti
s predmetima kasnijeg datuma. Premda
su se mnogi stanovnici Kraljevine Bos-
ne smatrali Srbima, njihova materijalna
kultura iz razdoblja koje prethodi Tur-
cima ne pokazuje bliske srodnosti s pro-
izvodima nastalim u dijelovima Balka-
na nastanjenim pretežno srpskim sta-
novništvom.

79
 Zbrka koja je nastala pri atribu-
ciji stila posuda može se, dakle, dobrim
dijelom pripisati kombiniranju preširo-
ke upotrebe termina "srpski" i preras-
plinuta pojma "gotičkog". Prvi se ter-
min koristi pri određivanju kako pro-
izvoda iz Dubrovačke Republike (Ra-
dojković-Milovanović 1981; str. 41),
tako i iz srednjovjekovne bosanske dr-
žave, čija se pak umjetnička proizvod-
nja ponekad miješa sa srednjovjekov-
nom i kasnijom srpskom produkcijom
u pregledima umjetničke obrade metala
s izrazito srpskom orijentacijom (Ra-
dojković 1966a; str. 30-36) No moje
proučavanje ukazuje da se u umjetni-
čkoj obradi metala Srbije za kasna sred-
njovjekovlja poneki gotički element
miješa s bizantskim tradicionalizmom,
dok u djelima koja po mom mišljenju
obilježava bosanski stil bizantskog ele-
menta gotovo i nema (donekle slično
viđenje skicira Bojana Radojković u
svojoj publikaciji 1966a, str. 32, no ne
preuzima ga u kasnijim radovima, prem-
da ga izričito ne odbacuje).
Smatram da nekolicina autora u
zadnje vrijeme s previše pesimizma tvr-
di da se ovaj tip dekorativne obrade
metala iz stilističkih razloga uglavnom
ne može pripisati određenim centrima
izrade, jer kad nemaju natpisa tobože
pokazuju tek znake "internacionalne go-
tike". Nadam se da će nastavak ukazati
na neke razloge koji Ulijevaju veći op-
timizam.
Srednjovjekovna obrada metala
u Dubrovačkoj Republici već je detalj-
no razrađena iz gledišta koje se bitno
razlikuje od gore naznačena (Fisković
1949; str. 191-215), paje po mom mi-
šljenju moguće definirati pomoću pa-
80
ralela - bosanskih arhitekturainih relje-
fa i ukrasa na stećcima - umjetničku
obradu metala Kraljevine Bosne koja
se razlikuje od rada srpskog i dubro-
vačkog. U zanimljivoj studiji Muhame-
da Karamehmedovića o umjetničkoj ob-
radi metala u razdoblju koje slijedi Kra-
ljevinu Bosnu naglašava se njena po-
vezanost s nerasvijetljenom tradicijom
koja prethodi najezdi Turaka (Karameh-
medović 1980; str. 84-85), pa će daljnja
istraživanja možebiti postići jasniju sli-
ku cijelog jednog aspekta regionalnog
stvaralaštva u kraju koji je zasad zna-
menit tek po stećcima.
A sad možemo krenuti na analizu
samih umjetničkih predmeta.
Kosovski "print"
(medaljon)
Ranije sam ukazala (Wenzel
1982; str. 64) na neke pokazatelje po
koj imaj e u srednjovjekovnoj državi bo-
sanskoj vladar ponekad nagradio vjer-
nost plemića kakvim svojim vrijednim
predmetom, primjerice heraidičkim pr-
stenom i pravom da neke heraldičke
motive upotrijebi na porodičnoj grob-
nici. Dodala bih da su na taj način mo-
žebiti darivane srebrne posude; osobine
nekih zdjela o kojima će biti riječ uka-
zuju na tu mogućnost. Ako je ova pret-
postavka osnovana, pomoći će nam da
objasnimo nesumnjivu stilističku srod-
nost mnogih takvih posuda i nekih bo-
sanskih stećaka. Kako se na funkciji
ukrašenih srebrnih djela praktički zas-
niva čitav ovaj rad, najprije ću analizi-
rati jedan umjetnički predmet koji na
tu funkciju navodi i koji se s pravom
može pripisati razdoblju Tvrtka I
(1353-1391). Radi se o srebrnu meda-
ljonu promjera cca 5 cm koji je prona-
den na Kosovu. Njegov natpis okružuje
heraldički prikaz (sl. la) (Beograd, Mu-
zej primenjene umetnosti 4581; Ra-
dojković 1969; str. 228, T. 162). Bojana
Radojković tvrdi da se radi o medaljonu
sa zdjele ili s pojasne kopče, ne bi li
kasnije prihvatila ovu prvu pretpostav-
ku. Iznosi da se prikazana heraldika
podudara s grbom Balšića iz Zete i da-
tira ga u sredinu 15. stoljeća (ibid; str.
199, 228). Te su pretpostavke sporne.
SI. 1a: Kružni medaljon, gravirano srebro. Prom-
jer 50 mm. Beograd, Muzej primenjene umet-
nosti (4581), s Kosova.
Krenemo li od svrhe samog pred-
meta, valja reći da se prije radi o sre-
dišnjem dijelu nestale posude nego li
o dijelu pojasne kopče. Nije sačuvana
niti jedna pojasna kopča s Balkana iz
tog razdoblja s okruglim heraidičkim
medaljonom, a na temelju književnih
izvora koje B. Radojković citira zapra-
vo nije jasno jesu li postojale. No zato
od 14. stoljeća naovamo postoje zdjele
sa stilistički sličnim medaljonima. Na
engleskom se zovu "print", a u termi-
nologiji francuske srednjovjekovne ob-
rade metala odreduju se kao "bouion"
(Lightbown 1978; str. 21.). Štaviše:
natpis na medaljonu sadrži formulu ko-
ja poziva na užitak vezan uz obaveze,
a to je tipično za tekst na čašama, u što
ćemo se uvjeriti u nastavku teksta. B.
Radojković ne spominje natpis, niti
ukazuje zbog čega bi medaljon odgo-
varao pojasu.
Kao što se na slici vidi (sl. la),
perjanicu grba čini uspravljeni vuk uz-
dignutih šapa okrenut desno (suprotno
uobičajenu heraldičkom smjeru, na ka-
lupu pečata); ispod nje su šljem s velom
i štit s poprečnom trakom. S obzirom
na to da ni na jednoj sačuvanoj perjanici
Balšića s vukom nema prednjih šapa,
a na štitu se nalazijoš jedna vučja glava,
to je B. Radojković primorana da he-
raldiku ovog medaljona proglasi dosad
nepoznatom varijantom, ne bi li tako
uspostavila željenu vezu s Balšićima.
Smatram da je nedostatak ikakva po-
datka koji dokazuje da su Balšići kori-
stili štit s jednom jedinom poprečnom
trakom (Marić 1956; T. XX1, str. 19;
T. XXII, str. 1; Dimitrijević 1975; T.
Vl1, str. 19, 20) daleko indikativniji od
glavnog argumenta B. Radojković -
ograničena broja osnovnih motiva koji
se ponavljaju u cjelokupnoj evropskoj
heraldici kasnog srednjovjekovlja (Ra-
dojković 1966a; str. 34). Uzgred budi
rečeno, prikazujući kao još jednu vari-
jantu poznate nam heraldike Balšića per-
janicu s prstena u Muzeju primenjene
umetnosti u Beogradu (sl. lb), inv. br.
4949 (Radojković 1969; str. 199, sl.
113; Radojković, Milovanović 1981; str.
81
SI. lb: Prsten, lijevano zlato, cizeliran, graviran.
Visina 24 mm, širina 22 mm. Beograd, Muzej
primenjene umetnosti (4949), pronađen kraj Ja-
njeva.

18, br. 5), B. Radojković oslonila se

na još jednu krivu atribuciju, jer je (kao
što to u svojoj knjizi koja uskoro izlazi Sl. lc: Nadgrobni kamen, Zabrđe u oblasti Kre-
ševa, 1405-1420, zapadni dio. Duljina 240 cm,
iz tiska dokazujem) taj prsten prije bio širina 110 cm, visina 120 cm.
u vlasništvu jedne porodice iz središnje
Bosne - najvjerovatnije Pribinića, što što potvrđuje Dobrila Stojanović 1971;
potkrepljuje upotreba baš te petjanice str. 31) raniju pretpostavku da pojas
na njihovu stećku i (sl. lc). valja povezati s Brankom Mladenovi-
B. Radojković inače obrazlaže ćem, ocem Vuka Brankovića (Radoj-
pripisivanje tog medaljona Balšićima ković 1966a; str. 34), no zato će ustvr-
pozivajući se na poznati pojas iz Ermi-
taža u Lenjingradu (sl. ld) (Radojković
1969; str. 199; 1966a; str. 34, gdje
citira L. Pavlovića, "Prilog proučavanju
srpskog srednjovjekovnog dvorskog
veza, pojas sevastokrata Branka", u Ne-
ki spomenici kulture II, Smederevo
1963; str. 6, sl. 5) sa sličnim motivom
vuka kao perjanice izvezenim na ma-
terijalu i s imenom koje i ona i ostali
autori čitaju kao "Branko". B. Radojko- SI. ld: Izvezena pojasna traka; Lenjingrad,
vić odbacuje (nesumnjivo opravdano, Ermitaž; kupljena u Istanbulu.

i U nastojanju da odredi ko je "Radoje veliki knez bosanski", Ćiro Truhelka (1914; str. 236)
spominje mogućeg kandidata koji ne pripada Pribinićima (knez Radoje Dragosalić, umro cca 1405.
god.), pokopao gaje sin Radić (Radić Radojević, 1420) u Zabrđu kraj Kreševa (Vego IV, br. 251).
Ipak se većina kasnijih autora opredijelila za Radoja Radosalića Pribinića, 1392-1408 (Bešlagić
1967; str. 97; Anđelić 1980; str. 223), izuzev Gordane Tomović (1974; str. JOO), koja spominje
obje mogućnosti.

82
diti kako se on jedino može pripisati
Balšićima, uspostavivši ponovno netač­
nu paralelu između vuka prikazana na
pojasu i vučje glave bez šapa koja se
ponavlja na kovanicama Balšića. No
možda na pojasu ne piše "Branko" već
"Braiko" (na temelju fotografije u Sto-
janović 1971; str. 32, sl. 2); kad bi
birali kandidata za pojas, sigurno bi po- Sl. 2a: Odjevna kopča, srebro, gravure i rupice;
mislili na Brajka Pribinića 1353-1392 detalj. Split, riznica katedrale.
(Anđelić 1980; str. 223, br. 46, 47), o
uklapaju detalji obrade metala. Donek-
kojem će još biti riječi; varijantu "Bra-
le slični listovi nalaze se uz uspravne
iko" namjesto "Brajka" potvrđuje nat-
likove na kopči i jeziku pojasa od poz-
pis na stećku iz mjesta Svitava (Vego
laćena srebra i emaj la, s mnogobroj-
l, 1962; str. 48, br. 30) kraj Hutova u
nim pojasnim aplikacijama, kojije pro-
Hercegovini. No nije nam ovdje namje-
nađen pod velikim stećkom na groblju

,:·
ra da ustanovimo vlasnika pojasa iz Er-
Svetog Spasa kraj Cetine (sl. 2b) (Gu-
mitaža, već da razjasnimo kako se -
suprotno pretpostavkama B. Radojko-
vić - pojas ne može sa sigurnošću pri-
pisati Balšićima. Stoga joj on ne može
pomoći u nastojanju da kosovski me-
daljon poveže s tom porodicom.
Ako se autoričina interpretacija
raznih osobina kosovskog medaljona
l."
"
"(/
~\:

pokazala neprihvatljivom, valja ispitati

daju li nam neku uvjerljiviju natuknicu.
Čini mi se da ovaj medaljon nekim svo-
jim osobinama podsjeća na umjetničku
obradu metala u Dalmaciji i u zapadnoj
Bosni sredine 14. stoljeća. Širok, lepe-
zast list sa svake strane heraidičkog mo-
tiva pripada istom stilu kao i list s obje
strane nekoliko frontalnih poprsja na
ukrasnoj odjevnoj kopči koja se čuva
u riznici katedrale u Splitu (sl. 2a); i
ona je od gravirana srebra (Radojković
1966a, sl. 45). B. Radojković je smješta
na kraj 14. stoljeća, no s obzirom na Sl. 2b: Pojasne aplikacije; lijevano srebro, s
rupicama, gravirano, pozlaćeno. Širina 12 mm;
frizure i odjeću vjerovatno se radio o
duljine su različite. Split, Muzej hrvatskih arhe-
oko god. 1340 (Newton 1980; str. 3, oloških spomenika; iskopano kod Svetog Spasa
71, 79), razdoblju u koje se također u blizini Cetine.

83
njača 1955; str. 233, sl. 14). Dijelovi
sličnog pojasa pronađeni su u Staroj
Bili kraj Travnika (Kovačević-Kojić
1978; str. 307); možebiti je nastao u
nekoj radionici zapadne Bosne. Oba
pojasa mogu se približno datirati u god.
1330. na temelju detalja s odjeće likova.
Vratimo li se heraldici, perjanica
s vukom podignutih šapa i štit s jednom Sl. 2d: Prsten, lijevano srebro, gravirano.
poprečnom trakom bez sumnje pred- Promjer 23 mm. Sarajevo.
stavljaju značajne motive u bosanskoj
zanimljiv prsten s perjanicom vučjeg
srednjovjekovnoj heraldici. U ovom
lika (sl. 2d), pronađen u kraljevskoj
trenutku ne možemo sa sigurnošću tvr-
grobnici u Arnautovićima, pripisuje
diti da je jedna jedina osoba istodobno
Pribiniću koji je bio vazal Tvrtka I i
koristila oba motiva, no štit s jednom
pokopan je zajedno s gospodarom
poprečnom trakom koristio je ban Stje-
(Anđelić 1980; str. 223). Štit prstena
pan IIKotromanić 1314-1353 (sl. 2c),
ispunjen je velikom rozetom - pozna-
zatim Tvrtko za svog banovanja 1353-
-1377 (Anđelić 1970; str. 13-18, br. 4, tim štitnim motivom bana Stjepana II
Kotromanića (sl. 2e) (ibid; str. 242),
5, 6), te njegov sin kralj Stjepan Tvrtko
II Tvrtković god. 1405 (ibid; str. 41, koji je možebiti također pokopan u istoj
br. 17), dokje perjanicu s vučijim likom grobnici (mislim da je to moguće, prem-
koristila vlastelinska porodica Tarčin da je Anđelić ovu hipotezu nedavno
pokopana u Zabrđu, koju danas uvršta- odbacio) (ibid; str. 230-232). Sve nam
vamo među Pribiniće (sl. lc). Jedan se to govori daje perjanica s vukom mož-
da tek jedna od heraldičkih varijanti
Kotromanića, a ako to i nije tačno (što
se zbog nedostatka dokaza ne može
ustvrditi), čini se da je heraldika bosan-
skih vladara i vazala djelimice zajed-
nička (pogledaj: Wenzel 1982; str. 62-

SI. 2c: Pečat

bana Stjepana IIKotromanića,
tamnosmeđ vosak sa slojem crvenog voska na
pozadini. Promjer pečata 65 mm, promjer me- Sl. 2e: Kovanica bana Stjepana II Kotromanića.
daljona 50 mm. Dubrovnik, Arhiv. po Anđeliću.

84
-68). Podaci sa stećaka potvrđuju da je
tako uistinu bilo u kasnijem razdoblju,
jer nije moguće da se ispod svakog steć­
ka sa štitom Kosača na kojem je dvos-
truka traka nalazi neko iz te porodice
(Wenzel 1965; T. LX, str. 12-25, T. Xc,
str. 10, 15).
Ako se - čini se opravdano -
heraldika predmeta koji ćemo na teme-
lju prethodnih podataka nazvati meda-
ljonom zdjele s Kosova može povezati
s bosanskim plemstvom za banovanja
Tvrtka I, ukazuje se pretpostavka da je
zdjelu, na kojoj je nekad bio pričvršćen,
Tvrtko poklonio jednom svom sljedbe-
niku, ne bi li tako zadobio ili nagradio
njegovu vojničku službu. Tu moguć­
nost potkrepljuje i sam ćirilički natpis:
~NI'~1"xtgCeI\HTICICHBfNHa6t1l\~
KCH"A~B'VI
koji se može ovako prevesti:
Gospodine, svaki ko se veseliti
želi valja zemlju da branilbr(a)niti.
Jesi čovjek?
Kraj natpisa (sl. la) odvojen je
od početka nekakvim kriptogramom
koji sadrži četiri verzije slova T - dvije
s prave strane i dvije okrenute naopač­
ke, tako da jedan par stoji iznad drugog
u obrnutom redoslijedu. Desni par služi
kao križ kojim po uvriježenom običaju
natpis započinje, dok gornje lijevo T
predstavlja potpis-monogram kojim nat-
pis završava. Pouzdano se zna da je
slovo T kralj Tvrtko II koristio kao mo-
nogram (Anđelić 1970; str. 43-46, br.
19-21), no ranije sam već spomenUla
mogućnost da ga je u doba svog bano-
vanja koristio i Tvrtko I (Wenzel 1982,
str. 71, 72). Na kraju valja istaknuti da
oblik slova na natpisu podsjeća na slova
iz bosanskih crkvenih rukopisa 14. sto-
ljeća; posebice Z, K i H naliče na slova
iz Divoškog evanđelja iz oko 1330 (Đor­
đić 1971, sl. 187).
Rezimiramo li na kraju ono što
je dosad rečeno, smatram da pretpo-
stavke Bojane Radojković glede dati-
ranja, porijekla i svrhe ovog predmeta
valja odbaciti. Najvjerovatnije se radi
o dijelu zdjele izrađene za nekog bo-
sanskog vlastelina sredinom 14. stolje-
ća. Nadalje, nadaje nam se da se nada-
sve zanimljiva mogućnost da je posuda
poklonjena, odnosno dobivena na dar
u kontekstu vazalskog odnosa.
Sankova posuda
Pozabavimo se sad jednom zna-
čajnom srebrnom posudom, o čijem da-
tiranju i porijeklu nema dvojbi; to je
zdjela od pozlaćena srebra, promjera
17,6 cm, s tucanim i urezanim ukrasima
(sl. 3a, b, 5a), iz zbirke Cloisters mu-
zeja Metropolitan u New Yorku, inv.
br. 47-102-44 (Rorimer 1948; str. 248-
-249). U potpunosti možemo prihvatiti
argumente zbog kojih Bojana Radojko-
vić (Radojković 1966b; str. 53-60) tu
posudu povezuje s istaknutim dvorja-
ninom bana Tvrtka, Kaznacem Sankom
Miltenovićem, čije se ime po prvi put
spominje god. 1335, a umro je u raz-
doblju od srpnja/jula god. 1370. i srp-
nja/jula god. 1372 (Mijušković 1961;
str. 22-30). Potkrepljuje ih i jedno "d"
s natpisa (A), koje je upravo ne-
vjerovatno slično jednom slovu (~)
koje se koristilo kako u ćiriličkom tako
u glagoljičkom pismu za neslavenski
glas "th"; u grčkom je to slovo (.aw).
85
Sličan se oblik slova koristi za "d" na
nadgrobnom natpisu kneza Vladislava
Nikolića (umro nakon god. 1367), su-
vremenika i jednog od prvih susjeda
Sanka Miltenovića, pokopana na poro-
dičnom posjedu u Vranjem Selu kraj
Stona (Benac 1953; str. 68-69; Vego
1960-61; str. 268-270; Vego 1 1962;
str. 42, br. 24). Ova dva slučaja odstu-
panja od standardne ćirilice, geografski

SI. 3: Sankova posuda iz dva različita kuta. Srebro, tucano, gravirano. Promjer 17,6 cm. New York,
Muzej Metropolitall, zbirka Cloisters, 1947 (47.101.42). Muzejska.fotograjija.

86
i vremenski bliska, očigledno ukazuju
na postojanje lokalne i vjerovatno krat-
kovijeke varijante pisma koja je utje-
cala na oba teksta, a ta pretpostavka
samo podupire prethodnu tezu da je
prvi vlasnik posude iz Metropolitana
bio Sanko Miltenović iz Huma koji je
živio u vrijeme prelaska tog kraja iz
srpskog u bosansko vlasništvo.
Zanimljivo je usporediti natpis
na Sankovoj posudi (Radojković 1966b;
str. 53, sl. 3-7) s već analiziranim nat-
pisom na medaljonu s Kosova, premda
je ovaj prvi dulji i glasi:
+CbMf r4 "i1~'f.H.dT r Oh')\' ICH;tYiUH
CH1f"~OIAI~Ta"'f' l'IO HnH&·J(" .."fr.·
OO lJ B. D B1H No NEPI III K"A H6YSrH1tb
Nakon prizivanja svetog trojstva
slijedi navođenje vlasnika čaše ("sija
čaša Sinakova") i izražavanja nade da
će svakog ko iz nje pije Bog razveseliti,
ali na siromahe ne smije zaboraviti. Još
jednom se ponavlja formula dosizanja
željena blagostanja povezana s izvrša-
vanjem dužnosti; u ovom se slučaju
možebiti radi o davanju milostinje. Na
zdjeli je očigledno nekad bio zaseban
središnji medaljon ili plaketa koja nije
sačuvana, a bila bi nam od velike po-
moći u rasvjetljavanju bosanske heral-
dike.
Pa ako nam u tome Sankova po-
suda ne pomaže, očigledno je itekako
dragocjena za određivanje kriterija bo-
sanskog stila u kasnom srednjovjekov-
lju, jer se pouzdano znade da je nastala
u Bosni, i to relativno rano. Nastojat
ću ukazati da čitav niz zdjela koje se
ne smatraju bosanskim i pripisuju se
daleko kasnijim razdobljima više liči
Sankovoj posudi no kasnijoj građi koja
je korištena pri određivanju prihvaće-
nih datacija. Naravno, često se čuje da
je obrada ukrasnih metalnih predmeta
tog kraja konzervativna i tradicionalna
te su mnogi naizgled srednjovjekovni
predmeti zapravo nastali u mnogo ka-
snijim razdobljima (po nekima, "mora
da su nastali" mnogo kasnije). Čini mi
se da je tačno suprotno - da su mnogi
takvi predmeti najvjerovatnije upravo
toliko stari kako otprve djeluju, i to iz
dva razloga: zato što se detalji odjeće
i heraldike podudaraju s ranijim raz-
dobljem u mjeri upravo nezamislivoj
kod predmeta nastalih kasnije, u okvi-
rima duge tradicije koja potječe čak iz
14. stoljeća; zato što se elementi za
koje se tvrdilo da nisu karakteristični
za ranije razdoblje, pa su tako korišteni
kao kriterij isključivanja predmeta za
rano datiranje, zapravo mogu vidjeti na
predmetima koji nesumnjivo potiču iz
ranijeg razdoblja. Osnovana je, dakle,
nada da je moguće ustanoviti određena
stilska mjerila radova iz Bosne iz vre-
mena kad ona, kako nam arhivski po-
daci kazuju (Han 1972; str. 163, 164),
i sama postaje kulturna sila, za razliku
od Srbije, koja se otprilike u to vrijeme
pretvara u otomanskog vazala.
Sad se možemo posvetiti detalj-
noj analizi Sankove posude. Svakog ko
je upućen u srednjovjekovnu obradu
metala u Evropi najviše će iznenaditi
što djeluje poput rustikaine verzije
zdjela francuske tradicije. Možda ju je
stoga James Rorimer, negdašnji direk-
tor Muzeja Metropolitan, unatoč oči­
glednu ćiriličkom natpisu, prvotno pro-
glasio švicarskim radom iz 14. stoljeća
(Rorimer 1948; str. 249). Tip francuske
zdjele kojoj naliči izrađivanje u prvoj,
a ne u drugoj polovici 14. stoljeća, kad
87
naš Sanko bijaše u najboljim godinama.
Naj tipičnij a je osobina francuskih svje-
tovnih zdjela iz tog ranijeg razdoblja
pomalo geometrijska kompozicija koja
okružuje listove loze u središnjem di-
jelu, koji pak okružuju zasebno izrađe­
ne aplicirane emajlirane pločice. Povi-
jesni se podaci o tom tipu zdjele ko-
rištene u Francuskoj mogu naći u izvr-
snoj knjizi Ronalda Lightbowna
(1978).
Razumijevanju hronologije svje-
tovne obrade metala u Francuskoj tije-
kom 14. stoljeća dobrano potpomaže SI. 4a: Zdjela (hanap) iz ruanske riznice. Srebro,
skupina predmeta pronađenih za ruše- tucano, gravirano, djelomice pozlaćeno. Mont-
nja jedne stare kuće u Ruanu (Rouan), pellier, 14. stoljeće (prije god. 1355). Promjer
18,4 cm, visina 4 cm. London, Muzej Viktorije
poznatih pod imenom riznica iz Ruana i Alberta (l06-1865).
ili Gaillonova riznica. Pronađeni nov-
čići potječu iz vremena Philippea VI,
nakon god. 1370. čini se da izlaze iz
francuskog kralja u razdoblju 1328- upotrebe, što se podudara s pojavom
-1350. Među nađenim predmetima na- nove stilističke cjeline u francuskoj
lazi se niz srebrnih i djelomice pozla- obradi metala oko god. 1350. koja po-
ćenih zdjela tipa hanap sa središnjim
lagano istiskuje dekorativni stil odre-
emajliranim medaljonom; to su široke,
đen ovom terminologijom (ibid; str. 77).
plitke posude za piće. Za ovu je skupinu
N a Sankovoj se posudi nalaze
tipična posuda sa žigom Montpelliera
ukrasi tipa nervures. Poput mnogih
koja se nalazi u Muzeju Viktorija i Al-
berta, br. 106-1865 (sl. 4a); izgledom zdjela iz Rouena, i na njoj širok i jed-
se podudara s opisima iz francuskih nostavan geometrijski oblik zauzima
izvora koji potječu iz prve polovice 14. velik dio središnjeg dijela površine iz-
među centralnog elementa i obično ne-
stoljeća i usput nas upućuju u termino-
logiju koja se koristila za elemente tog ukrašene trake na unutrašnjoj strani ivi-
dekorativnog stila. Medaljon na toj ce. Kao ilustracija poslužit će nam us-
zdjeli okružen je urezanim ukrasima poredba Sankove posude sa zdjelom iz
stapki iz kojih izrastaju listovi; te se Montpelliera ruanske riznice koja se
stapke u izvorima nazivaju nervures nalazi u lenjingradskom Ermitažu (sl.
(ibid; str. 76, T. VIb). Na popularnoj 4b) (ibid; T. IXb). Geometrijski su obli-
varijanti tog ukrasa nalaze se listovi ci istaknuti kontrastiranjem neukraše-
loze (ibid; str. 77; T. l, Vla,b), i na- nih dijelova srebra s fino izrađenim uk-
značeni su kao "vignete" ili "a vignets" . rašenim dijelovima na kojima su tucani
Ti se termini u francuskim izvorima elementi okruženi gusto istucanim ma-
počinju koristiti početkom 14. stoljeća; tirajućim kružićima. Na isti se način

88
SI. 4b: Zdjela (hanap) iz ruanske riznice. Srebro,
tucano, gravirano, djelomično pozlaćeno. Mon-
tpellier, 14. stoljeće (prije god. 1355). Promjer
20,5 cm. Lenjingrad, Ermitaž (zbirka Basilew-
sky).
neukra šena slova natpisa s unutrašnje
strane ističu u odnosu na teksturu pod-
loge sačinjene od vijugavih i udubljenih
linija (sl. 3a).
Skupine izdignutih krugova kak-
ve nalazimo na Sankovoj posudi uoča­
vaju se na jednoj drugoj posudi iz ru-
anske riznice u Muzeju Viktorije i Al-
berta 107-1865 (sl. 4c) (Lightbown
1978, T. l, VIa).
Premda na Sankovoj posudi ima
i elemenata koji nisu francuske prove-
nijencije (u nastavku ćemo ih proučiti),
te dokazuju da je posuda najvjerovat-
nije izrađena u sjeverozapadnom dijelu
bosanske države, u Sankovoj djedovini,
valja pridodati da povijesni događaji u
tom kraju s početka 14. stoljeća objaš-
njavaju njen demodiran osnovni oblik
koji se uporno ponavlja kod mnogih
drugih predmeta nastalih po mom miš-
ljenju u Bosni, a datiraju od tog vre-
mena pa sve do kraja 15. stoljeća. God.
SI. 4c: Zdjela (hanap) iz ruanske riznice. Srebro,
tucano, gravirano, djelomično pozlaćeno. Od
1300-1350. Promjer 20,9 cm, visina 5 cm.
1326. bosanski ban Stjepan II Kotro-
manić kreće u vojni pohod na srpski
Hum, kraj u kojem Sankova porodica
ima zemljoposjed. Stjepanje svoje dje-
lovanje usredotočio oko Stona, predjela
kojim upravljaju Nikolići, već spome-
nuti Sankovi susjedi, u srodstvu s ba-
nom putem ženidbene veze. U doba
prvog pokušaja Bosne da pridobije za-
padnu Srbiju, Stjepan je vazal mađar­
skog kralja Karla Roberta (1308-1342)
dinastije Anžuvinaca iz Napulja, s ko-
jimje u vrlo dobrim odnosima. Na dvo-
ru Karla Roberta zdjele hanap ukrašene
s emajliranim medaljonom inervures
najvjerovatnije bijahu pravi modni hit
u umjetničkoj obradi metala; njegovoj
kraljici, Elizabeth Piast, nesumnjivo je
u obradi metala najdraži bio francuski
stil, sudimo li po fino izrađenom me-
talnom i emajliranom sklopivom oltaru
ili po kućnom oltaru izrađenom za
osobnu upotrebu koji se nalazi u Mu-
zeju Metropolitan u New Yorku (Fre-
eman, M: "A Shrine for a Queen" -
89
"Oltar za kraljicu", u The Metropolitan
Museum of Art Bulletin 6, 1963; str.
327-339).2
Vratimo li se sad na osnovne raz-
like između Sankove posude i francus-
kih primjeraka i pokušamo li ih uspo-
rediti s lokalnom produkcijom, uočit
ćemo tri stvari. Prvo: umjesto neukra- Sl. Sa: Sankova posuda, detalj ivice.
šene trake srebra s unutarnje strane ruba
karakteristične za francuske posude,
mamlučko razdoblje: Ati! 1981; str.
Sankova posuda ima valovito izdvojen 192, br. 98). Nažalost, ne možemo pro-
neukrašeni dio nastao proširivanjem
vjeriti odražava li korištenje te zamisli
ivične trake prema dolje u obliku 18
na grnčariji u razdoblju Fatimida njenu
povezanih poluelipsi (sl. 3). Drugo: na
primjenu u umjetničkoj obradi metala
tri polukružna dijela omeđena trokutom
iz istog razdoblja, jer niti jedan takav
koji leži na trolistu unutar bazično g ge-
predmet nije sačuvan.
ometrijskog uzorka prikazane su tri kri-
Premda mi nije poznata niti jed-
late zvijeri: grifon, zmaj i šćućurena
na francuska zdjela s likovima sličnim
groteska s ljudskom glavom; iz njiho-
vih tijela izrastaju krugovi na stapkama zmaju ili groteski na Sanko voj posudi,
izrade identične listovima na nekim uk- takvi su prikazi rasprostranjeni u cijeloj
rasima tipa nervures (sl. Sa). Treće: oči­
gledno se izbjegavaju široki,jednolični
dijelovi geometrijske izvedbe bez ikak-
vih ukrasa; prekriveni su naširoko po-
razbacanim kružićima.
Zamisao o nizu povezanih polu-
elilpsi na rubu ponavlja se na stanovit
način kod mnogih zdjela za koje kasnije
iz drugih razloga tvrdim da su nastale
u Bosni. Možebiti se radi o ideji kakva
lokalnog majstora, no valja spomenuti
mogućnost da taj ukras potječe iz Egip-
ta, gdje se dugo koristio u islamskoj
Sl. Sb: Posuda, keramika, sjajni ukrasi na bijeloj
gmčariji (sl. Sb) (11-12. stoljeće, raz-
mat pozadini; Egipat, razdoblje Fatimida, ll.
doblje Fatimida: Arts ofIslam: str. 222, stoljeće. Promjer 27,5 cm. Kairo, Muzej islam-
br. 276, str. 390, br. 657; 15. stoljeće, ske umjetnosti (13478).

2 Za ovaj je predmet uvriježeno mišljenje da je izrađen u nekoj pariškoj radionici; no Laszlo

Gerevich smatra da je, unatoč izrazito francuskim osobinama, mogao nastati i u Mađarskoj, po uzoru
na vrlo popularan francuski stil; u svakom slučaju, utvrđena je sklonost tom stilu na dvoru Karla
Roberta (Gerevich 1971; str. 61, 62).

90
Evropi u 13. i 14. stoljeću, a zmajeve
smo već ranije zamijetili na aplikaci-
jama pojasa iz Svetog Spasa kraj Ce-
tine; na njemu se nalazi i groteska (sl.
2b) (Gunjača 1955; str. 233, sl. 14).
Zanimljiviji su kružići na stapkama ko-
je izrastaju iz tijela svih triju likova
Sankove posude; nigdje drugdje ne mo-
že se ustanoviti identična osobina (sl.
3b, Sa). No zato se kružići na stapkama
koji predstavljaju lišće nalaze na dal-
matinskim dekorativnim predmetima
od metala iz 14. stoljeća, gdje služe
kao rubni ukras. Ivica relikvijara sv.
Krševana u zadarskoj katedrali (sl. Sc),
koji potječe iz prve polovice 14. sto-
ljeća, sačinjena je od takvih kružića.
Zanimljivo je da su mjesta na kojima
stapke izrastaju iz glavne grane nazna-
čena naturalističkim oznakama rasta:
dvjema kosim crticama na grani. Ista
je oznaka upotrijebljena na nervures
Sankove zdjele (Krleža, Grgić, Grčević
1972; str. 59, 62, 162-166), a nema je
ni na jednoj francuskoj zdjeli s nervu-
res. Otud slijedi da kružići na stapkama
koje izviru iz spodoba Sankove zdjele
možda naprosto predstavljaju lišće, a
lišće što izrasta iz zmajeva i groteski
često se pojavljuje u primijenjenoj
Sl. 5c: Relikvijar sv. Krševana, detalj. Drvo prek-
riveno aplikacijama od pozlaćena srebra, emaj-
la. Zadar, prva polovica 14. stoljeća. Dimenzije
28x17x17cm.
umjetnosti gotike (npr. pojas iz Cetine
- sl. 2b).
Široko razbacane kružiće na di-
jelovima apstraktne izvedbe koje smo
zamijetili na Sankovoj zdjeli često su
koristili majstori koji su izrađivali pra-
voslavne crkvene predmete u srpskoj
zapadnoj sferi prije nastanka Kraljevi-
ne Bosne. Sačuvan primjerak te vrste
je probušena metalna ploča s nekog vi-
šedijelnog ranosrednjovjekovnog pred-
meta (možda svjetiljke za ikonu) pro-
nađena u Grahovu - danas u Crnoj Gori,
no nekad u sklopu Hercegovine (sl. 5d)
(Parović-Pešikan 1980; str. 58, br. 118,
T. XXIIb). Razbacane se tačke također
nalaze na inicijalima Miroslavljeva
evanđelja (sl. Se) iz Narodnog muzeja
u Beogradu, inv. br. 1536, f. 98r (Ra-
dojčić 1950).
Rezimirajmo iznesene podatke o
Sankovoj posudi: ona stapa neke ključ­
ne elemente koji odražavaju strukturu
francuskog hanapa iz 1. polovice 14.
stoljeća s detaljima koji nisu svojstveni
francuskim zdjelama i možebiti proiz-
laze iz lokalne tradicije.
Sl. 5d: Plaketa, izbušena bronza, slučajni nalaz
iz Grahova u Crnoj Gori.
91

SI. Se: Inicijal. boja na pergameni. Miroslavlje-
vo evanđelje. Hercegovina, kraj 12. stoljeća.
Beograd. Narodni muzej (1536),/ 98r.
Zdjela iz Stobija i
Gogo~i- Mehedintija
Slijedeće dvije zdjele obrađuje­
mo zajedno jer su slične po veličini,
obliku i izvedbi. Obje su od pozlaćena
srebra, ovalna oblika, veličine 18 x 10 cm.
Od ukrasa pojavljuju se nervures i dru-
SI. 6: Posuda, pozlaćeno srebro, pronađena u krstioni u Stobiju. bočna strana. Tucano, gravirano.
Dimenzije od ruba do ruba 18.6 x 10.2 cm. Beograd. Narodni muzej (323).
92
ge dekoracije koje pripadaju tradiciji
francuskog hanapa, no posjeduju i oso-
bine karakteristične za Sankovu posudu
koje ne nalazimo kod tipa zdjele ruan-
ske riznice. Ranije je spomenuto da je
do takvih stilističkih stapanja možda
dolazilo u vrijeme Tvrtka 1(1353-1391);
takvo se datiranje ovih dviju zdjela mo-
že potkrijepiti proučavanjem srodne
dekorativne građe sa stećaka utvrđenog
datuma nastanka. Jedna od dvije zdjele
pronađena je u Stobiju u Makedoniji
(sl. 6, 7a) s većim brojem kovanica iz
14. stoljeća; najviše je bilo novčića naj-
kasnijeg datuma, iz razdoblja kralja
Vukašina (1366-1371). Druga (sl. 7e)
je pronađena u Gogo;;i-Mehedintiju
kraj mjesta Curtea de Arges, u Rumunj-
skoj (Theodoreseu 1974; str. 332-333.
sl. 45a, b). U toj su posudi pronađene
232 kovanice kralja Stracimira iz Vi-
dina (vladao u razdoblju od god. 1360.
do god. 1396), čija se kćer Doroteja
god. 1374. udala za Tvrtka I (Ćirković
1964; str. 138).
Vjerovatno je zdjela iz Gogo~i­
-Mehedintija ukopana kad je Stracimi-
rovo malo kraljevstvo između Bugar-
ske i Rumunjske god. 1396. palo u ruke
Sl. 7a: Posuda iz Stobija,pozlaćeno srebro, tucano, gravirano, srebrni središnji medaljon s tragovima
plavog i smeđeg emajla. Dimenzije od ruba do ruba 18,6 x JO,2 cm. Promjer medaljona 2,9 cm.
Beograd, Narodni muzej (323).

Turaka; u literaturi se za datum izrade
zdjele uzima vrijeme nastanka kovani-
ca koje su s njom pronadene. 3 No zdjelu
iz Stobija nekoliko stručnjaka datira bit-
no kasnije. U katalogu za izložbu "Re-
mek-djela srpskog zlatarstva od 13-18.
stoljeća" (Masterpieces of Serbian
Goldsmiths' Work), koju je u London
poslao Muzej primenjene umetnosti iz
Beograda god. 1981, Dušan Milovano-
vić smješta zdjelu iz Stobija u oko 1490.
god (Radojković-Milovanović 1981;
str. 31, kat. 39). U tome se slaže s
Bojanom Radojković (1977; str. 89, sl.
67) koja prihvaća da je zdjela nastala
u Bosni ili u Hercegovini, no negdje
oko tog kasnog datuma, tj. nakon pada
Kraljevine Bosne. Niti jedna od tih dvi-
ju publikacija ne spominje očiglednu
sličnost sa zdjelom i Gogo~i-Mehedin­
tija, premda je na nju ukazala Verena
Han (1964; str. 113), a možda čak i B.
Radojković u svojoj ranijoj publikaciji
iz god. 1962, gdje u kontekstu prouča­
vanja zdjele iz Stobija, koju je tada da-
tirala u oko 1380. godinu, spominje
zdjelu "pronađenu u Rumunjskoj". Ta-
da joj se činilo da je zdjele iz Rumunjske
i iz Stobija izradio isti majstor (Radoj-
ković 1962; str. 38).
Učinimo si sad medvjedu uslugu
pa istaknimo najčvršći argument za da-
tiranje zdjele iz Stobija u drugu polovicu
15. stoljeća, kojim se B. Radojković i
D. Milovanović uopće nisu poslužili:
središnji medaljon, na kojem se nalaze
tragovi plavog i smeđeg emajia (za raz-
liku od Radojković-Milovanović 1981;
str. 31, gdje se kao dodatni materijal
navodi nijelo), predstavlja poprsje u
profilu (sl. 7b) (Han 1960-61; str. 53,
54, sl. 5), a takva poprsja u profilu pos-

3 Barcacila, "Tezaurul medieval dela Gogo~i-Mehedinti ", u Cronica numismatica si arheologica

XIV, br. 113-114, Bukurrešt 1939: 126-127, 132, T. XI.

93
 SI. 7c: Dva sedla od izrezbarene kosti. detalji.
Prva polovica 15. stoljeća. Budapest. Magyar
SI. 7b: Posuda iz Stobija, poprsje s medaljona. Nemzeti Muzeum (55.3118. 55.3119).
detalj.

taju popularna tek sredinom 15. stoljeća slikovnih prikaza iz tog razdoblja. Slike
(Jones 1979; str. 7, 28). No pažljiva s kraja dvadesetih i iz tridesetih godina
analiza detalja okovratnika i germanske 15. stoljeća obično prikazuju visok unu-
frizure portretiranog lika, u svjetlu sve- trašnji okovratnik koji se nadovezivao
ga što nam je poznato o modi odjeće i na taj vratni izrez, a namjesto mekanih
frizure unutar datog razdoblja navodi prilično krute nabore (Geoffrey Squire,
na zaključak da medaljon potječe iz Sothebys, London, na temelju među­
oko 1420. godine. I u Mađarskoj i u sobnih razgovora). To znači da podaci
Njemačkoj za kasnijeg dijela vladavine s medaljona ukazuju na malo do 1420.
kralja Žigmunda (vladao u razdoblju godine kao datum nastanka zdjele iz
1387-1437) u modi je bila duga muška
frizura, premda se u Italiji u to vrijeme
nosila kratka kosa. Frizure slične ovoj
s medaljona iz Stobija mogu se vidjeti
na tri sedla od bjelokosti koja se nalaze
u Budimpešti i najvjerovatnije su izra-
đena za Žigmundov "Red zmajeva", os-
novan god. 1408 (sl. 7e) (Gerevich 1971;
str. 96, T. LXXXII, LXXXIII, sl. 213,
214). Barem do god. 1425. muškarci s
takvom frizurom nosili su širok kaput
rasprostranjen diljem Evrope (sl. 7d)
(po Kauffmannu 1970; str. 77). Taj tip
kaputa padao je u laganim naborima
od krznenog ili presavijenog ruba na SI. 7d: Marzal de Sas. saksonski slikar koji je
vratno m izrezu, što se vidi i na medalj o- djelovao u Valenciji cca 1400. god. Oltarska
slika sv. Đorđa iz Valencije. detalj; smaknuće
nu iz Stobija koji pripada stilu iz razdob- čarobnjaka. Valencija. cca 1410-1420. London.
lja 1410-1420 prepoznatljivu na temelju Muzej Viktorije i Alberta (1217-1864).

94
Stobija, a moje je mišljenje da medaljon
predstavlja preteču mode portretnih po-
prsja iz sredine 15. stoljeća. 4
Premda se i na zdjeli iz Gogo~i­
-Mehedintija nalazi poprsje (naopako
na sl. 7e), očigledno se ne radi o portretu
i nije nam od pomoći pri datiranju pred-
meta, za kojije možda najbolje zadržati
postojeću dataciju (kasno 14. stoljeće).
Zdjele iz Stobija i Gogo~i-Me­
hedintija nisu koncipirane kao pravilne
elipse: rubovi im se sastoje od dvanaest
dosta plitkih, neukrašenih polukružnih
ispupčenja, pa se stoga čini da se bogato
ukrašen unutrašnji dio uvlači u vrškove
polukružnog niza; u oba se slučaja
okosnica unutrašnje dekoracije u tom
polju sastoji od dviju spljoštenih kon-
centričnih elipsi (stranice su im više-
-manje paralelne a krajevi polukružni),
a na oba se kraja nalaze kružnice koje
vanjskom stranom dotiču unutrašnju i
prekidaju vanjsku elipsu. U oba je slu-
čaja elipsa omeđena izdignutim ukra-
som u obliku zrnaca, koji se može vid-
jeti i na ivicama koncentričnih krugova
francuskih zdjela s početka 14. stoljeća
(sl. 4). Vanjske elipse prelaze u nervu-
res; na zdjeli iz Gogo~ija iz elipse se
prema vani šire stabljike i njima ome-
đeni listovi; na istoj se zdjeli i na unu-
trašnjoj elipsi uočavaju nervures, koje
predstavljaju osnovni ukras kružnih di-
jelova.
Premda su ove dvije zdjele u
mnogo čemu nalik, a osnovni im je
oblik identičan, postoje velike razlike
u ukrašavanju različitih dijelova. Tu se
zdjela iz Stobija više priklanja Sanko-
voj posudi i spomenutim francuskim
primjercima, jer sadrži okrugli emajli-
rani medaljon i primjenjuje konvenciju
nervures ispunjavanjem središnje elip-
se s dva velika lista što izniču iz kruga
oko medaljona; prostor između unu-
trašnje i vanjske izdignute elipse ispu-

SI. 7e: Posuda iz Gogmji-Mehedintija. pozlaćeno srebro. tucano. gravirano. Dimenzije od ruba do
ruba 19.3 x 11.3 cm. Bucure~ti. Muzeul de istorie al Republicii Socialiste Romania din Bucuresti.

4 Ovdje bi trebalo spomenuti dubrovačku kovanicu iz god. 1350. s poprsjem u profilu, očiglednoj
imitaciji nekog klasičnog modela (Jones 1979; str. 7. sl. 4a).

95
njen je skupinama kružića sličnim oni-
ma s francuskih posuda. U kružnicama
s obje strane središnje elipse prikazana
je zvijer u heraldičkoj pozi. Na zdjeli
iz Gogo~i-Mehedintija slični su ele-
menti drugačije raspoređeni. Na njoj se
kružići iz kojih izniču listovi u konven-
ciji nervures nalaze unutar većih kruž-
nica sa svake strane središnje elipse, u
kojoj se također nalaze skupine sitnih
kružića. Na toj zdjeli zvijeri se nalaze
u središnjem prostoru: dvije su to gro-
teskne nemani bez ikakva heraidičkog
značenja okrenute jedna prema drugoj
i ispunjavaju cijelo područje manje elip-
se. Na zdjeli nema nikakva emajlirana
medaljona. Ta dva različita pristupa is-
punjavanja osnovnog oblika najvjero-
vatnije ne odražavaju dva različita raz-
doblja ili dva različita mjesta izrade; u
jednom slučaju imamo zdjelu koja nosi
naznake određenog vlasnika (portret i
eventualni elementi njegove heraldi-
ke), u drugom pak zdjelu pri čijoj je
izradi data veća sloboda osobi koja ju
je iskovala ili zamislila. Smatram da
su obje zdjele nastale u istom kraju i
razdoblju. Na temelju već iznesenih po-
dataka proizilazi da su obje nastale u
razdoblju oko 1380-1420. god; valja
nam sada odrediti i mjesta njihova nas-
tanka.
Već smo spomenuli pretpostav-
ku Bojane Radojković da je zdjela iz
Stobija nastala u Bosni - doduše, nešto
kasnije, jer autorica smatra da su neki
njeni ukrasi karakteristični za kotorsku
izradu umjetničkih predmeta od metala
druge polovice 14. stoljeća (Radojković
1979; str. 89) (o tome će još biti govora
kasnije). Na osnovu još dviju osobina
koje ćemo izložiti nameće se pretpo-
stavka da su dvije zdjele nastale u Bos-
96
ni: to su ovalni oblik i reljefui rub, koji
se također mogu vidjeti na dva zanim-
ljiva stećka u Turmentimajužno od Tre-
binja, u Hercegovini (sl. 8), te (okrenut
u obrnutom smjeru) na glavama mno-
gih bosanskih prstenova iz srednjeg vi-
jeka (sl. 7f, g). A crtež s elipsom ome-
đenom kružnicama s obje strane pojav-
ljuje se u sirijsko-egipatskoj mamluč­
koj umjetnosti, na čiji sam utjecaj na
Bosnu u razdoblju koje prethodi turskoj
najezdi ukazala ranije (Wenzel 1982;
str. 57, 58).
Krenemo li od zadnje osobine
koja je navedena, može se slobodno
reći da je kao okosnica crteža elipsa
(ili pravokutnik zaobljenih kutova) vrlo
česta na mamlučkim proizvodima kas-
nijeg srednjovjekovlja; uočava se na
egipatskim tepisima iz 15. stoljeća (sta-
riji primjerci nisu sačuvani), a u Egiptu
se može pronaći u dekoracijama
kur'ana iz kasnog 14. stoljeća (Ati!
1981; str. 40, br. 6) i metalnim inkrus-
tracijama (London, Muzej Viktorije i
Alberta 569-1897). Utjecaj te mamluč­
ke umjetnosti bio je široko rasprostra-
njen i naročito se jasno zapaža u vene-
cijanskoj umjetnosti tog razdoblja (vje-
rovatno zbog trgovačkih veza Venecije
sa sjevernom Afrikom), te u umjetnosti
cijele sjeverne Italije. Mamlučki se ut-
jecaj osjetio i u Bosni, no na drugačiji
način. Ranije sam iznijela pretpostavku
(J 982; str. 58) da dotad neobjašenjena
riječ "možul" koja se spominje na po-
pisu inventara porodice Sandalj a Hra-
nića Kosače s početka 15. stoljeća, po-
hranjena u Dubrovniku, potječe od ime-
na Mosul, središta izrade metalnih in-
krustacija u 13. stoljeću, i odnosi se na
mamlučke inkrustacije tipa koji često
sadrži motiv elipse između kružnica.
Konkretna posljedica utjecaja mamluč­
kog ukrašavanja na bosanski ukras jest
karakterističan motiv na prstenju iz 14.
stoljeća: zaobljeno zadebljanje sa straž-
nje strane obruča (mamlučka osobina)
aplicirano je na osobitom bosanskom
tipu prstena rasprostranjena na područ­
ju od Sarajeva pa sve do Trebinja; spe-
cijalni oblik osnovne ovalne glave mo-
difikovan je valovitom polukružnom
ivicom (sl. 7f, g). Primjerak poznate
nam provenijencije, iz Gornjih Turana
kraj Trebinja, danas se nalazi u Zavi-
čajnom muzeju u Trebinju (Wenzel
1982; str. 47, 48, sl. la-e).
Sl. 7f: Prsten iz Sarajeva, lijevano srebro, gra-
virano. Visina 22 mm, širina 23 mm. Glava
17 x 12 mm. Iz autoričine zbirke.
Prstenje iz Bosne zanimljivo
nam je i zbog mnogih estetičkih slič­
nosti sa zdjelama (sl. 7a, e). Glave pr-
stenja se uvlače u niz vršaka uobličenih
djejstvom polukružnog niza na bazičan
oval izdignutog dijela glave, dok po-
lukružni niz na zdjelama, koji se širi
više vani nego unutra, uobličuje bogatu
ukrašenu unutrašnjost na vrlo sličan na-
čin. Zanimljivo je da su nađene glave
sa polukružnim nizom na zapadno-
evropskom prstenju kasnog srednjo-
vjekovlja (Wenzel 1982; str. 48-50, sl.
Sl. 7g: Prsten iz Mostara, lijevani bakar, gra-
viran. Visina 27 mm, širina 24 mm. Glava
18 x 13 mm. Iz autoričine zbirke.
2d, e), samo što pronađeni primjerci
pokazuju primjenu polukružnog niza
na bazično kružnim glavama, nasuprot
ovalnim glavama karakterističnim za
Bosnu, Nijedna od sačuvanih francus-
kih zdjela nije uobličena polukružnim
nizom, osim onih godet, francuskom
nomenklaturom već spomenuti termin
za zdjele nepravilnog oblika, koje mo-
gu konkurisati kao takve zdjele (Light-
bown 1978; str. 22, 23). Efekat ovih
godeta ukazivao je na postojanje "flo-
ralnog oblika" koji sugeriše polukruž-
nim nizom oblikovan bazični kružni os-
nov. s Na kraju, iako sam već sugerisala
da polukružnim nizom oblikovana tra-
ka na unutrašnjoj ivici Sankove zdjele
može odražavati uticaj ukrasa s grnča­
rije iz sjeverne Afrike, moguće je da
je sklonost za ukrašavanje polukružnim
nizom ilustriran primjerom prstenja,
kojeg sam ovdje razmotrila, odgovorna
i za njihovo usvajanje.
Nasreću, imitacija ovainih reljef-
nih zdjela tipa o kojem se raspravlja
pronađene su na dva stećka u Turmen-
tima kraj Trebinja; njihove goleme plo-
če su teške i bez sumnje su isklesane
tamo gdje su pronađene. Kasnije su

s No, postoji visoka čaša sa šest ispupčenja, nastala u Francuskoj u prvoj polovici 14. stoljeća,
koja vjerovatno odgovara opisu godeta. Taj predmet od pozlaćena srebra iz Oriel Collegea u Oxfordu
(Lightbown 1978, str. 22, 23. T. XIX, XX), poznat po imenu "osnivačeva posuda", dijeli neke
zajedničke karakteristike sa šesterostranom posudom koja se čuva u Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum u
Budimpešti, inv. br. 1898.30 MiiVl!szet l. Lajos kirĆlly kortiban 1342-1382; str. 308, 309, br. predmeta
J63. T. 49, J63). Niti jedna od njih nema ovalni oblik.

97
ugrađene u zidove mjesnih crkvi i nji-
hova isklesana površina, koja se danas
može vidjeti, nesumnjivo se nekoć na-
lazila na gornjoj strani (Wenzel J965;
T LXXV, JJ; T LXX/JJ, 9). Poputudub-
Ijenog dijela reljefue ovaine zdjele, na
obje se ploče nalazi široko rasprostra-
njen rubni ukras sačinjen od trolista
koji se (u osnovi) podudara s ukrasima
tipa nervures na zdjelama. Jedan od
dvaju stećaka (sl. 8), s životinjom i kri-
žem, može se približno datirati, ukoliko
je majstor ili grupa majstora koja ga je
isklesala radila u Trstenu kraj Dubrov-
nika, gdje se nalaze dva kamena s tako
sličnim detaljima da se gotovo sigurno
radi o istom autoru (ili autorima). Na
jednom od dvaju kamena iz Trstena
među ostalim se ukrasima nalazi i krat-
kovijeki oblik štita koji je Đurđica Pe-
trović (1976; str. 98, 209. sl. 1) datirala
na kraj 14. ili početak 15. stoljeća. To
znači da se reljefni ovalni oblik zdjele
Sl. 8: Nadgrobni kamen, Turmellti u oblasti Trebinja, crkva sv. Gospođe. južni zid, drugi položaj.
Dimenzije 100 x 54 cm. Dimenzije nazubljena udubljenja 16.5 x 9.75 cm.
98
koristio u jugozapadnom dijelu Kralje-
vine Bosne, i to otprilike u isto vrijeme
u koje smo locirali zdjele iz Stobija i
Gogo~i-Mehedintija: u vrijeme kralja
Tvrtka l, ili nešto malo kasnije.
Kotor - središte
umjetničke obrade metala
Bojana Radojković zamijetila je
utjecaj majstora iz Kotora na zdjeli iz
Stobija, premda u vrijeme kad je Kotor
pod mletačkom upravom. lako se ne
slažem s njenom datacijom (oko 1490)
za zdjelu iz Stobija, predlažem da se
datira bliže 1420. god. Na temelju odre-
đenih činjenica Kotor se može povezati
s tradicijom izrade zdjela takvog tipa
kao što su posude iz Stobija i Gogo~i­
Mehedintija. Stoga valja spomenuti do-
kaz umjetničke obrade metala u Kotoru
iz razdoblja kad se taj grad nalazio u
sklopu Kraljevine Bosne. Kotor, koji
je u prvoj polovici 14. stoljeća nezavi-
san i uživa blagostanje koje se može
usporediti s dubrovačkim, u drugoj po-
lovici 14. stoljeća nazaduj e (Ćirković
et al. 1970; str. 23), te se godine 1370.
ili 1371. stavlja pod zaštitu Mađara
(ibid; str. 28). U sklopu Bosne nalazi
se od god. 1385, kad kralj Tvrtko I od
svoje rođakinje, mađarske kraljice Eli-
zabete, potražuje kao poklon taj grad
koji nekoć pripadaše njegovim precima
Nemanjićima (Šišić 1902; str. 31, 32;
Ćirković 1964; str. 152). Ne zna se je
li grad neko vrijeme nakon Tvrtkove
smrti god. 1391. ostao pod bosanskom
jurisdikcijom (Ćirković 1964; str. 371,
br. 9). Sudeći po nekim pokazateljima,
Kotor ostaje pod nametnutom bosan-
skom vlašću tokom cijelog prvog de-
setljeća 15. stoljeća (Ćirković et al.
1970; str. 87, 97).
U vrijeme kad Tvrtko Kotor pri-
paja Bosni, grad je čuven po izradi sre-
brnog posuđe i već od god. 1352. stavlja
se kontrolni žig na srebrne predmete
izrađene u Kotoru (Fisković 1949; str.
146). Ne znamo je li se od te prakse
odstupilo u vrijeme kadje Kotor potpao
pod bosansku upravu, premda je Bosna
u tim stvarima uvijek pokazivala nemar
(Šakota 1981; str. 74). Ma kako bilo,
Tvrtko je bez sumnje vrlo brzo počeo
koristiti kotorske radionice za izradu
metalnih predmeta od sirovina iskopa-
nih u bosanskim rudnicima. Kotorski
su zlatari sigurno bili angažirani i u
unutrašnjosti. Ivan Bach i Bojana Ra-
dojković iznose (1956; str. 14) da se
zlatarska porodica Desislavića, čiji je
predak djelovao u Kotorujoš tamo god.
1319, preselila u Hercegovinu i pove-
zala s dvorom Stjepana Vukčića Kosa-
če, a zatim se skrasila u Sarajevu, gdje
se bavila istim zanatom sve do 16. sto-
ljeća. Za Tvrtkove vladavine zlatari iz
Kotora vjerovatno su izrađivali pred-
mete kako u ustaljenom stilu "s primo-
rja", tako i u vidno različnom "bosan-
skom" stilu, o kojem postoje arhivski
podaci iz tog razdoblja; također je
vjerovatno da su majstori iz Kotora na-
stavili izrađivati predmete u bosan-
skom stilu, koji je ostao popularan čak
i nakon ukidanja bosanske vlasti. Popis
inventara u posjedu stanovita Nichola-
sa Archilupusa iz Kotora iz god. 1445.
navodi srebrne posude izrađene "ad
modo Boxinese" (Han 1972; str. 164,
br. 31), no ne zna se jesu li izrađene u
samom Kotoru.
Motiv na zdjeli iz Stobija koji
Bojana Radojković povezuje upravo s
Kotorom sastoji se od hrastovih listova
(iako im zapravo nimalo ne liče) koji
izviru iz vitice; radi se, dakle, o već
spominjanom motivu nervures. Tvrdi
da je u Kotoru uvriježen krajem 15.
stoljeća, što znači da njihovi radovi iz
tog razdoblja pokazuju mnoge slično­
sti, premda će u svojoj publikaciji
(1977; str. 89, sl. 67a) spomenuti j edino
tucani srebrni ukras na relikvijaru ko-
torske katedrale (sl. 9a); upravo zbog
toga zdjelu iz Stobija pripisat će "ne-
poznatoj radionici u staroj Hercegovini
ili Bosni, očevidno pod uticajem Ko-
tora" (Radojković 1977; str. 89), dok
ga Dušan Milovanović pripisuje "ko-
torskom majstoru koji je djelovao u
unutrašnjosti" (Radojković-Milovanović
1981; str. 31, kat. br. 39). No kotorska
je tehnika tucanja mnogo uočljivija
unutar kružnih dijelova zdjele iz Go-
go;;ija, koju B. Radojković u tom kon-
99

Sl. 9a: Tucana srebrna aplikacija srelikvijara,
detalj. Kotor, riznica katedrale.
liko polukružnih lukova usmjerenih
prema vani i sačinjenih od nervures na
vanjskoj elipsi zdjele, vide se zalelujali
listovi s Udubljenjima po čitavoj duljini
listova i sa snopovima lišća nagnutim
u istom smjeru (sl. 9b). U 14. stoljeću
taj se tip lišća često koristi pri klesanju
kamena u južnoj Dalmaciji. Sačuvani

tekstu ni ne spominje. Već sam datirala

zdjelu iz Gogo~ija u isto razdoblje ili
čak prije zdjele iz Stobija, te spomenula
da je dosad bila pripisivana kraju 14.
stoljeća. Valja se prisjetiti da su u obje
zdjele pronađene kovanice iz sredine
ili s kraja 14. stoljeća, pa bi nalaženje
dviju zdjela sa samog kraja 15. stoljeća Sl. 9b: Posuda od pozlaćena srebra iz Gogo'§i-
-Mehedintija, detalj.
s takvim kovanicama predstavljalo ne-
vjerovatnu podudarnost koju valja pri-
su primjeri kotorskog ciborija u kate-
hvatiti ukoliko se složimo sa stilistič­
drali sv. Tripuna, isklesana u šezdese-
kim kriterijima B. Radojkovića za nje-
no datiranje i s pripisivanjemkotorskog tim godinama 14. stoljeća (Maksimović
utjecaja zdjeli iz Stobija. 1971; str. 88, sl. 149), klesarije iz Sta-
rog Bara (sl. 9c) (ibid; sl. 130), i iz
No već smo spomenuli da je taj
Dečana, (sl. 9d) gdje je rad isklesan u
motiv sa zdjele iz Gogo~i-Mehedintija
razdoblju 1327-1335. god. i nosi potpis
(sl. 7e) uobičajen na francuskim posu-
fra Vite iz Kotora (ibid; str. 181, sl.
dama iz prve polovice 14. stoljeća (sl.
181). Na tucanom primjeru iz Kotora
4a-c); konvencija okruživanja emajia s
nervures ovdje je prenesena isključivo s kraja 15. stoljeća koji navodi B. Ra-
dojković (sl. 9a) još uvijek se zapaža
tehnikom tucanj a. Smatram da se ta for-
mula pojavljuje i u kotorskoj umjetnič­ taj tip skladno usmjerenog, zalelujanog
koj obradi metala, npr. u primjeru koji lišća. Ono formira prorjeđen prostor
podastire B. Radojković (sl. 9a), uslijed koji je u bosanskom stilu ispunjen ner-
utjecaja bosanskog ukusa u tom gradu vuresom.
- što znači da je situacija upravo obr-
nuta u odnosu na pretpostavku B. Ra-
dojkovića.

No jedan ukrasni aspekt zdjele

iz Gogo~ija lako moguće dokazuje ut-
jecaj Kotora na bosansku obradu metala
davno prije no što će Bosna uspostaviti SI. 9c: Kameni relje/iz Starog Bara, 14. stoljeće,
svoju vlast u tom gradu. Unutar neko- detalj.

100

SI. 9c: Kameni reljef sa sjevernog portala u
Dečanima, 1327-1335, detalj.
Zdjela iz Temske
Postoji još jedna ovalna reljefna
posuda koju ovdje valja spomenuti;
premda se u mnogo čemu razlikuje od
dviju prethodno razmotrenih zdjela,
ipak im naliči više no bilo kojoj drugoj.
Posuda (sl. 10, Ila, Ile) (Beograd, Et-
SI. 10: Zdjela iz Temske, oblast Pirata. Srebro tucano, lijevano, s emajliranim medaljonom. Ovalni
oblik, reljefan, sa udubljenim dnom. Dimenzije ivice: 21,5 x 13,3 cm. Dimenzije osnove: 7,5 x 5,5 cm;
visina osnove: 2,5 cm. Beograd, Etnografski muzej (19473), inv. broj (19474).
nografski muzej br. 19473) je kupljena
u Temskoj kraj Pirota god. 1956 (Han
1964; str. Ill), uz zasebni medaljon
(sl. Il b) (Etnografski muzej br. 19475)
koji je gotovo sigurno pripadao jednoj
drugoj posudi (Han 1960-61; str. 45-
-55). Na medaljonu sa zdjele nalazi se
uspravljena zvijer (lav ili pantera) po-
dignuta repa (sl. Ila), dok suna drugom
medaljonu zaručnici okruženi natpi-
som. Oblik zasebna medaljona nalik je
medaljonu s posude, što znači da je
najvjerovatnije bio učvršćen na zdjelu
ista ovalna oblika. Premda na zaseb-
nom medaljonu nema tragova emajla
koji su pronađeni na medaljonu pričvr­
šćenu na posudu, neki detalji izrade
(posebice spiralni oblik upotrijebljen za
prikazivanje očiju, inače vrlo rijedak)
ukazuju na to da su oba predmeta pro-
izvod iste radionice, ili čak istog maj-
stora. To ćemo uzeti u obzir, jer su
detalji kostima i natpisa na zasebnom
medaljonu od većeg značenja no bilo
što na zdjeli i na njenu medaljonu u
pogledu datiranja zdjele. Sama se zdje-
101
SI. lla: Ovalni medaljon, srebro. gravirano, siv SI. llb: Ovalni medaljon iz Temske, srebro,
emajl. CentralIli deta?j na ovalu, re?jefna posuda gravirano; nekada centralni detalj zdjele. Di-
iz Temske, Pirot. Dimenzije 6,8 x 4,5 cm. menzije 6,8 x 3,9 cm, debljina l mm.

la razlikuje od posuda iz Stobija i Go- uz ivicu, a ostali su dijelovi ispunjeni

go~i-Mehedintija utoliko što se na nji- mnogobrojnim tucanim ukrasima, dok
ma nalaze samo ispupčeni polukrugovi se kod nje, istinski nalik na školjku,

SI. lIe: Nazubljena ovalna zdjela iz Temske, Pirot, tucano srebro.

102
polukružni nizovi spuštaju sve do os-
nove, pa središnji medaljon predstavlja
jedini unutrašnji ukras. Zdjela je na taj
način podijeljena na 18 režnjeva, a od
prethodnih se primjera razlikuje i po
tome što joj je osnova izokrenut, izdub-
ljen oval. Stručnjaci su predložili ne-
koliko datacija, a Desanka Milošević
(lična komunikacija) sugeriše kraj 14.
stoljeća kao i Verena Han u ranije spo-
menutoj publikaciji. No B. Radojković
(1966a; str. 35 i 1981; str. 38, br. 60
s Milovanovićem) predlaže god. 1520-
-1530. Evo čime to obrazalaže (1966a):
predmet "na prvi pogled" djeluje kao
daje iz 14. stoljeća, no mnogo je umje-
snija njegova usporedba s njemačkim
posudama režnjasta oblika iz 16. sto-
ljeća. U svom radu o njemačkim posu-
dama iz riznice Luneburg, koje se na-
laze u berlinskom Muzeju umjetničkog
obrta, M. Creutz (1909; str. 297) ob-
jašnjava tehniku urezivanja režnjeva i
iznosi razlike u metodama 14. i 16.
stoljeća, pa se u tom svjetlu posuda iz
Temske može pripisati ovom kasnijem
razdoblju; medaljon s panterom na
zdjeli iz Temske sličan je medaljonu
na Ivanovoj posudi u Zagrebu (sl. 1Sa)
(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, 10373) (Ra-
dojković 1966a; sl. 41), koju B. Radoj-
ković iz stilističkih razloga smješta du-
boko u 16. stoljeće, te zatim traga za
sličnim medaljonima na posudama ko-
jima se znade datum nastanka i tu ističe
kadionicu iz Smedereva 1523 (Beo-
grad, Muzej Srpske pravoslavne crkve;
ibid; sl. 40), i zdjelu iz Skopja na čijem
se medaljonu nalazi paun (Skopje, Et-
nografski muzej; ibid; sl. 44). B. Ra-
dojković ne povezuje zasebni medaljon
s posudom iz Temske, premda su isto-
vremeno nabavijeni, slične su izrade i
oblika koji nije karakterističan za me-
daljone s Balkana.
Kao protuargument valja istak-
nuti da njemačke režnjaste posude iz
16. stoljeća, od kojih niti jedna nije
ovalna, nimalo ne liče zdjeli iz Temske,
pa usporedba nije poticajna. Nadalje,
Creutzova se analiza odnosi isključivo
na posude zapadnoevropske proveni-
jencije, pa se njegovi zaključci ne mogu
automatski primijeniti na građu s Bal-
kana, koju je Creutz slabo poznavao.
Usporedba medaljona iz Temske s me-
daljonom Ivanove posude (sl. 1Sa) ui-
stinu je površna jer se radi o djelima
sasvim različite izrade (usput, kad sam
nedavno proučavala Ivanovu posudu,
na njenom medaljonu nije bilo nikakvih
tragova plavog emajla koji B. Radoj-
ković smatra jednom od glavnih nje-
govih osobina - premda ovdje ne znam
je li opis B. Radojković netačan ili je
emajl uklonjen). A spomenuti predmeti
iz Smedereva i Skopja, čiji su meda-
ljoni tobože nalik našim dvama, poka-
zuju tako očigledne otomanske karak-
teristike tipa Abrahama iz Kutahje, koji
je inače na Balkanu široko rasprostra-
njen u 16. stoljeću, da nam ne mogu
nimalo pomoći u lociranju predmeta
koji takvih karakteristika uopće nema-
ju. Ako s druge strane pogledamo za-
sebni medaljon iz Temske, očigledno
je da je sličniji medaljonu sa zdjele
nego li predmetima s kojima ga uspo-
ređuje B. Radojković, kao i to da niti
kombinirani oblici slova u natpisu niti
odjeća na likovima ne potječu iz 16.
stoljeća.
103
 Već smo spomenuli dva razloga
zbog kojih se stječe utisak da su me-
daljon s posude iz Temske i zasebni
medaljon vrlo slični i predstavljaju rad
istog autora: njihov potpuno neuobiča­
jen oblik i neobičan način prikazivanja
očiju. Valja nam spomenuti i treći raz-
log: teksturu pozadine, koju čini cik-
-cak šara dobivena pomicanjem neke
alatke za rezbarenje s lijeva na desno.
Osim medaljona na zdjelama, ta se šara
također koristila kao podloga za emajl,
pa Verena Han možda zbog toga misli
da zasebni medaljon nije dovršen, tj.
da je pripremljen za emajl koji nikad
nije stavljen (Han 1960-61; str. 45).
To ne mora biti tačno, jer se ovakva
tekstura bez emajla u Rusiji koristi u
13. stoljeću, a u Njemačkoj, Francuskoj
i Engleskoj u 14. i u 15. stoljeću, dok
je u kasnijim razdobljima još češća.
Primjer s kraja 14. stoljeća predstavlja
zlatni pehar kraljeva Francuske i Engle-
ske (sl. ltd) (Lightbown 1978; str. 81,
T. LXVIII), na kojem je ovaj tip šare
upotrijebljen za ukrašavanje drške čaše.
SI. Ud: Zlatna kraljevska čaša francuskog i
engleskog kraljevstva, oko 1390, detalj. London,
Britanski muzej.
104
Pokušamo li na zasebnom me-
daljonu pronaći neki znak koji upućuje
na njegovo porijeklo i datum nastanka,
valja iznijeti neka zapažanja. Oblik slo-
va koristi se u bosanskoj epigrafiji to-
kom cijelog 14. stoljeća (Tomović
1974; br. 50; str. 1349-1363, br. 76;
str. 1383-1391, br. 94; str. 1405-1420),
a neka od njih - naročito u kombina-
cijama - nestaju iz upotrebe u 2. dijelu
15. stoljeća; meko "'b", na primjer, ri-
jetko se koristi. Kombinacija slova tih
oblika nije mogla nastati u 16. stoljeću.
Verena Han povezala je odjevni stil i
sa zapadnom, gotičkom, i sa srpskom
umjetnošću 14. i 15. stoljeća. Evo teksta
natpisa:
+.\(EE.O H N"bCS YHNH yaW~nrnr
"~ANVH
Voin - možebiti vjerenik - izra-
dio je posudu ili ju je dao izraditi za
svećenika Stanču. Verena Han s pra-
vom ne želi na temelju natpisa izvesti
zaključak o porijeklu predmeta, no za-
mjećuje da se formula "a se" vrlo često
ponavlja u epigrafima na nadgrobnim
kamenima Bosne i Hercegovine 14. i
15. stoljeća, dok je u Srbiji iznimno
rijetka; također zamjećuje da se ime
Voin ponekad susreće u srpskim sred-
njovjekovnim izvorima; da se na ime
Stanče nailazi u bosanskim izvorima iz
14. i 15. stoljeća, premda ja najčešće
u Makedoniji (Han 1960-61; str. 52).
Na temelju svih tih činjenica, kao i sti-
listi čkih sličnosti s nekim bosanskim
minijaturama, V. Han izvodi oprezan
zaključak da je medaljon vjerovatno nas-
tao u Bosni, premda je možebiti izrađen
u Srbiji ili Makedoniji u skladu s bo-
sanskim ukusom (ibid; str. 54); datira
ga u drugi dio 14. ili početak 15. sto-
ljeća.
 Smatram da se njegovo mjesto
može razjasniti sagledavanjem daljnjih
primjeraka s iscrtkanom pozadinom.
Maria Šakota, koja vrlo iscrpno istra-
žuje dekorativne metalne predmete sa-
čuvane u zbirkama srpskih manastira,
zaključuje da takvog tipa teksture nema
na predmetima srpske izrade prije 16.
stoljeća (iz osobne prepiske), a to bi
trebalo isključiti mogućnost da meda-
ljon iz Temske i izgubljena posuda na
kojoj je bio učvršćen predstavljaju srp-
ski stil, jer nije moguće da su izrađeni
tako kasno. U tom smislu moguć je
izuzetak tzv. "Dušanova ploča" (pogl.
bilješku 8). Također je jasno da taj tip
teksture nije uvriježen u umjetničkoj
obradi metala Dalmacije za kasnog sred-
njovjekovlja, no nalazi se na relikvij-
skoj ruci sv. Anzelma u Ninu, poklonu
Pavla Šubića god. 1303-1311, kad je
vladao sjevernom Bosnom (Krleža, Gr-
gić, Grčević 72; str. 63-67, kat. br. 24,
166, 167), premda tu ukrašava likove
i ne funkcionira kao pozadina. Tragovi
identičnih šara pridružuju se drugim
oblicima teksture kao podloga za slova
na vrhu zadarskog relikvijara sv. Krše-
vana koji datira iz prve polovice 14.
stoljeća (ibid; str. 59); već smo zami-
jetili da služi kao pozadina natpisu na
nešto starijoj Sankovoj posudi, koja se
općenito smatra bosanskim radom (sl.
3a).
Moram napomenuti da ova upo-
treba cik-cak šara u bosanskom zlatar-
stvu možda proizilazi iz sveopćeg utje-
caja mađarske kulture na tom području
u 14. stoljeću, no još nikad nisam za-
pazila da je ta tehnika upotrijebljena u
mađarskoj obradi metala istog razdob-
lja. S druge strane, dok tu tehniku dal-
matinski majstori obrade metala uglav-
nom ne koriste, u Dubrovniku za kas-
nog srednjovjekovlja zasigurno djeluju
strani zlatari i možda je neki njihov
učenik iz unutrašnjosti tu savladao ovu
tehniku i kasnije je primjenjivao u svom
radu. Na takvu mogućnost ukazuje Fis-
ković (J 949; str. 168) kad spominje
njemačkog zlatara Gugljelma koji se
zaposlio u radionici dubrovačkog zla-
tara Radoja, koji inače nije primao đake
iz unutrašnjosti (ibid; str. 165). Taj je
Gugljelmo, upotrebivši baš ovu šaru,
izradio relikvijar za glavu sv. Lovri-
jenca koja se nalazi u dubrovačkoj ka-
tedrali, najvjerovatnije u Radojevoj ra-
dionici, god. 1349, koristeći cik-cak
strukturnu tehniku.
Na kraju ovog razmatranja o po-
sudi iz Temske može se ustanoviti da
razlozi koje B. Radojković koristi za
datiranje tog predmeta u 16. stoljeće
ne stoje6, te da je zanemarivanjem za-
sebnog medaljona koji je mogla uspo-
rediti s posudom autorica previdjela vr-
lo značajne podatke. Ustanovila sam

6 Želimo li biti sasvim iscrpni, valja dodati da B. Radojković (l966a; str. 35) kao daljnji
argument kasne datacije posude iz Temske navodi još jednu zdjelu, navodno identične oblikovne
zamisli, no iz još kasnijeg razdoblja. Određuje je kao rad iz 17. stoljeća s dubrovačkim kontrolnim
žigom, iz Akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (ibid; str. 35, br. 163), no ne pokušava je preciznije
odrediti. To me zbunjuje, jer je o jedinoj posudi s dubrovačkim kontrolnim žigom iz Akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti (Zagreb) koja mi je poznata pisao Fisković (1949; str. 193, sl. 6) i datirao je
u 15. stoljeće. Budući da sam je nedavno imala prilike vidjeti, čini mi se da nije mogla nastati nakon
datuma kojeg navodi Fisković.

105
da su veze između posude i medaljona
tako očigledne te najvjerovatnije pot-
ječu iz istog izvora. Medaljon se sasvim
pouzdano može smjestiti u drugu po-
lovicu 14, odnosno najkasnije na poče­
tak 15. stoljeća, i nekoliko indikatora
ukazuje da je nastao u bosanskoj sferi.
Otud se može zaključiti da mnoge au-
tore koji su posudu datirali u drugu
polovicu 14. stoljeća instinkt na-
jvjerovatnije nije prevario. Ako je moja
pretpostavka o njegovu bosanskom po-
rijeklu također tačna, radi se o još je-
dnom primjeru koji ukazuje na sklonost
nazubljenjima, spomenutu u vezi s ra-
nije navedenim zdjelama.
Premda B. Radojković gotovo
sigurno nije u pravu kad tvrdi da posude
iz Stobija i iz Temske uopće nisu slične
izrade (1966a; str. 35), bez sumnje je
tačna njena opaska da se bitno razliku-
ju. To po mom mišljenju objašnjava
činjenica da posuda iz Temske (sl. 10,
He) predstavlja kasni primjerak tradi-
cije reljefna, ovalna oblika unutar sla-
venske sfere, na temelju koje kod maj-
stora obrade metala postoji predispozi-
cija za prihvaćanje francuskog tipa izra-
de zdjela, kao i elementi kojima će taj
tip prekrojiti i dati mu ovalni oblik.
Ukoliko je to tačno, posuda iz Temske
možebiti je nastala nešto ranije od zdje-
la iz Stobija i Gogo~ija (sl. 7a, 7e).
Valja spomenuti pretpostavku jednog
britanskog stručnjaka da je reljefni,
školjkasti oblik u slavensku tradiciju
ušao preko posuda iz Sogdijana, koje
su iz središnje Azije također djelovale
na izradu bizantskih i kineskih zdjela
(Julian Raby, iz međusobnih razgovo-
ra. U vezi primjera iz Sogdijana vidi
Marshak 1971; str. 112, br. 11, 31).
106
"Godet" iz Hercegovine?
Ako smo iz francuskih izvora tač­
no shvatili da se riječ "godet" odnosi
na reljefne posude okrugla podnožja,
na raspolaganju nam stoji j edan primje-
rak koji se vjerovatno može povezati s
bosanskohercegovačkom sferom po-
četkom 15. stoljeća. To je predmet od
pozlaćena srebra u Muzeju primenjene
umetnosti u Beogradu, inv. br. 2689
(sl. 12), o kojem je pisala B. Radojković
(1972-73; str. 30-32, sl. 13), a u Lon-
donu je izložen god. 1981 (Radojko-
vić-Milovanović 1981; str. 30, kat. 38).
U istucanu šestero listu na podnožju po-
sude nalazi se okrugli srebrni medaljon,
na kojem je kruna s perjanicom u obliku
fleur-de-lys, a sa svake strane po jedna
rozeta smještena u spiralama koje izra-
staju iz draperija na štitu (sl. 13a); pod-
no njih je štit s rezovima. Pomoću da-
tiranih stećaka, o kojima pišem u sli-
jedećoj svojoj knjizi, utvrđeno je da su
se takvi štitovi koristili u Hercegovini
u prvoj polovici 15. stoljeća. Tri po-
prečne trake na štitu najčešći su herce-
govački grb (sl. l3b) koji su koristile
najmoćnije dvije porodice tog kraja ~
Kosača na istoku (sl. 13e) i Vlatkovići
na zapadu (sl. 13d, e) (Anđelić 1970;
str. 66-68,75,78-81). Perjanica Kosača
bijaše lav (no moguće se kruna na ovom
medaljonu odnosi na jednog od mno-
gobrojnih Vlatković a, o čijoj perjanici
ne postoje nikakvi podaci) sve do druge
polovice 15. stoljeća. No bez obzira na
to, uslijed učestalosti pojaVljivanja štita
s tri poprečne trake u Hercegovini 15.
stoljeća (na temelju podataka kojima
raspolažemo, u Srbiji ga tada nema)
nameće se pretpostavka da je posuda
izrađena u Hercegovini, a mogli bi je
Sl. 12: Zdjela sa heraldičkom medaljom. Tucano srebro, pozlaćeno. Promjera J 6,7 cm, visine 4 cm.
Nepoznato nalazište, Muzej primenjene umetnosti (2689). Viktorijin i Albertov muzej lotos. Odjel
za umjetničku obradu metala.

datirati u 1. polovicu 15. stoljeća, s ob-

zirom na to da se na umjetničkim pred-
metima iz tog razdoblja u hercegovač­
kom kontekstu često koristi duboko
urezana spirala i široke kitnjaste dra-
perije šljema. Usput, tekstura sačinjena
od krivulja, o kojoj je već bilo riječi u
vezi posude iz Temske i medaljona s
istog lokaliteta, ovdje je upotrijebljena
kao podloga za nijelo, koji se uglavnom
istrošio.
B. Radojković i D. Milovanović
drže da je ovaj predmet nastao krajem
14. ili početkom 15. stoljeća, te tvrde
da se radi o tipičnom primjerku srpskog
zlatarstva iz tog razdoblja. Nakon tač­ SI. Ba: Heraldički medaljon s nazubljene po-
sude od pozlaćena srebra. Gravirano srebro,
nog zapažanja da je zdjela s ovalnim nijelo. Promjer 2,9 cm. Boegrad, Muzej prime-
podnožjem (tj. sa šesterolistim ili os- njene umetnosti (2689).

107

--=--...,s....~ - l)
Sl. 13b: Visok nadgrobni kamen, Ljubljenica iz
oblasti Sloca. Zapadni dio.
molistim središnjim cvijetom) vrlo ras-
prostranjena, D. Milovanović nastavlja
(str. 30) da se "u Srbiji na središnjem
medaljonu obično nalazi heraldički
znak ili ptica". Koliko mi je poznato,
u razdoblju o kojem je riječ postoji sa-
mo jedan primjerak s pticom na tom
geometrijskom obliku i porijeklo mu
zapravo nije poznato, a druga posuda
odgovarajućeg oblika s heraldikom ko-
ja se može datirati u to razdoblje tako-
đer je povezana s Hercegovinom prije
Sl. 13e: Pečal hercega Stjepana Vukčića Kosače,
oko 1448-1465. god. Po Anđeliću, 1970.
108
Sl. 13d: Pečal Ivaniša Vlatkovića, vojvode od
Huma, cca 1488. god. Po Anđeliću.
najezde Turaka, što dokazujem u na-
stavku teksta (sl. 18a). Iz ovog proizi-
lazi daD. Milovanović proglašava po-
sudu srpskom umjetninom, uvršatava-
jući je u kategoriju koja uopće ne po-
stoji.
Na kraju ovog dijela potpomog-
nuti određenim podacima možemo zak-
ljučiti da je varijanta oblika posude s
većim i rjeđim školjkastim rubnim is-
pupčenjima korištena u Mađarskoj za
kasna srednjovjekovlja (pogl. bilješku
5), pa jedinstvena posuda od pozlaćena
srebra s drškom i šest rubnih ispupčenja
(Radojković, Milovanović 1981; str.
29, kat. br. 35, Muzej grada Beograda
2016) vjerovatno odražava taj utjecaj.
No, u Mađarskoj se devedestih godina
prošlog stoljeća u Muzeju dekorativnih
umjetnosti u Budimpešti nalazila vrlo
zanimljiva posuda s dvanest takvih is-
pupčenja, čiji se elel4tn~tip nalazi u Mu-
Sl. Be: Pečat Augustina Vlatkovića, vojvode od
Huma, 1488. god. Po Anđeliću.
zeju Viktorije i Alberta u Londonu (sl.
14) (i to zato što se smatralo da je po-
suda izrađena u Engleskoj). Sudeći po
elektrotipu, ova posuda od pozlaćena
srebra najvjerovatnije je izrađena u Bos-
ni; nedostajala joj je središnja plaketa,
no uvriježene su nervures okruživale
mjesto koje joj je namijenjeno, a ukrasi
životinja i listolikih križeva u krugovi-
ma na dijelu koji se od podnožja proteže
k udubljenjima prizivaju iz sjećanja raz-
ličite ukrase sa bosanskih i hercegovač­
kih stećaka. Donedavno, daljna analiza
je bila nemoguća, jer se nije znala njena
lokacija. Sada se nalazi u muzeju u Bu-
dimpešti i dostupna je istraživačima.
Još jedan francuski
model
Postoji još jedan tip francuske
zdjele s početka 14. stoljeća čiji se iz-
gled zajedno s elementima prethodno
spomenuta tipa u različitoj mjeri odra-
žava na trima značajnim posudama za
koje smatram da se mogu povezati s
Hercegovinom iz vremena bosanske dr-
žave, premda je dvjema od njih na dru-
gim mjestima pripisan mnogo kasniji
datum nastanka. Taj model prezentiraju
dvije posude iz ruanske riznice: jedna
se čuva u Musee de Cluny u Parizu
(Lightbown 1978; T. IXa), a druga u
Ermitažu (sl. 16a) (ibid; Xb); karakte-
ristična je za njih struktura nalik arka-
dama na kojoj su krajevi stupaca što
izbijaju iz središnjeg medaljona poput
žbica kotača povezani lukovima. N a ilus-
traciji primjerka iz Ermitaža (sl. 16a)
vidi se da je taj postupak primijenjen
na podnožju zdjele, a kod svakog stupa
grupe izdignutih krugova predstavljaju
kapitale i baze. Ova je osobina naročito
značajna jer se zadržala na posudama
za koje se smatra da su izvedene iz tog
tipa zdjele, čak i kad podjela ne potječe
iz arhitekture.

Sl. 14: Elektrotipska kopija posude. original tucano ukrašen motivima zečeva. pasa i grana. Pozlaćeno
srebro. Kopirano krajem 19. stoljeća iz zbirke muzeja u Budimpešti. Promjer 19.5 cm. visina 5 cm.
London. Muzej Viktorije i Alberta (51.1886.62). MuzejskaJotografifa.

109
 Ivanova posuda
Struktura središnjeg dijela zdjele
iz Rouena, pomoću koje smo i prezen-
tirali taj tip posuda (sl. 16a), odražava
se na zdjeli iz Muzeja za umjetnost i
obrt u Zagrebu, poznatoj pod imenom
Ivanova posuda (sl. 15), inv. br. MUO
10373. Radi se o posudi od pozlaćena
srebra s dva natpisa. Prvi se nalazi na
središnjem medaljonu i okružuje crtež
lava u pasant pozi. Na njemu piše:
IQ~V4U1~HE~Ho~~~aa~eeEnHmH
dOMrmO
Drugi natpis predstavlja traku
koja je koncentrična u odnosu na prvi
natpis, no dijeli ih traka neukrašena me-
tala. Na njemu piše:
1r10V(H\lMf~Cl'loaflartUnrHAeUl
HIL""r
Preostali unutrašnji dio zdjele
podijeljen je na deset dijelova kvazi-
arhitekturalnim sistemom koji podsjeća
na središnji dio francuskog modela, a
u svakom se od njih nalazi zvijer. U
nekima se nalaze po dvije zvijeri, npr.
dva sučeljena lava ili zmaja; različite
vrste ptica i grifona upotpunjavaju me-
nažeriju. Prostor je podijeljen oblicima
koji se baš i ne bi mogli nazvati stu-
povima (poput onih s posude iz Roue-
na), no kao baze im još uvijek služe
grupe krugova (od kojih je središnji
prazan), što podsjeća na ovu drugu po-
sudu. Na svojim "kapitelima" imaju po
dva lista ili listolika oblika, a ukrašeni
su dekoracijom koja podsjeća na pleteni
k onop 7 (sl. 15b).
U natpisu vjerovatno stoji da je
zdjela Ivanova, da će Bog štititi svakog
ko iz nje pije a bude uz Ivana (natpis
je nejasan, pa postoje različita mišljenja
o njegovu značenju, no Vladimir Mo-
šin, u verziji koja se nalazi i u podacima
Muzeja o tom predmetu, ne spominje
Boga na unutrašnjem natpisu, jer znak,
za koji se na temelju usporedbi sa slo-
vima upotrijebljenim na drugim pred-
metima vidi da predstavlja B, određuje
kao meko slovo.
A ko bješe Ivan, vlasnik ove po-
sude? B. Radojković (1966a; str. 130)
smatra da bi posudu iz stilističkih raz-
loga trebalo datirati u 16. stoljeće, te
da unatoč općenitim sličnostima s pret-

7 Zanimljiva je pretpostavka da motiv okomita "pletena konopa" s po dva lista na vrhu i s

krugom na dnu koji se pojavljuje na sjevernoj i na južnoj strani nadgrobna stupa Gosta Milutina u
Humskom (sl. 16b, e) kraj Foče, s obje strane lika pokojnika koji u ruci s istočne strane drži knjigu
(Vego III; str. 52, hr. 190), možda predstavlja pojednostavljenu varijantu ukrasa s posuda na kojem
se sveci s knjigama u ruci pojavljuju u arkadama. Sačuvano je mnogo takvih posuda iz kasnijih
razdoblja (sl. 16e); najstarija od njih mogla bi biti iz god. 1515 (Šakota 1981; str. 78), no moguće
je da su se takve zdjele proizvodile i u 15. stoljeću, iz kojeg nadgrobni kamen i datira. Valja
napomenuti da se nekad vjerovalo kako je taj tip posude karakterističan za sredinu 17. stoljeća, a
kreirao je neki zlatar iz Čiprovca (Radojković 1966a; str. 148, sl. 190). Nakon pronalaska primjeraka
iz 16. stoljeća to je gledište korigirano (Šakota 1981; str. 78, 80). Kako namje poznato da se arkade
pojavljuju na evropskim posudama mnogo ranijeg datuma, možda se i Milutinov stup, koji inače
predstavlja zagonetku, može tako objasniti (uobičajeno objašnjenje da se radi o manihejskom ili
bogumilskom pojasu protivi se zdravom razumu). Još uvijek nije preciziran datum nastanka
Milutinova stupa; tom ću pitanju više prostora posvetiti u slijedećoj svojoj knjizi, no mora da je
nastao negdje u prvoj polovici 15. stoljeća.

110
SI. 15: Ivanova posuda, prikazana iz dva različita kuta. Pozlaćeno srebro, tucano, gravirano. U
središtu srebrni medaljon, lijevan i graviran. Promjer 14,8 cm, visina 3,8 cm. Zaf5reb, Muzej za
umjetnost i obrt (MUO 10373). Kupljeno od stanovnika Međurječja kraj Cačka.

III
Sl. 16a: Posuda (hanap) iz manske riznice. Tu-
cano srebro, gravirano, djelomično pozlaćeno.
Prva polovica 14. stoljeća. Promjer 20 cm. Le-
njingrad, Ermitaž (zbirka Basilewsky).
hodnim modelima (naročito naglašava
stilizirane životinje i povezuje ih s "bo-
sanskim zdjelama iz sedamdesetih go-
dina J4. stoljeća, osobito Sankovom po-
sudom", no ne navodi druge zdjele iz
te skupine) neki detalji, posebice arka-
de, otkrivaju da se radi o djelu iz 16.
stoljeća. Smatrajući da je posuda pri-
padala važnoj povijesnoj ličnosti 16.
SI. 16b: Nadgrobni stup iz Humskog kraj Foče,
južna i sjeverna strana. Sarajevo, Zemaljski mu-
zej. Sadašnja visina 181 cm, prvotna visina in
situ 254 cm. Širina tih dviju strana 38 cm, širina
istočne i zapadne strane oko 50 cm.
112
Sl. 16c: Nadgrobni stup iz Humskog kraj Foče.
Lik gosta Milutina s istočne strane, motivi na
južnoj i sjevernoj strani. 15. stoljeće.
stoljeća iz Hercegovine, kojoj zdjelu
pripisuje na temelju njenih stilističkih
osobina, kao mogućeg kandidata ističe
vojvodu Ivana Banjanina, koji se sa že-
nom i' djecom spominje kao donator
crkve sv. Mihajla Arhandela u Petro-
vićima god. 1605, te tu atribuciju pot-
krepljuje tvrdnjom da natpis zapravo
spominje stanovitog "vojvodu" Ivana,
što je netačno. U stvari, vlasnik se na
natpisu naziva "Iv'(an) Car"; "Iv" je
očigledno skraćeni oblik imena Ivan,
spomenuta u drugom dijelu natpisa, što
navodi na mogućnost da je i "Car" skra-
ćenica duljeg imena.
Datiranje ove posude u 16. sto-
ljeće po momje mišljenju neprihvatlji-
vo. Oblik slova koji se koristi u natpisu
upućuje na sredinu 15. stoljeća. Slova
su, npr., sasvim drugačija od onih s
kadionice iz Smedereva iz god. 1523.
koju, kao što je poznato, B. Radojković
uspoređuje s Ivanovom posudom ne bi
li tako potkrijepila kasnu dataciju po-
Sl 16d: Posuda, tucano srebro, gravirano. Pro-
mjer 16,2 cm. Fojnica, muzej samostana.
sude iz Temske, ili od slova s nalaza
iz manastira u Banji koji potječu iz dru-
ge polovice 16. stoljeća (Šakota 1981;
str. 41, 47, 52, 79,98,99, 101). S druge
strane. , slova na Ivanovoj posudi nalik
su uobičajenoj epigrafiji bosanskih nad-
grobnih spomenika iz sredine 15. sto-
ljeća, kao i njoj bliskoj epigrafiji iz
Zete (Tomović 1974; str. 17). Slova s
natpisa na središnjem medaljonu nešto
su šira, pa otud naglašeniji "bosanski"
izgled (Đorđić 1971; str. 133) od nat-
pisa na samoj posudi. Na medaljonu
se, primjerice, koristi oblik dvostrukog
C (CC) za K i specifično rf (N) s her-
cegovačkih stećaka iz sredine 15. sto-
ljeća (tomović 1974; str. 118, 119). No
G' otvorena gornjeg dijela (V) nalazi
se na pečatu Ivana Crnojevića, vojvode
od Zete u razdoblju od 1464/5-1490.
god. (Ćirković 1970; str. 288, sl. 9).
Slova s natpisa na samoj posudi pomalo
su izdubljena, no takoder su karakteri-
stična za natpise vezane uz Crnojevića
- primjerice D u obliku malog, povi-
šenog trokuta s potpornim nogama po-
navlja se na donatorskom natpisu Ivana
Crnojevića iz god. 1483-84. u cetinj-
skom manastiru (ibid; str. 499, sl. 94;
Tomović 1974; str. 120). Neobično raš-
Sl 16e: Posuda, tucano srebro, gravirano, dje-
lomično pozlaćeno. U središtu lik sv. Nikole
direktno na podlozi, bez medaljona. Promjer
15,7 cm, visina 4 cm. Detal}. Iskopana u mana-
stiru u Banji, Priboj. Iz god. 1596/97. Riznica
manastira u Banji (7/1).
ljasto A s crticom ili zaobljenjem u
podnožju lijevog kraka -It -
nalazi se
na nadgrobnom natpisu majke Ivana
Crnojevića iz god. 1464-65 (Tomović
1974, br. 118) (sl. 17a), te na donator-
skom natpisu hercega Stjepana Vukči­
ća Kosače iz god. 1454 (ibid; str. 11 6).
Smatram da pri datiranju posude
veću važnost valja pridati obliku slova
nego li činjenici da na par sačuvanih
posuda koje definitivno potječu iz 15.
stoljeća nema identičnih arkada kao na
Ivanovoj posudi. Takoder valja napo-
menuti da se zvijeri sa Sankove zdjele
(sl. 3b) nalaze podno stiliziranih valo-
vitih lukova koji su bliži francuskom
modelu nego li manje ugibljeni lukovi
SI. 16f: Srebrna posuda, tucana, gravirana. Pro-
mjer 15 cm. Iz god. 1574. Detalj. Budimpešta,
Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum.
113

Sl. 17a: Detalj sl. 17c.
Ivanove posude, premda zbog svoje ge-
ometrijske strukture Sankova djela ne-
ma podupirućih stupova.
Krenemo li u potragu za povi-
jesnom ličnošću imena Ivan sa sredine
ili iz druge polovice 15. stoljeća, kao
kandidat nam se nameće Ivan Crnoje-
vić, vojvoda od Zete u razdoblju od
1464/5-1490. god, već spomenut u vezi
s oblikom slova. Radi se, naravno, tek
o pretpostavci koju potkrepljuje i za-
gonetka naznaka "Car" što slijedi skra-
ćeni oblik imena Ivan na natpisu posu-
de. Kako u vrije~e nastanka zdjele nije
živio nikakav car Ivan, to ova naznaka
ne odreduje imperatora, već se vjero-
vatno radi o skraćenoj verziji nečijeg
imena (u to: se vrijeme pri kraćenju ime-
na ostavlja nekoliko početnih slova).
Nažalost, medu zabilježenim varijanta-
ma imena Crnojevića do kojih sam do-
šla niti jedna ne započinje s "Car", što
ne znači da ova skraćenica nije moguća
(imena su se u to doba često pisala
netačno). U svakom slučaju, na otisnu-
tim okvirima stranica jedne crkvene
knjige nastale cca 1494. god. u štam-
pariji Ivanova sina Đurada u Cetinju
(vojvode Zete ili Crne Gore u razdoblju
od 1490. do 1496. god.) (sl. 17b), ime
Đurada Crnojevića skraćeno je na ne-
koliko slova iza formule koja na sličan
način krati riječi "blagoverni gospodin"
(Ćirković-Ljubinković, Milošević i Ta-
tić-Đurović 1969; str. 71, kat. br. 91;
Ćirković et al. 1970; str. 384-385, sl.
28, 30; str. 398, 496-497, sl. 102-104). 8
Knjiga je zanimljiva i zbog zvi-
jeri smještenih u kovrčama lišća, koje
se u sličnim pozama ponavljaju na Iva-
novoj posudi. Dizajn ove štampane
stranice slijedi popularan talijanski tip
ukrašavanja manuskripta 15. stoljeća
po imenu "bijele vitice" (bianchi gira-
ri), a putti što pridržavaju porodične
grbove, ovdje izmedu dvaju donjih sim-

8 Ovdje bi valjalo ukazati na posudu koja se u tekstu ne spominje jer pripada drugoj tradiciji
izrade, no u prošlosti je njena identifikacija zadala mnoge poteškoće. Radi se o predmetu koji se
često naziva "Dušanovim tanjurom", Narodni muzej, Beograd, 2001 (Radojković 1962; str. 39, sl.
X). Na njem je natpis "Stephan's cr' u hriste blaver'ni", a dvoglavi je orao praktički jedini ukras.
"Cr" se obično čitalo kao "car" i povezivalo s earom Dušanom (1346-1355). B. Radojković zamjećuje
(l966a; str. 33) da je stil posude karakterističan za razdoblje nešto nakon Dušanova carevanja, te
pretpostavlja daje izražena u njegovo sjećanje, dodavši pritom da oblik imena "Stepan" ukazuje da
je nastala u primorju a stil se podudara s kotorskom izradom. No možda se to ime odnosi na Stefana
Crnojevića (1426-1464/5), oca Ivanova, a "Cr'" predstavlja kraticu prezimena Crnojević. Ne zna se
je li ovaj Stepan koristio dvoglava orla kao svoj heraldiški motiv, no sigurno su ga upotrebljavali
njegov sin i unuk.

114

SI. 17b: Stranica iz knjige tiskane u Cetinju u
Crnoj Gori. u štampariji Đurađa Crnojevića.
Oktoih petoglasnik. 1494.
bola evanđelista, također se često po-
javljuju na naslovnim stranama talijan-
skih manuskripta (Alexander 1977; str.
12, sl. V, T 5, 23, 25). Motivi životinja
i ptica s takvih naslovnih strana manu-
skripta redovito su od naročitog znače­
nja za pristaše dvora i predstavljaju vi-
teške redove, rodbinske veze i slično,
što znači da ponavljanje mnogih zvijeri
sa štampana okvira stranice na Ivanovoj
posudi (koja je očigledno izrađena pod
utjecajem naslovnih strana talijanskih
manuskripta) ide u prilog tezi daje po-
suda pripadala Crnoj eviću. Problem
pred~tavlja dvoglavi orao, za kog se
zna da je bio glavni heraldički motiv
Ivana Crnojevića i sina mu Đurada; nje-
ga nema na posudi čiji središnji meda-
ljon prikazuje lava. No obzirom na nje-
gov životopis, moguće mu je pripisati
posudu i objasniti kako prisustvo lava,
tako i "bosanski" izgled posude koji je
zamijetila B. Radojković. Više od deset
godina svoje mladosti Ivan je proveo
na dvoru hercega Stjepana Vukčića Ko-
sače, gdje ga je otac poslao kao taoca
oko god. 1441 (Ćirković et. al. 1970;
str. 196), a god. 1469. oženio je herce-
govu kćer Maru. Kulturni utjecaj Ko-
sača okruživao ga je čitava života; vidi
se to u izboru nadgrobnih kamena za
roditelje koji se nalaze na otoku Komu
u Skadarskom jezeru (sl. 17a, e). Pri-
padaju tipu ukrašavanja nadgrobni h
spomenika karakterističnu za područje
Nikšića, Vilusa i Trebinja, na kojima
se pojavljuju specifične stilizirane kruž-
ne trake; Kosače bez sumnje predstav-
ljaju vodeću kulturnu silu tog kraja
(ibid; str. 472-475, 496-497). Prethod-
no sam u vezi s kosovskim medaljonom
spomenula da su, sudeći po nekim po-
dacima, bosanski vladari vlastitu he-
raldiku darivali svojim vazalima pa se,
možebiti zbog ceremonije ispijanja ko-
jimje učvršćivan vazal ski odnos, ta he-
raldika ponavlja na medaljonima s čaša.
Postoji mogućnost da su Kosače kori-
stili lava kao svoju heraldičku zvijer
(Anđelić 1970; str. 72, 73). Otud pret-
postavka da je Ivan Crnojević primio
zdjelu od Kosača kao znak njihove rod-
binske povezanosti.
Premda se uistinu radi samo o
pretpostavci da je Ivan Crnojević prvi
vlasnik posude, s obzirom na njene sti-
lističke osobine (usput budi rečeno: uop-
će nema otomanskih elemenata) ona je
uvjerljivija od druge dosad predložene
mogućnosti da je nastala krajem 16.
115
 l'
Sl. 17c: Nadgrobni stup iz manastira u Komu
na Skadarskom jezeru; podigao ga je Ivan Cr-
nojević svojoj majci Mari, 1464-1465.
stoljeća i pripadala vojvodi Ivanu Ba-
njaninu. Valja reći daje B. Radojković
(l966a; str. 130-131) svoju dataciju
Ivanove posude zasnovala na tezi da se
izgled životinja podudara s njihovom
izvedbom na trima drugim posudama:
metropolita Viktora iz Dečana, čiji je
datum nastanka natpisom određen kao
god. 1593, i dvjema posudama koje pri-
pisuje "dubrovačkoj sferi zlatarstva" i
datira u 16. stoljeće; onoj iz manastira
uSavini prećutno određuje datum; na
drugom mjestu (1960-61; s;r 12) pri-
pisuje je 15. stoljeću. Ne ulazeći u to
da posuda iz Dečana pokazuje mnoge
otomanske elemente koji tako očevidno
nedostaju Ivanovoj posudi, kao ni u či­
njenicu da su druge dvije posude pre-
arbitrarno datirane da bi nam bile od
pomoći, možemo jedino naglasiti da su
razlike između životinjskih stilizacija
mnogo uočljivije od (rijetkih) sličnosti.
116
Čkotovljeva i zdjela
iz Ermitaža
Ima u ovoj skupini još jedna
zdjela s arkadama koje se zrakasto šire,
a po momje mišljenju pripadala nekom
istaknutom Hercegovcu iz druge polo-
vice 15. stoljeća. Poput Ivanove posu-
de, drugi su je autori datirali u kasnije
razdoblje, no ne pokazuje nikakav znak
otomanskog utjecaja. Ta posuda, koja
se nalazi u Rusiji (sl. 18a), god. 1971.
navodi se kao privatno vlasništvo (Pos-
tnik-Loseva 1971; str. 73, 74. sl. 6), a
god. 1972-73. kao predmet iz kolekcije
Zuraba Čkotova (Radojković 1972-73;
str. 28, 31, sl. lJ). Prvotna je pretpo-
stavka Postnik-Loseve da se radi o du-
brovačkom radu iz 15. stoljeća; no B.
Radojković smatra da Dubrovnik ne
dolazi u obzir je nema kontrolnog žiga,
a na pričvršćenom se medaljonu nalazi
ćirilički monogram, te stoga datira po-
sudu u 16, ili čak 17. stoljeće (ibid; str.
28). Smatra da se ne radi o predmetu
izrađenu u 15. stoljeću zbog previše
napučene i neumjerene kompozicije i
"zadebljanih" motiva koji su "samo iz-
bačeni na površinu". Premda je prim-
jedba B. Radojković da bez kontrolnog
žiga posudu ne možemo pripisati Du-
brovniku umjesna, to se isto ne može
reći za njenu tvrdnju da ćirilički mo-
nogram isključuje mogućnost da je dje-
lo nastalo na obali. Nije tačno da svi
predmeti nastali u Dalmaciji moraju
koristiti latinično pismo; to ovisi is-
ključivo o patronu za koga je rađen.
Naposlijetku, Dubrovnik je također
imao svoju verziju ćirilice (Đorđić
1971; str. 149), i svaki se priobalni
grad koji je trgovao S unutrašnjošću
mogao njome koristiti. Dekorativne su
osobine navele B. Radojković da zdjelu
pripiše radionici iz unutrašnjosti Srbije
16. ili 17. stoljeća (premda ne navodi
niti jedan sličan primjer koji je u Srbiji
nastao u istom razdoblju), no čini mi
se da one odražavaju prepoznatljiv ta-
lijanski stil iz sredine 15. stoljeća.
Estetika talijansko-francuskog
naturalizma 15. stoljeća, koja je po
mom mišljenju utjecala na izradu ove
posude, živi paralelno s uzbibalim re-
ljefima Jurja Dalmatinca i njegove ško-
le, no razlikuje se od njih i prisutna je
u drvenim rezbarijama i na metalnim
posudama (Lightbown 1978; str. 82,
101-J03, T XVl), te u iluminacijama
manuskripta (sl. 19a, b) (Alexander
1977; sl. VI, VII, xv, T 19, 20, 21).
Tom je stilu svojstven nadrealistički
element koji se očituje u preobrazbi
floraInih oblika što služe kao okvir cr-
teža; pojavljuje se i ranije, u vidu ne-
običnih kombinacija arhitekture i lišća
kojima su se prvi koristili minijaturisti
iz Lombardije, te kipar Giovanni dei
Grassi (umro god. 1395), pri ilumini-
ranju oficija za Giangaleazza Viscon-
tija (Meiss, Kirsch 1972; BR 3, BR 48v,
BR 9Ov, BR 108v, BR 145, itd.), a razvili

Sl 18a: Posuda od tucana srebra, gravirana, s medaljonom. U privatnoj zbirci Zuraba Čkotova,
SSSR.

117

SI. 18b: Posuda od pozlaćena srebra, tucana,
pronađena u kurgallu br. 30, u belerečallskoj
oblasti, predio Kubana, na sjevernom Kavkazu.
Iz 15. stoljeća. Lenjingrad, Ermitaž (477).
je mnogi njegovi nasljednici. Jedan ini-
cijal (sl. 19a) iz talijanskog manu-
skripta nastala sredinom 15. stoljeća
(Siena, Libreria Piccolomini, Graduale
28,12, Saint Martin,f 101v; Alexander
1977, sl. xv) ima taj isti tip napučene
kompozicije i pretapanja biljnih i arhi-
tekturainih oblika tako karakterističnih
za Čkotovljevu posudu. Ranija faza tog
talijanskog stilskog pravca odrazit će
se u Bosni već na Hvalovu manuskriptu
iz god. 1403 (Bologna, Bib!. univ. ms.
3575 B,j J3v; Đurić 1957; str. 39-51,
sl. 8); minijatura navještenja na str. 13v
očigledan je primjer stapanja arhitek-
ture s floralnim oblicima (sl. 19c).
Taj kasnogotički "nadrealistič­
ki" stil sigurno je utjecao na francusko
ukrašavanje hanapa iz 15. stoljeća, i
nesumnjivo je dopro do Balkana. Tra-
govi utjecaja tog stila na crtež korišten
u arhitekturi vide se na okviru bifore
travničkog dvorca, duboko u Bosni (sl.
118
Sl. 19a: Liberale da Verona, inicijal. Siena. Li-
breria Piccolomini. Graduale 28, 12, Saint Mar-
tin, l 101 v, neposredno nakon sredine god. 1450.
19d) (Anđelić 1973; str, 214); portret
u profilu nalik medalji, smješten u kru-
gu (što navodi na Dubrovčana Pavka
Antonijevića, koji se paralelno s izra-
dom zlatnih medalji bavio gradnjom
utvrda i kuća, i koji je prije povratka
u rodni mu Dubrovnik radio kao po-
moćnik kipara Donatella u Italiji; upra-
vo preko takve osobe taj je stil iz Italije
mogao doprijeti do Balkana), sa svake
je strane omeđen floralnim oblicima
nad kojima su komuške ili cvijeće. Liš-
će se u podnožju tih floraInih oblika
svija prema gore, što podsjeća na Čko­
tovljevu posudu. Klesarija iz Travnika
datira iz oko 1450. god. zbog kratke
frizure i dvostrukog okovratnika na
portretu u profilu, što podsjeća na me-
dalju Federiga da Montefeltrija (sl. 1ge)
SI. 19b: Giorgio D 'Alemagna, ukras s ruba,
biblija Borsa D 'Este. Modena, Bibfioteca Esten-
se, VGo 12 (Lat. 422-23), tom Ll 212 r, sredina
15. stoljeća.

Sl. 19c: Minijatura nmještenja, Hvalov manu-
skript, Bosna, god. 1403.
koju je spomenuti Pavko Antonijević,
alias Paolo d' Antonio da Ragusa, izra-
dio u Italiji god. 1450 (Fisković 1949;
str. 172-174). Travnički rad nije naročit
i djeluje poput djela lokalnog klesara
koji se koristio nacrtom mnogo rafini-
ranijeg umjetnika.
Osnovna kompozicija Čkotov­
ljeve posude (sl. ISa) zapravo se po-
dudara s ranije opisanom karakteristič­
nom bosanskom obradom metala iz
vremena koje prethodi nadolasku Tu-
raka. Naročito upada u oči izrazito ge-
ometrijski plan koji naglašavaju dije-
lovi neukrašena srebra. Zanimljivo je
da se pojaVljuju tri različita latičasta
oblika: peterolist na središnjem meda-
ljonu, omeđen okruglim vijencem s po-
nekom nervure; šesterolist koji zapre-
ma dio između vijenca i kruga koji na-
Sl. 19d: Okvir b!fore, dvorac u Travniku, 15.
stoljeće.
značava podnožje; osmerolist koji za-
uzima preostali prostor - obod posude.
Na krugu u podnožju usmjerenje prema
vani, a na gornjoj ivici posude prema
unutra niz neukrašenih polukrugova is-
tog tipa, karakterističan za već opisanu
Sankovu zdjelu. No na zdjeli se također
jasno zapažaju "arkade" u vidu valovi-
tih oblika unutar udubljenja triju tipova
lišća. Premda se očigledno radi o izdan-
ku stila s arkadama, elementi mu nisu
toliko "arhitekturaIni" kao na Ivanovoj
posudi; naročito se to odnosi na ukrase
s oboda, gdje stupovi i lukovi podsje-
ćaju na biljke, što je inače karakteristič­
no za talijansku maniru ukrašavanja,
koja je vjerovatno također utjecala na
autora ove posude.
SI. 1ge: Pavko AntonijeVić alias Paolo d'Anto-
nio da Ragusa, brončana medalja s Federigom
da Mont~feltrijem, god. 1450.
119
 Unutrašnji dijelovi mnogobroj-
nih "arkada" i trougle zone koje tvore
s vanjskim krugovima ukrašene su ra-
znolikim nabujalim motivima. Unu-
trašnji dio peterolista s medaljona pre-
kriven je razgovijetnim motivom sa-
mostrela, kojem se sa svake strane na-
lazi ćirilička slova I X (VH), a sitni
zrakasti oblici ispunjavaju trokutaste
dijelove. Iz vijenca koji okružuje sre-
dišnji medaljon izniču dva velika lista
koji zauzimaju dva podioka šesteroli-
sta, te mnoštvo kružića na stabljikama.
U tri slijedeća podioka šesterokuta na-
laze se rozete sačinjene od istaknutih
krugova (koji se takoder pojavljuju u
trokutastim dijelovima), dok je u še-
stom podioku (tik iznad središnjeg me-
daljona ukoliko posudu okrenemo tako
da gledamo slova) pas s ogrlicom. U
podioku vanjskog osmerolista izmje-
njuju se fantastični floraini oblici i psi
s okovratnicima, neki u iskrivljenu po-
ložaju.
Nadam se da smo dokazali mo-
gućnost pojavljivanja ovog stila u ko-
jem se tradicionalna geometrija miješa
s fantastičnom dekoracijom u nekoj
hercegovčakoj radionici iz sredine ili s
kraja 15. stoljeća. Valja nam sada utvr-
diti kome je posuda pripadala. S obzi-
rom na to da nije sačuvana niti jedna
posuda s toliko pasa, te da se pas nalazi
neposredno iznad obilježavajućeg sre-
dišnjeg medaljona, logična je pretpo-
stavka da ćemo u osobi s inicijalima
VH, čija heraldika uključuje i samo-
strijel i psa s ogrlicom, potražiti mo-
gućeg kandidata.
Nameće nam se istaknut herce-
govački Vlah, vojvoda Vukić Hrabren
(umro nakon mjeseca kolovoza!avgu-
120
sta god. 1496; Hrabak 1956; str. 35,
36). U njegovo vrijeme tip samostrijela
s polugom za potezanje konopca koji
je na medaljonu prikazan (na engles-
kom "crick", na francuskom "cranequ-
in") počelo je potiskivati vatreno oružje
(što samo po sebi ne dostaje za datira-
nje, ali nas upozorava da se ogradimo
od datiranja posude na kraj 16, odnosno
u 17. stoljeće). Na nadgrobnom spo-
meniku Vukića Hrabrena, visokom kri-
žu podignutu na jednom od najviših
dijelova Visočice kod Prokletnice (Ve-
go III; str. 44, br. 176), nalazi se motiv
sličan luku s medaljona na posudi. Kad
sam god. 1980. posjetila to mjesto, ka-
menje bio previše izlizan i nije se mo-
glo odrediti nalazi li se na njem uistinu
samostrijel; čini mi se da on nije pri-
kazan na crtežu koji se nalazi podno
kamisa, baš kao i luk na posudi. I što
se pasa tiče postoje indikativni podaci
koji su, medutim, ne mogu uzeti kao
konačni dokaz. Psi se pojedinačno (a
ne u scenama lova) pojavljuju na ne-
koliko stećaka unutar nasljednog pos-
jeda Hrabren-Miloradovića kod Gor-
njih Bara i Gvozna kraj Kalinovika
(Wenzel 1965, T. LXXXIII, 1,3,4); dalj-
nji podaci koji ovo područje povezuju
s tom porodicom bit će izloženi u sli-
jedećoj mojoj knjizi. Psi s ogrlicom po-
javljuju se zatim na grbovima Hrabren-
-Miloradovića kao amblem na kruni i
na štitu u heraidičkim izvorima sači­
njenim nakon najezde Turaka (Bogiće­
vić 1952; str. 143; Solovjev 1933, T.
X 97). No valja ih uzeti s rezervom,
jer motivi njihovih sastavljača nisu uvi-
jek bili uzvišeni. Ipak nam podaci iz
drugih izvora dokazuju da su pouzda-
niji no što se nekoć mislilo, naročito
glede poznatijih porodica.
 Na temelju iznesenoga može se
reći da je vojvoda Vukić Hrabren među
hercegovačkim povijesnim ličnostima
najpodesniji kao prvotni vlasnik Čko­
tovljeve posude. No kao i kod ranije
opisanih predmeta, čini nam se da se
posuda može prilično precizno datirati
na temelju stilističkih osobina, usprkos
činjenici da raspolažemo tek pretpo-
stavkom o vlasniku posude. Možda bi
trebalo spomenuti da su kasniji nara-
štaji Hrabren-Miloradovića odselili u SI. 19f: Visok nadgrobni kamen iz Radmilja kraj
Rusiju, te otud slali poklone metalne Stoca, zapadna strana. Lik vojvode iz porodice
Hrabren-Miloradovića, sam kraj 15. stoljeća.
izrade pravoslavnoj crkvi u Hercego-
vini (Bogićević 1952; str. 154). To mo-
Posljednja posuda iz ove skupine
žebiti ukazuje na sklonost k metalnim
o kojoj će biti riječ (sl. 18b) slična je
predmetima, kojom bi se mogla objas-
prethodnoj. Izrađena je od pozlaćena
niti očuvanost posude ukoliko j e uistinu
srebra i iskopana iz kurgana u belere-
pripadala Vukiću Hrabrenu. Zanimlji-
čanskoj oblasti sjevernog Kavkaza, a
vo je da se i na drugim nadgrobnim
čuva se u Ermitažu u LenjingradU, br.
spomenicima Hrabren-Miloradovića iz
477 (Postnikova-Loseva 1971; str. 72,
druge polovice 15. stoljeća, na čuvenoj
sl. 5; Radojković 1972-73; str. 23, 24,
nekropoli Radimlja, kao glavni ukras
sl. 1). U svojoj analizi ove i prethodne
ističu likovi u naravnoj veličini koji
posude Bojana Radojković zamjećuje
vjerovatno predstavljaju pokojnike, s
mnoge sličnosti, te smatra da se posuda
lukom mnogo jednostavnijeg tipa iznad
iz Ermitaža može datirati u 15. stoljeće,
lijevog ramena, dok se iznad drugog,
pokraj uzdignute i uvećane desne ruke,
nalazi udubljeni krug koji lahko mogu-
će predstavlja zdjelu (sl. 19f, g). Ovdje
to tek spominjemo, jer za taj krug po-
stoje različite interpretacije, pa ću se
ovom problematikom iscrpnije baviti u
slijedećoj svojoj knjizi posvećenoj uk-
rasima na stećcima; no prisjetimo se u
međuvremenu daje još god. 1950. Be-
nac ukazao kako ti krugovi, koji se po-
javljuju na nadgrobnim spomenicima
vojvoda, možebiti predstavljaju odre-
đenu naznaku njihova statusa (Benac SI. 199: Visok nadgrobni kamen iz Radmilja
1950; str. 31). kraj Stoca, zapadna strana, detalj.

121
no mnogo bogatiji ukrasi Čkotovljeve
posude pouzdano su indikator da se radi
o predmetu nastalu bitno kasnije. Sma-
tram da je njena datacija posude iz Er-
mitaža tačna. Već sam navela razloge
zbog kojih vjerujem da i Čkotovljeva
posuda potječe iz 15. stoljeća, te bih
istaknula da bogatstvo njenih ukrasa
(izvedenih po mom mišljenju većim te-
hničkim umijećem, ako se o tome na
temelju fotografija uopće može prosu-
đivati) ukazuje na veći utjecaj onovre-
mene talijanske izrade. Postoji niz po-
dudarnosti između dvaju radova: ukras
na podnožju u obliku šesterolista s unu-
trašnjim dekoracijama oko središnjeg
medaljona okružena vijencem; cijeli je
ovaj dio okružen osmerolistim crtežom
u čijim se podiocima naizmjence po-
javljuju ukrasi u obliku zvijeri i biljaka;
oko gornje ivice nalaze se reljefui, školj-
kasti polukrugovi istog tipa kao na San-
kovoj posudi. Nažalost, zdjeli iz Ermi-
taža nedostaje središnji medaljon, pa
ne znamo je li nekad nosila obilježje
svog vlasnika.
Razlike između dviju zdjela prije
se odnose na obradu negoli na stil. Pri-
mjerice, izvedba nervure je potpunija,
a na svakom je odjeljku šesterolista u-
kras koji se sastoji od biljke iz koje
izniče vijenac što okružuje središnji me-
daljon; ukrašeni dijelovi u podiocima
osmero lista podijeljeni su trakama ne-
ukrašena srebra, dok na Čkotovljevoj
posudi uska dekorirana traka najčešće
prolazi između podioka prema prstenu
sačinjenu od polukrugova okrenutih
prema vanjskoj strani; upravo zbog te
osobine arkade na posudi iz Ermitaža
djeluju pomalo "arhitekturaino" u od-
122
nosu na Čkotovljevu zdjelu. Floraini
oblici s posude iz Ermitaža, koji nisu
toliko fantastični i talijanizirani kao na
Čkotovljevoj zdjeli, još više podsjećaju
na oblike s okvira travničkog prozora
koje smo spomenuli (sl. 19d). Možda
je najveća razlika između dviju posuda
u tome što je primjerak iz Ermitaža
očigledno izrađen na konvencionalan
način, pa tako, npr., svaki vanjski tro-
kutni prostor sadrži dvostruku palmetu
koja završava spomenutim visećim tro-
listom, a u svakom udubljenju šestero-
lista sličan floraini oblik izniče iz vi-
jenca, dok se na Čkotovljevoj zdjeli te
zamisli pojavljuju tek jedanput ili dva-
put, a drugi su dijelovi ispunjeni ili izra-
đeni na sasvim različit način. Ta razlika
u svakom slučaju upućuje na veće umi-
jeće majstora koji je izradio Čkotovlje­
vu posudu, no ne pretpostavlja da je
njegov rad nastao bitno kasnije.
Većina srebrnih posuda s Balka-
na u muzejima diljem svijeta potječe
iz 16. stoljeća ili kasnije; od izuzetaka,
primjeri koje ovdje analiziramo i koji
su nastali u 14. i 15. stoljeću, mogu se
povezati s bosanskohercegovačkom
sferom i nose naznake kojih izgleda
nema na srpskim metalnim predmetima
iz vremena koje prethodi dolasku Tu-
raka. No mnoge zdjele kasnijeg datuma
(od kojih, usput, njih dvanaest iz Mu-
zeja Viktorije i Alberta u Londonu be-
stidno nosi naznaku ruskog porijekla)
preuzimaju strukturu s "arkadama". Uz
primjerke prilično ozbiljna izgleda na
kojima su arkade ispunjene svecima (sl.
16e) (Šaka ta 1981; str. 76-81), a po-
nekad i zvijerima (sl. 16d, 16f) (Kara-
mehmedavić 1980; str. 30, 31, sl. 4),
postoji niz razigranih, valovitijih arka-
da koje podsjećaju na Čkotovljevu po-
sudu i na zdjelu iz Ennitaža, čiji stil
ostaje prepoznatljiv unatoč mnogim
otomanskim dodacima ili baroknim uk-
rasima iz 18. stoljeća. U raspravama o
"srpskoj" obradi metala nakon dolaska
Turaka često se određuje kao hercego-
vački stil, uz napomenu da je tamo pro-
cvao pod otomanskim i dalmatinskim
utjecajem za razdoblja koje neposredno
slijedi tursku najezdu, kad Hercegovina
predstavljaše politički mimo zaleđe i
sklonište starosrpskoj tradiciji koja do-
življava plodno i mimo razdoblje u vri-
jeme kad je turski vojni nalet usredo-
točen na sjever, k neosvojenim predje-
lima (Radojković 1966a; str. 55-57, 61,
91, 92). Nadam se da naš prikaz doka-
zuje da ovaj stil ima svoje preteče u
razdoblju koje prethodi Turcima, kad
je Hercegovina dijelom Kraljevine Bos-
ne, i predstavlja jedan od aspekata spe-
cifična bosanskog stila nastala pod
francuskim, talijanskim i mađarskim
utjecajem, a traga je ostavio kako u
umjetničkoj obradi metala, tako i u ar-
hitekturi, prizorima s nadgrobnih spo-
menika i iluminacijama manuskripta.
Zagrebačka posuda
Svi metalni predmeti o kojima
je dosad bila riječ prethodno su spo-
menuti ili spominjani u literaturi. Ko-
liko mi je poznato, o posljednjoj posudi
koju želim spomenuti nije se ranije pi-
salo. Nalazi se u zbirci Akademije zna-
nosti i umjetnosti u Zagrebu i nedavno
samje tamo imala prilike pregledati uz
posudu s dubrovačkim žigom koju sam
već nakratko spomenula (pogl. bilješku
br. 6). Željela bih se zahvaliti ugledni-
cima Akademije na ljubaznosti i surad-
nji koju su pokazali omogućivši mi da
te posude pogledam.
Posuda o kojoj je riječ (sl. 20)
također ima oblik hanapa i središte joj
je izbočeno kao kod neukrašenih me-
talnih posuda iste veličine koji su na-
slikani na tlu u trećoj epizodi Boticel-
lijeva "Svadbena veselja Nastagia degli
Onesti", nastala god. 1483, danas u ma-
dridskom Pradu (sl. 21a). Promjer po-
sude iznosi 13,3 cm, visina 3,2 cm.
Unutrašnji je dio nekoć bio pozlaćen,
premda se to danas jedva zamjećuje.
Što se dekoracije tiče, posuda preuzima
neke elemente stila Čkotovljeva posude
i zdjele iz Ennitaža, združujući ih s
prepoznatljivim elementima iz sjeverne
Dalmacije i s nekim talijanskim osobi-
nama. Taj specifičan dekorativni spoj
ukazuje na mogućnost da je nastala u
razdoblju kadje Bosna pod mađarskom
upravom, možebiti u zaleđu Zadra, npr.
u okolici Livna, nedugo prije no što će
taj predio doći pod otomansku vlast. U
to vrijeme (tj. krajem 15. ili početkom
16. stoljeća) turski su se elementi već
počeli kombinirati s tradicionalnim
uzorcima na okupiranu Balkanu.
Obod zdjele podsjeća na Čko­
tovljevu posudu i na zdjelu iz Ennitaža
po deset arkada koje su djelimično is-
punjene s dva tipa ukrasa što se izmje-
njuju; no za razliku od te dvije posude,
jedan tip ukrasa - gust uzorak škrljuti
- ispunja tek donje dijelove arkada, dok
su gornji dijelovi gotovo neukrašeni, a
drugi tip ukrasa - valovit floraini oblik
sa srcolikim elementima - ispunja veći
123
 a.

C.

SI. 20: Posuda od pozlaćena srebra, tucana, gravirana. Promjer 13,3 cm, visina 3,2 cm. Zagreb,
Akademija znanosti i umjetnosti; iz tri različita kuta.

dio svog prostora unutar arkada i ome-
đen je matirajućim kružićima. Podnož-
je posude drugačije je izrade od spo-
menutih zdjela s arkadama. Nema dru-
gog ukrasnog oblika s arkadama ili ge-
ometrijske izvedbe, kao ni središnjeg
medaljona. Podnožje je ovdje prekri-
veno velikim nevezanim uzorkom na
kojem se ističe jelen raskošnih rogova,
na pozadini ispunjenoj matirajućim
kružićima. Podno i ispred jelena pojav-
ljuje se niz identičnih floraInih oblika
sa srcolikim elementima koji zauzima-
ju pola arkada na obodu (sl. 20a, b).

124
 Arkade s ove posude već smo
usporedili s ranijim zdjelama, no valja
pridodati da na zagrebačkoj zdjeli ima
u obliku ostatka polukružni rub oko
dna zdjele; u odnosu na ranije primjer-
ke, ovdje je on nepravilniji a podi oci
se razlikuju po obliku i veličini. Motiv
srcolika lista bez sumnje predstavlja
preradu dobro znana bolonjskog tipa
SI. 21a: Slika na platnu za cassonen, detalj.
Boticel/i, "Svadbeno veselje Nastagia degli One-
lista s manuskripta; najraniji sačuvan
sti", treća epizoda, god. 1483. Madrid, Prado. primjer njegove stilizacije u metalu
vjerovatno je na relikvijskoj ruci sv.
Zdjela se razlikuje od ostalih po- Donata iz god. 1414. u riznici zadarske
suda koje smo spominjali i po tome što katedrale (Krleža, Grčić, Grčević
su uz uobičajen način izrade (glavni su 1972; str. 92). Ta je relikvijska ruka
ukrasi izrađeni odozdo i urezani odoz- (sl. 21 b) izrađena u Zadru a darovao
go) dodati još neki ukrasi na vanjskom ju je Anton Marušić, kapelan bratstva
i donjem dijelu posude. Na dnu posude sv. Jakova. I na relikvijskoj ruci i na
udubljene linije bitno naglašavaju oblik posudi iz Zagreba taj se motiv pojav-
jelena i čini se da su nekoć bile ispu-
njene s tvarima nalik nijelu (sl. 20e).
Ovdje bi trebalo napomenuti da se za-
misao ukrašavanja kako unutrašnj eg ta-
ko vanjskog dijela posuda zapaža na
kasnijim otomanskim zdjelama; no na
njima se to postiže drugim sredstvima
- u pravilu se još jedan komad ukrašena
metala dodaje na dno (Raby 1982; str.
22, sl. 5).
Tri česta dekorativna elementa
pridonose izgledu ove posude: same ar-
kade, za koje smo već rekli da se po-
javljuju na bosanskim radovima iz sre-
dine i s kraja 15. stoljeća (premda je
njihova povijest dulja); srcoliki listovi
koji vjerovatno potječu od zadarske ob-
rade metala s početka 15. stoljeća; i
karakteristični motiv škrljuti, vjerovat-
no preuzet s majolike iz Faenze nastale
SI. 21 b: Relikvijska ruka sv. Donata, god. 1414.
u razdoblju od god. 1470. do god. 1500. detalj; pozlaćeno srebro, tucano. Zadar, riznica
premda joj je porijeklo kinesko. katedrale.

125
ljuje kao neukrašeni dio na pozadini
matiranoj kružićima, bez unutrašnjih
razgraničenja. Uzorak škrljuti potječe
od tzv. prijelomnog vala kineskog por-
culana iz 14. stoljeća (Carswell 1982;
str. 83, T 75-77). Među različitim de-
rivatima "prijelomnog vala" u zapadnoj
i islamskoj sferi, verzije s grnčarije iz
Iznika iz 16. i 17. stoljeća zadržavaju
mnoge osobine izvornika (Medley
1980; str. 128, 188), dok talijanske ver-
zije u majolici, iz Faenze, koje potječu
iz istog razdoblja, predstavljaju jako
pojednostavnjen ukras škrljuti koji se SI. 21e: Tanjur od majolike naručen za mađa­
potpuno odvojio od svog kineskog kon- rskog kralja, god. 1480-1500. Sastavljen odpro-
nađenih krhotina. Budimpešta, muzej dvorca u
teksta. Na nekim tanjirima iz Faenze Budimu.
koje je mađarski kralj naručio između
god. 1480-1500. - dvije su krhotine bi bio ili pod turskim utjecajem ili pod
iskopane u dvorcu u Budi (Gerevich utjecajem baroka; no kako njihovih tra-
1971; T CXXXI, 340, 341, 343), nalaze
gova na zdjeli nema, vjerujem da zdjela
se kružne trake sačinjene od ukrasa škr-
potječe s kraja 15. ili iz 16. stoljeća.
ljuti (sl. 21e). Majstori koji su izradili
Tačno je da se slični oblici arkada is-
posudu iz Zagreba ovaj su uzorak bez
punjenih sa škrljuti mogu vidjeti na oto-
sumnje preuzeli s modela iz Faenze; a
manskim predmetima od metala, što
specifičnost balkanskog rješenja krije
vjerovatno predstavlja bosanski utje-
se možda u njegovu korištenju unutar
caj; unutar tog repertoara nisam uspjela
arkada.
pronaći niti jedan uistinu sličan primjer
Ovu je posudu teže datirati od
bilo koje ranije spomenute. Očigledno srcolikih florainih oblika (Feher, Ko'§ay
nije nastala prije kraja 15. stoljeća zbog 1966; Karamehmedović 1980).
neobična spoja ukrasnih elemenata, a Dobro je znana i često publici-
njen dekorativni stil ukazuje na razdob- rana činjenica da nakon dolaska Turaka
lje od kraja 15. do početka 16. stoljeća. u umjetničkoj obradi metala nastupa
No ne želimo inzistirati na tome da je sveopće miješanje stilova. Moja je na-
posuda nastala u naznačenu vremenu mjera da ukažem na postojanje prepo-
ili nešto kasnije (npr. mogli suje izraditi znatljiva stila obrade metala u bosan-
majstori iz Livna koji su se naselili na skom kraljevstvu, prije turske najezde;
sjeveru, gdje se turski utjecaj nije os- radi se, dakle, o gledištu koje nije opće­
jećao, pa je taj uzorak dugo ostao u prihvaćeno. Kako postavka o kultur-
upotrebi). Pa ipak, da je ova zdjela ui- nom jedinstvu Bosne i Hercegovine u
stinu nastala nakon 16. stoljeća, bilo u danima bosanskog kraljevstva takoder
području Livna ili sjevernije, majstor nije općeprihvaćena (izuzmemo li

126
ovdje manuskripte Crkve bosanske i
fenomen stećaka), autori koji su zami-
jetili udio hercegovačkih motiva u obli-
kovanju kasnijeg otomanskog stila nisu
uvidjeli da su nastali za Kraljevine Bos-
ne; štaviše - katkad bi tvrdili da nakon
dolaska Turaka umjetnička obrada me-
tala u Sarajevu koristi isključivo oto-
manske elemente, te se navodno nimalo
ne nastavlja na prethodni bosanski stil.
Netačnost te postavke dokazao je Mu-
hamed Karamehmedović (1980; str.
66-85). Također je zastupljeno mišlje-
nje da bez nacionalnog ili vjerskog je-
dinstva nema ni dovoljno snažna kul-
turnog jedinstva koje bi urodilo prepo-
znatljivim stilom; premda je postojanje
bosanskog kraljevstva i Crkve bosan-
ske neprijeporno, smatralo se da bez
postojanja "bosanske nacije" nema ni
bosanskog stila. No činjenice ukazuju
na suprotno; a ni implikacije koje pro-
izilaze iz fenomena stećka ne bi se tek
tako smjele zanemariti.
Po mom mišljenju, osnovni raz-
log zbog kojeg je bosanski doprinos
umjetničkoj obradi metala na Balkanu
zanemaren proizilazi iz krivog datira-
nja nekoliko ključnih predmeta (posuda
iz Stobija i Temske, te Ivanove i Čko­
tovljeve zdjele); niz značajnih radova
tačno ih pripisuje Hercegovini, no da-
tira u razdoblje nakon najezde Turaka
u to područje u vrijeme kad bosansko
kraljevstvo više ne postoji, pa se tako
i moglo zanemariti kao izvorište deko-
rativnih ideja.
Barem jedno od tih kasnih dati-
ranja vjerovatno proizilazi iz nepozna-
vanja "realizma" iz 15. stoljeća koji je
djelovao na umjetničku obradu metala,
a tek mu je nedavno posvećena zaslu-
žena pažnja (Lightbown 1978; str. 100-
-109); u prošlosti se taj "kasnogotički"
realizam često miješao s naturalizmom
renesanse koji se pojavljuje kasnije. Ma
čime ti kasniji datumi potaknuti, mnoge
ključne metalne predmete koji po mom
mišljenju potječu iz bosanskog kraljev-
stva lociraju u razdoblje kad srpski ma-
nastiri i crkve uveliko zamjenjuju pri-
vatna lica kao kršćanski patroni umjet-
ničke obrade metala u južnoslavenskim
zemljama pod turskim jarmom, pa se
otud ti predmeti uglavnom smatraju pri-
mjercima srpskog stila u umjetničkoj
obradi metala. Nadam se da sam uspjela
odrediti specifičnosti bosanskog stila
obrade metala; preciziramo li ga kao
hercegovački stil nastao u vrijeme bo-
sanskog kraljevstva, dobivamo sličnu
sliku stanja kao kod najvažnijeg bosan-
skog umjetničkog produkta iz kasnog
srednjovjekovlja - stećka, čiji se ključ­
ni ukrašeni primjerci, izuzev nekoliko
kamena, također nalaze u Hercegovini
i datiraju iz istog razdoblja. A umijeću
izrade stećaka nitko nije pokušao pri-
pisati srpsko obilježje.
Čini mi se da izrada stećaka i
srebrnih, odnosno pozlaćenih srebrnih
posuda imaju neke zajedničke etape raz-
voja. U oba slučaja vjerovatno se radi
o popularizaciji dvorskog stila; oba su
nastala van kraljevske oblasti u 15. sto-
ljeću, kao rezultat prenošenja vlasti s
kralja na lokalnu vlastelu. Po mom miš-
ljenju, najveći je dio opisanih posuda
iz 15. stoljeća nastao na provincijskim
dvorovima (npr. Kosača), no bez sum-
nje ne bi tako izgledale da im ne pre-
thode predmeti s kraljevskog dvora - i
sami možda imitacija stila francusko-
-mađarskih posuda iz 14. stoljeća.
127
Četiri ukrašene stele: utjecaj islama
na bosanske nadgrobne spomenike
(Objavljeno u časopisu Journal of Islamic Studies, 5:2, Oxford 1994, pp. 221-241)
kraške doline i brda Bosne i
Hercegovine značajni su po krečnjač­
kim naslagama koje su tokom dugač­
kog perioda omogućile stvaranje impo-
zantnih monolitnih nadgrobnih spome-
nika. Naj impresivnij i su oni eksterijerni
spomenici koji nastaju u razdoblju od
pojave kuge u Bosni, sredinom 14. sto-
ljeća, do kraja 15. stoljeća, razdoblju
kojim počinje i probijanje islama u ovu
regiju. Ovaj članak se bavi samo jednim
tipom spomenika 15. stoljeća, alije ci-
jeli problem srednjovjekovnih bosan-
skih spomenika toliko pogrešno shva-
ćen da su neki kratki opći komentari o
njihovom razvoju potrebni i u ovom
uvodu.
Koristim ime "Bosna" da široko
označim teritorij srednjovjekovne bo-
sanske države, koja je pokrivala skoro
istu površinu kao i modema republika
Bosna i Hercegovina u bivšoj Jugosla-
viji. Dijelu te teritorije, osvojivši je u
15. stoljeću, Turci daju ime "Hercego-
vina", kao podsjetnik da je ona pretho-
dno pripadala bosanskom vojvodi, her-
cegu Stjepanu Vukčiću. U Bosni na-
staju dva osnovna tipa nadgrobnog spo-
menika tokom naznačenog perioda, u
kojem je novorazvijena trgovina meta-
lom toliko pospješila prethodno oskud-
nu ekonomiju regije, da je imućnijim
stanovnicima omogućila da si priušte
raskošne nadgrobne spomenike. Prvi
tip je vodoravan, u obliku sanduka ili
sarkofaga, ponekad postavljen na širi i
tanji komad kamena. Drugi, manje uo-
bičajen tip, jest uska uspravna forma -
stela. Jednostavnije verzije obiju ovih
formi j avljaju se od 12. stoljeća nadalje.
Ovaj članak proučava formu stele i to
na četiri dobro datirana primjerka iz
15. stoljeća - na kojima je evidentan
utjecaj islama - i prije i poslije konač­
nog otomanskog osvajanja Bosanskog
kraljevstva 1463. Stela je, naravno, ti-
pično islamski način obilježavanja gro-
ba (u Bosni se zove nišan), no ipak nije
potpuno istinita uvriježena pretpostav-
ka daje prihvaćanje ove forme u Bosni
rezultat isključivo turskog utjecaja. U
pitanju je mreža komplikovanijih utje-
caja.
Prototipovi obje forme spomeni-
ka - od 12. do 14. stoljeća - uglavnom
su postaVljani unutar crkava, na grobo-
vima članova lokalnog plemstva koji
su novčano potpomagali crkvu u nadi
za vječnim iskupljenjem. Nekad bi ta-
kav plemić naručio nadgrobni spome-
129
nik za sebe tokom života, iako je to
mnogo češće činila porodica nakon nje-
gove smrti. Ponekad bijedan spomenik
služio za više članova porodice. Sve je
ovo nastavilo vrijediti i u slijedećem
razdoblju. Zanimljivo je da je ova for-
ma obilježavanja groba, koja je izrazito
regionalna, svojstvena pripadnicima i
katoličke i pravoslavne crkve, što se
vidi po natpisima na spomenicima.
Najraniji eksterijemi nadgrobni
spomenici koji imaju formu sličnu steli
- pravokutnici koji stoje na jednoj od
njegovih užih strana - jesu srpsko-pra-
voslavni spomenici iz 13. stoljeća, sa
uklesanim tekstom, ali bez drugih de-
koracija, od kojih je jedan još in situ
na otvorenom u Vidoštaku kod Stoca,
Hercegovina (Vego 1964; str. 10, 11,
br. 53). Oni prethode kako zauzimanju
istočne Hercegovine od strane katolič­
kih vladara, centralne Bosne, tako i raz-
doblju kuge u kojem je podignuto naj-
više ovakvih spomenika na otvorenom.
Neobična karakteristika ovih ranih spo-
menika u eksterijeru, koja se ne ponav-
lja u kasnijim vremenima, jest da su
postavljeni na dugačku užu stranu, dok
je tip normalne stele postavljen na krat-
ku užu stranu. To omogućava ispisiva-
nje dužih tekstova sličnih onima na pra-
voslavnim spomenicima u obliku sandu-
ka u istoj regiji, ali kasnijeg datuma
(Tomović 1974; str. 40, br. 14, 15).
Vrste nadgrobnih kamenova za
koje većina ljudi danas misli da su ka-
rakteristično bosa\1ski - što su, neiz-
bježno, vrste najl;>~lj~,;poznate iz turis-
tičke literature - jesu ogromni ukrašeni
spomenici u obliku običnog sanduka, i
mnogo više forma sanduka, također bo-
gato ukrašena, koja kombinira osobine
kovčega i pravokutne~' )če postavljene
130
na užu stranu. Dugo vremena je takva
turistička literatura ovjekovječivala
mit, koji su snažno propagirali austro-
ugarski infiltratori u Bosni tokom 19.
stoljeća, da su takvi spomenici speci-
fični za članove (heretičke ) Crkve bo-
sanske, apsurdno nazvane "bogumili-
ma" prema potpuno neadekvatnom po-
vezivanju, sa bugarskom dualističkom
sektom tog imena (vidi: Malcolm 1994;
str. 27-31). Moja istraživanja tokom
mnogih godina pokazala su da Crkva
bosanska - kakve god prirode daje bila
- nema nikakve veza s razvojem ili
stilom ovih nadgrobnih spomenika, ia-
ko je nekoliko njenih pripadnika uko-
pano pod kasnijim verzijama tog tipa
spomenika.
Najraniji ukrašeni bosanski nad-
grobni spomenici su uglavnom u obliku
kovčega i može ih se promatrati kao
lokalnu varijantu evropskog nadgrob-
nog spomenika sa kipom pokojnika, što
je primjenjivano tokom 14. stoljeća.
Bosanska varijanta općenito je imala
dvodimenzionalni portret pokojnika na
jednoj strani, radije nego trodimenzio-
nalni ria vrhu kako je to bio običaj na
Zapadu. Žalobnici su obično prikazani
okolo kako plešu, a javljaju se i scene
i aktivnosti iz pokojnikovog života ili
ponekad prikaz njegove pogrebne po-
vorke.
Po mom mišljenju, ovakav nad-
grobni spomenik je u početku posebno
adaptiran da se dopadne bosanskom
ukusu - od strane doseljenika-klesara,
vjerovatno iz Italije, kojije radio u služ-
bi ugarskoga kralja. Tokom tog perioda
Bosna je bila u sastavu Ugarske, a kas-
nije banovina pod labavom ugarskom
upravom, i Ugarska je željela proširiti
svoje bosanske granice da obuhvati i
zemlje jugoistočno od Neretve koje su
bile u srpskim rukama (tj. današnja is-
točna Hercegovina). To je postignuto
mijenjanjem vazaiske lojalnosti lokal-
nih plemića, a otmjeni klesani spome-
nici, ja mislim, bili su među nagradama
za one koji su promijenili stranu.
Najraniji nadgrobni spomenici
ovog stila, koji su i najsofisticiraniji,
potječu između 1326. i 1355. godine,
i uglavnom su u pravoslavnoj Herce-
govini. Svi imaju iste grbovne rezbarije
kao dio dekoracije - vrlo vjerovatno
grba Bosne kao ugarske banovine
(Wenzel 1982; str. 57, 63-68; sl. 8-10).
Poslije toga, čini se da lokalni klesari
preuzimaju ovaj uvezeni stil, koji u nji-
hovim rukama postaje rustičan tokom
godina; oni uskoro zamjenjuju novo-
izmišljenu regionalnu "heraldiku" za
originalne standardne forme.
Mora se nešto reći i o Crkvi bo-
sanskoj, izvoru mnogih zabuna. Čini
se da je ta institucija, kakva god da je
bila, iznikla u 13. stoljeću kao rezultat
pokušaja plemića pretežno katoličke
Bosne da stvore neovisnu nacionalnu
crkvu, paralelnu sa samostalnom pra-
voslavnom crkvom koju je za sebe
izgradila Srbija u približno isto vrijeme.
Crkva bosanska - koja je u sakralnoj
arhitekturi, obrednim formama i sve-
ćeničkom načinu života miješala sve
vrste katoličkih i pravoslavnih sveće­
ničkih i monastičkih osobina - nije bila
tako uspješna funkcionalna institucija,
kao što je bila pravoslavna crkva.
Srpsku crkvu je pravoslavni pa-
trijarh u Konstatinopolu tolerirao i čak
prihvaćao, dok Crkva bosanska nije bi-
la prihvaćena od papa. Zvali su je he-
retičkim i drugim imenima, i obavezali
Ugare na križarski pohod kada su po-
stali neprijateljski i osvajački raspolo-
ženi (Fine 1975; passim; Fine 1987;
str. 147-8). Ipak, čini se da papinstvo
nije u stvari imalo pojma o stvarnoj dok-
trini Crkve bosanske, ukoliko ju je ova
i imala, a optužbe o herezi - začinjene
uobačajenim dualističkim imenima -
bile su standardne, tj. mogle su se od-
nositi na bilo kakvu grupaciju, koja je
tražila neovisnost od Rima, kakvih god
uvjerenja bila. Te optužbe ne daju ni-
kakve informacije na osnovu kojih bi
se moglo zaključiti nešto o filozofskoj
sofisticiranosti osnivača crkve, a još
manje o njihovoj neomanihejštini, po-
vezanoj tobože sa strašću za inkorpo-
riranje tajanstvenih znakova njihovih
čudnih uvjerenja u ikonografiju nad-
grobnih spomenika - što je, začudo,
uvriježeno mišljenje u prvoj polovici
20. stoljeća.
Iako je Crkva bosanska imala i
svoje samostane, i predstavnike na ple-
mićkim dvorovima, bila je loše orga-
nizirana i uspjela je navesti tek neko-
licinu običnih ljudi na preobraćenje.
Mnogi Bosanci nisu bili previše odani
određenoj crkvi, sebe su vidjeli kao ka-
tolike ili kao pravoslavce s obzirom na
područje na kojemu su živjeli. Poneki
od njih bili su od srca pobožni, pro-
mišljeni kršćani, ali treba reći da je
veliki dio populacije prije bio prazno-
vjeran nego religiozan u pravome smis-
lu, preferirajući sekularne aktivnosti -
viteška društva i turnire, pljačkaštvo,
zavisno od životnoga položaja - iznad
ozbiljna njegovanja bilo koje uspostav-
ljene religije. Samo za jednoga bosan-
skog vladara može se pouzdano reći da
je pripadao Crkvi bosanskoj. Bio je to
kralj Ostoja, koji je vladao od 1398. do
1404. i od 1409. do 1418 (Fine 1987;
str. 459); drugi su uglavnom bili kato-
131
 lici (Fine 1975; str. 222, 274). U stvari,
prva dobro strukturirana religija, koja
se ikada ukorijenila u Bosni, jest islam,
i svi zabilježeni konvertiti na islam,
koje je moguće precizno identificirati,
bili su ili katolici ili pravoslavci, prije
nego li članovi Crkve bosanske (Fine
1975; str. 385).
SI. 1: Ste/rl iz Zgošće (Zemaljski muzej Sarajevo). Zapadna, južna, istočna i sjeverna strana stele.
132
Vrativši se sada na srednjovje-
kovnu bosansku umjetnost, želim raz-
motriti četiri spomenika u formi stele
iz ovog kritičnog prijelaznog razdoblja,
i pokazati miješanje islamskoga i zapad-
njačkoga utjecaja na njima. Prvi spo-
menik te forme napravljen je tokom
vladavine kralja Ostoje i taj je, po mo-
jemu sudu, jedan od vrlo rijetkih pri-
mjera koji se mogu promatrati kao
umjetnost Crkve bosanske (sl. 1). Svi
primjeri te umjetnosti mogu se povezati
s plemstvom ili s bogatim bosanskim
crkvenim dostojanstvenicima, i čini se
da skoro svi potječu iz doba kralja Os-
toje. Prva stela istodobno je i vrlo ek-
lektična i vrlo inventivnoga stila, kao
i sva najbolja bosanska umjetnost kroz
naredna stoljeća: prirodni rezultat po-
ložaja Bosne na razmeđi evropskih i
istočnjačkih religija i kultura. Ova stela
napravljena je u dobu u kojemu ma-
melučka umjetnost utječe na umjetnike
Italije i jadranskoga područja, i u stva-
ranje potpuno nove forme kršćanskoga
spomenika unosi ideje iz tih 25 godina,
prije nego otomanski repertoar.
Stela Vuka ili Voj slava
Vukčića Hrvatinića; 1401.
Jedinstveni spomenik poznat
kao stela iz Zgošće (sl. 1) trenutno stoji
nezaštićen u dvorištu Zemaljskog mu-
zeja u Sarajevu. Muzej se nalazio pod
stalnim bombardiranjem tokom rata.
Stela je imala samo manja oštećenja od
bombardiranja posljednji put kada sam
je mogla pogledati u junu/lipnju 1993.
Kao i mnogi drugi zanimljivi nad-
grobni spomenici, stela je u Sarajevo
preseljena sa svojega izvornoga polo-
žaja na početku ovoga stoljeća, da bi
se formirala neka vrsta studijske zbirke;
premještenaje iz Donje Zgošće, na pe-
rifeliiji Kaknja u središnjoj Bosni. Taj
se položaj nalazi između dva kraljevska
dvorca, Bobovca i Kraljeve Sutjeske,
na lokalitetu poznatom kao Crkvina
("stara crkva"), na putu Kakanj-Zgošća.
Ovdje se stela uzdizala poput tornja
iznad druga četiri nadgrobna spomeni-
ka poznatijega oblika, a cijela grupa od
pet spomenika nalazila se u blizini osta-
taka temelja male crkve. Nema poda-
taka da je u Bosni ikada urađen neki
sličan nadgrobni spomenik.
Stela je visoka 242 cm, isklesana
iz jedtiog komada finoga tufa, koji je
takođe korišten za arhitektonske orna-
mente u obližnjem dvorcu u Kraljevoj
Sutjesci (Anđelić 1973; str. 179). Obli-
kovana je kao blok postavljen na dršku
sa čvrstom osnovom. Gornji i donji ele-
menti su pravokutni, dok uža osnova -
klesana zajedno s bazom - ima dvana-
est stranica (Wenzel 1965; T. l, 14;X111,
13; XXXVllI, 31; LXXV, 5; Asboth
1890; str. 123). Svaku stranu gornjega
bloka ukrašava ornament u obliku ko-
nopa, na vrhu svake obrubljene zone
je vodoravna površina za natpise, a is-
pod toga zona dekoracije.
Ovaj spomenik ima interesantnu
i alarmantnu povijest interpretacije, i
budući da se ponekad u literaturi po-
javljuje datacija drukčija od one koju
ja predlažem, smatram da se tome treba
posvetiti nekoliko redaka. Stelu su pro-
učavali različiti stručnjaci tokom vre-
mena, i na osnovi nekoliko različitih
izvještaja može se zaključiti da su nat-
pisi nešto izobličeni nakon što ih je
prvi pročitao austrijski propagator i ar-
heolog Ćiro Truhelka početkom ovoga
stoljeća. U knjizi objavljenoj u Hrvat-
skoj 1942 (tokom Drugoga svjetskog
rata), Truhelka tvrdi da je pročitao je-
dan cjelovit natpis na steli, i drugi dje-
lomično, u kojemu se spominje ime
"Stjepan", na masivnom spomeniku što
se nalazio u blizini stele, a taj je sada
također u dvorištu muzeja u Sarajevu
133
(Bešlagić 1982; str. 169, sl. 42; str.
333, sl. 148). Rezultat njegovoga čita­
nja jest tvrdnja da se ovi spomenici
mogu pripisati bosanskom vladaru, ba-
nu Stjepanu Kotromaniću (1316-1353)
- osnivaču dinastije čiji su kasniji pri-
padnici bosanski kraljevi imenom Tvr-
tko - i nekim njegovim rođacima, uk-
ljučujući i Tvrtka, za kojega Truhelka
misli daje bio direktni nasljednik Stje-
pana kao ban od 1353. do 1377, i koji
je zavladao kao kralj od 1377. do 1391
(Trnhelka 194211991; str. 635-6; Bešla-
gić 1967; str. 97).
Međutim, privatno je mišljenje
nekoliko bosanskih arheologa, koji su
doskora radili u Zemaljskom muzeju,
da su natpisi na ova dva važna spome-
nika, ma koliko nekoć bili čitljivi, u
jednomu trenutku namjerno izobličeni
od austrougarskih nadležnika. Ovako
su mišljenje meni osobno izrazila dva
eminentna znanstvenika, dr. Pavao An-
đelić i dr. Đuro Basler, ali nijedan nije
iznio obrazloženje takvoga postupka.
No, objašnjenje je vrlo jasno, samo ako
se počne istraživati mogućnost da je
Truhelka zbog nekoga razloga žarko
želio utvrditi da su ban Stjepan Kotro-
manić i kralj Tvrtko I pokopani u Zgoš-
ći, pod ovim kamenjem, ali je našao da
stvarni natpisi ne podržavaju njegovu
tvrdnju.
U interesu austrougarske vlasti
početkom ovoga stoljeća bilo je proši-
renje utjecaja u Bosni i obeshrabrivanje
raspoloženja za bilo kakve panslaven-
ske aspiracije među stanovništvom. Na
nesreću, prethodno su prilično ohrabrili
takve aspiracije razvijanjem mita o bo-
gumiistvu, sugerirajući bosansku du-
hovnu bliskost s Bugarima, u vrijeme
kada im je primarna briga bila pobjeda
134
nad Turcima. ledini način na koji su
tada mogli minirati osjećaj "svi-Slave-
ni-zajedno" - koji im više nije odgo-
varao nakon odlaska Turaka, jer su to
Bosanci vidjeli kao još jedan razlog za
povezivanje s drugim južnoslavenskim
državama radije nego s Austro-Ugar-
skom - bio je da se osnaži mit o sa-
mosvojnim heretičkim bogumilima kao
osnivačima istinski separatističkog bo-
sanskog nacionalizma, i da ih se iden-
tificira s kasnijom muslimanskom po-
pUlacijom, tvrdnjom da su bogumili
prešli na islam en masse, s olakšanjem,
čim je stigla otomanska vlast. Tako je
postavljena efikasna "podijeli-pa-vladaj"
strategija, za koju se činilo da favorizira
muslimansku populaciju.
Nakon nezakonite ineomiljene
aneksije 1908, neki austrijski arheolozi
1909. slučajno otkrivaju ostatke, koji
su vrlo vjerovatno ostaci Stjepana i Tvr-
tka I, ovoga drugog skoro sasvim po-
uzdano. Ostaci su otkriveni, gotovo slu-
čajno, u franjevačkoj crkvi, u kraljev-
skoj kripti, pod nadgrobnim spomeni-
kom II obliku kovčega kojeg austrou-
garska propaganda snažno reklamira
kao bogumilski - dakle, kojeg su tobože
napravili pripadnici heretične i antika-
toličke sekte, ljudi, kako ta propaganda
tvrdi, kojima su odvratne bilo kakve
sakralne građevine, pa i sam simbol
križa, i koji su svoje mrtve, navodno,
sahranjivali isključivo na otvorenomu;
ljudi koji su - u svojemu vatrenom pro-
testantizmu - prethodnici i duhovni
preci svih bosanskih muslimana.
Sada se čini da je sve što je u
vezi s ovim iskopavanjem u više na-
vrata uništeno, sakriveno, ili pogrešno
obilježeno, a dimna zavjesa, što je iz
svega toga rezultirala, iz raznih poli-
tičkih razloga održavana je sve do sa-
dašnjega rata (Wenzel 1993; str. 127-
-31, 140-1). Vrlo bi vjerovatno moglo
biti da je Ćiro Truhelka, kao zagovornik
austrougarskih interesa, odlučio da gro-
bovi ovako važnih ličnosti moraju biti
pronađeni na otvorenomu, da te ličnosti
u skladu s teorijom moraju biti bogu-
mili, i ponašati se kao dobri bogumili.
Da je tako, tražio bi neobične i bogato
klesane nadgrobne spomenike na otvo-
renom prostoru - one koji su dostojni
kraljeva i njihove rodbine - a ja se
bojim da je on sam, vjerovatno, kao
dio te dimne zavjese, izbrisao sve pisa-
ne dokaze koji idu protiv njegove teze.
Vjerovatno je računao na opće nepoz-
navanje koje pomaže prihvaćanju nje-
govih objavljenih postavki.
Truhelkino čitanje, koje povezu-
je stelu s bosanskim banom Stjepanom
Kotromanićem, uopće se ne podudara
s onim što je iz preostaloga materijala
dešifrirao bosanski znanstvenik Še:fik
Bešlagić (Bešlagić 1967; str. 97). Obli-
ci slova iz natpisa mogu se naći u do-
kumentima i rezbarijama datiranim oko
1400, u vrijeme kralja Ostoje. Epigra-
fija se ovdje ne može detaljno razrađi­
vati, ali mnogi faktori zajedno sugeri-
raju da je pokojnik kojemu je stela pos-
većena ili Vuk ili Voj slav Hrvatinić.
Obojica su bili braća vojvode Hrvoja
Vukčića Hrvatinića, najvećega tadaš-
njeg bosanskog zemljoposjednika, i za-
ista pripadnika Crkve bosanske, kao što
su bili i svi članovi njegove obitelji.
Oba brata nestaju iz izvora 1401, kada
je Vuk pouzdano umro. Pokojnik vjero-
vatno nije Dragiša Hrvatinić, drugi brat,
kojega sugerira Bešlagić, jer, iako se
to ime pojavljuje u kamenu, nije do-
voljno blizu početka natpisa da bi stvar-
no bilo njegov subjekt.
Drugi skup smjernica vodi ka
vjerovanju da je ispod pridruženoga,
bogato ukrašenog spomenika u obliku
kovčega, sahranjen sam Hrvoje. Njemu
je kralj Dabiša 13. travnja/aprila 1392.
dodijelio obližnji grad Kakanj, pa nije
nemoguće da je baš tu i sahranjen.
Vraćajući se na fonnu i dekora-
cije zgošćanske stele, nalazimo čudne
kontraste. Oblik spomenika vrlo je sli-
čan nekim mamelučkim stelama u
Egiptu (vidi: Mazalić 1950) - Bosna s
Egiptom u to vrijeme ima bliske trgo-
vačke veze - iako je mnogo rascvjetani-
ja varijanta ovoga tipa stela iz Ayaso-
luka u zapadnoj Anatoliji, ranootoman-
skoga grada blizu staroga Efeza, koja
se na osnovu paleografskih dokaza da-
tira oko 1400 (P. Witek, u ličnom raz-
govoru), a sada se nalazi u muzeju u
Smirni.
Fonna ovoga spomenika se čini
mamelučkom, dekoracija ne. U stvari,
čudni, apstraktni ornament na zgošćan­
skoj steli - zakompliciran umetanjem
dvaju riba -lako se uviđa kao imitacija
korice i dekorisane stranice svete knji-
ge, uzdignute na stalak za evanđelje.
Ovdje su, dakle, modeli kršćanski.
Veliko X, koje se pojavljuje u
središtu kompozicije na gusto ukraše-
nom gornjem zapadnom licu, gdje po-
činje natpis, motiv je koji odgovara ta-
dašnjim bosanskim motivima na kori-
cama knjiga, a može se vidjeti, primje-
rice, na uvezu od prešane kože srpskog
pravoslavnog Đuriskog evanđelja iz
15. stoljeća (Milošević 1980; kat. br.
113). Uzor je koptsko-egipatsko knji-
goveštvo, kroz koje se provlači X motiv
od ll. do 13. stoljeća, često s dodatnim
135
vodoravnim trakama ispod i iznad glav-
noga motiva, kao i na zgošćanskoj steli
i na uvezu Đuriskog evanđelja (The
Christian Orient, Pl. 8; Arts of Islam,
Pl. 524).
Dekorativni oblici formirani kao
stupovi s naglašenim kapitelima i ba-
zama, urezani u sjevernu i južnu stranu
stelinoga podnožja, imitiraju stalak na
kojemu stoji takva knjiga; ukoliko za-
padna strana gornjega bloka predstavlja
ukrašeni omot knjige, stranice su suge-
rirane na ukrasnim pravokutnicima na
sjevernoj, istočnoj i južnoj strani. One
su modelirane prema stranicama bosan-
skih vjerskih knjiga, kao što je tzv. Hva-
lov zbornik (sl. 2), ilustrirano evanđelje
koje je sada u Bolonji, a za vojvodu
Hrvoja Vukčića ga je izradio krstjanin
Hval, pripadnik Crkve bosanske, 1404
(Đurić 1957; str. 43, sl. 26; Fine 1975;
str. 81).
U rasporedu teksta na stranicama
ovakvoga rukopisa dvije okomite table
teksta razdvojene su uskom nedekori-
ranom zonom, koja formira centralni
prazni stubac. On se spaja s glavnom
zonom na vrhu stranice, koja je ispu-
njena krupnijim slovima, a sve zajedno
formira oblik slova T. U gornjem dijelu
stele, na južnoj strani, zona teksta je
ispunjena dekoracijama, dok je sjeve-
rna strana ostavljena prazna. Istočna
strana popunjena je raznim motivima,
i moglo bi se reći da predstavlja ilu-
striranu stranicu rukopisa; naborani
kruhovi i ribe, kombinirani s kaležom,
moglo bi biti da se odnose na jedno od
Kristovih čuda (Bešlagić 1982.. str.
282, 283, sl. 111). Na kraju, možemo
utvrditi da ornamentaini krugovi, što
se također mogu vidjeti na steli, proi-
zilaze iz grupe takvih krugova koji se
pojavljuju iznad zaglavlja na nekim
stranicama knjiga kao što je Hvalov
zbornik (sl. 2). Dakle, čista islamska
forma spomenika biva ukrašena moti-
vima iz knjiga kršćanskoga obreda.

b.........-r.-"
~~~
............ ~

... .......
''"'-~
"' ~

.... _....,..
rr- .......... ~ Stela Mahmuta
.....
~-
....,.~
... ----j Brankovića; 1471-1485.
~~;.

-~ _----
t6t..,.,...",..~."..

.....
~.-~
....
.....................
:-.
~ _ ..
_ _ -nf
-~., ....,.
I S porastom islamskoga utjecaja
u Bosni tokom 15. stoljeća, stela po-
prima drugačiji, više otomanski a sve
manje mamelučki oblik. Pokazuju to
~---
. . . . H " ......... "'-
slijedeća dva spomenika o kojima ras-
..,--· .......-1
.os .. ...----! pravljam. Oni su očevidno djelo istoga
l""'.~~'"
""""" -. - - ...
umjetnika - sigurno osobe koja se spo-
Sl. 2: Stranica teksta Hvalovog zbornika. evan- minje u natpisu na kamenu, i koja je
đelistar Crkve bosanske; detalj. izvela i dekoracije i isklesala slova.

136

Sl. 3: Stela Mahmuta Brankovića (Zemaljski mu-
zej Sarajevo). Zapadna,južna, istočna i sjeverna
strana stele.
Stela posvećena Mahmutu Bran-
koviću (sl. 3) može se, prema okol-
nostima spomenutim u njezinu natpisu,
datirati između 1471. i 1485. Izvorno
mjesto stele je istočna Bosna, lokalitet
Petrovo polje blizu Rogatice. Tuje sta-
jala na groblju s drugih 68 spomenika
u obliku škrinje i 3 spomenika u obliku
kovčega; drugih stela nema. Može se
pretpostaviti kako je ova stela nastala
u kontekstu islamskoga razvoja u stil-
skom slijedu nadgrobnih spomenika jed-
ne zajednice, koja nije odvajala islam-
ske i kršćanske ukope.
Mahmutova stela, kao i prethod-
ni i slijedeći primjeri iz ovoga članka,
stoji trenutno u ratom oštećenom dvo-
rištu Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu.
Preživjela je lakša oštećenja kada sam
je pregledala zadnji put u lipnju/junu
1993, ali natpis je netaknut. Spomenik
je visok 244 cm i širok 42-45 cm. For-
miran je kao izduženi blok s pirami-
dainim vrhom, na kojemu se nalazi za-
vršni dio u obliku čvora. Zapadna strana
- u Bosni je ova strana tradicionalno
najviše vezana uz pokojnika u dekora-
tivne svrhe - nosi natpis i ukrašena je
lavom i širokim mačem u pravokutnim
koricama, s drškom koja je odmaknuta
od oštrice pod kutom. I drška mača i
korice karakteristične su za razdoblje
1460-1470. u otomanskoj sferi. Istočna
strana prikazuje koplje s dvostrukom
zastavicom, sjeverna neku vrstu batine
(Bešlagić 1982; str. 448, sl. 195), a
južna prikazuje polumjesec, četiri in-
dividualna ispupčenja i jedno ispupče­
nje unutar kruga, što bi moglo pred-
stavljati ili sunce ili okrugli štit.
Natpis glasi: "i pogibe na bolju
despotovul a sie bil(i)g' Mahmutal
IBrankov/ića na svo/i baštilnel na Pe-
tro/vu Polul da me blag(o)s1/ovena
r/uka kolje sieče i pisa" (Tomović
1974; str. 118, br. 121).
Prema srbijanskoj povjesničarki
Gordani Tomović, ovaj Mahmut Bran-
ković vjerovatno je poginuo boreći se
na turskoj strani protiv srpskoga despo-
ta Vuka Grgurovića - unuka despota
Đurađa Brankovića - koji se borio pro-
tiv Turaka u službi ugarskoga kralja
Matije Korvina od 1471. do 1485. Ona
odbija sugestije bosanskoga istraživača
Marka Vege da se "boj despotov" do-
gođiouperioduod 1454. do 1459 (Vego
1970; str. 36, 37, br. 225), pošto je
rogatička regija pala pod tursku vlast
tek s padom cijeloga bosanskog kra-
ljevstva 1463. Čini se nevjerovatnim
137
da bi Mahmut Branković prihvatio is- tima iz 15. stoljeća (Wenzel 1985; str.
lam prije toga datuma, tako da se njezin 25-7). Čini se mogućim da je uzorak
argument čini uvjerljivim (Tomović za slova klesaru ovoga spomenika izra-
1974; str. 119). dio neki kali graf, koji je oblikovao nat-
Prikaz mača sugerira da je Mah- pise za metalne predmete - možda u
mut Branković bio jedan od lokalnih rudarskom centru Srebrenici, koja se
plemića (jedini ljudi kojimaje bilo doz- nalazi sjeverno od Rogatice.
voljeno nositi mačeve), koji je prešao
na islam i koji je vjerovatno imao odre-
đeni položaj unutar otomanskoga up- Stela Radivoja Oprašića;
ravnog sistema. Nije vjerovatno da ga nakon 1476.
njegovo prezime krvno povezuje s poz-
natom srbijanskom despotskom obitelji Grobna stela Radivoja Oprašića
Brankovića, usprkos činjenici da su i vrlo je slična onoj Mahmuta Branko-
oni imali lava na grbu. Lav se poj avljuj e vića, no jasno je da je Radivoj bio kr-
i na steli Radivoja Oprašića, o kojoj će šćanin (sl. 4). On je bio u službi oto-
dalje biti riječi, pa je i iz toga jasno da manskoga vladara, ali se nije obratio
prikaz lava nije specifičan za osobe pre- na islam. Do 1476, godine povijesnoga
zimena Branković. Zapravo, sada se vi-
di da je prikaz lava na nadgrobnim spo-
menicima bila vrlo raširena bosanska
tradicija u 15. stolj~ću; mnogi od uk-
lesanih lavova liče ;psima, jer klesari
vrlo vjerovatno nisu bili detaljno upo-
znati sa stvarnim izgledom lava. Da su
te zvijeri zaista lavovi, da obavljaju ne-
ku općenitu zaštitničku funkciju na nad-
grobnom spomeniku i da stoga nemaju
neku izraženu heraldičku važnost, su-
gerira i natpis na kamenu iz Opličića
u Hercegovini: "Lav riče! " (Vego 1962;
str. 56-7, br. 36; Bešlagić 1982; str.
260-5).
Zanimljive su i neke neobične
crte oblika slova na ovom spomeniku.
Za O koristi se pravokutna forma, kao
i za krivulju slova a i v; slovo v od
slova O može se razlučiti jedino po svo-
joj vertikalnosti. Iako ovakva forma
slova a nije uobičajena rukopisna ka-
SI. 4: Stela Radivoja Oprašića (Zemaljski muzej
rakteristika, ona se pojavljuje na me- Sarajevo). Zapadna. južna. istočna i sjeverna
talnim bosansko-crnogorskim predme- strana stele.

138
izvora u kojemu se njegovo ime spo-
minje, teritorijem na kojemu je živio
vlada sultan Mehmed II Osvajač (1444-
-1446, 1451-1481).
Radivojev grob bio je lociran na
mjestu "Biljeg", na brdu blizu sela
Oprašići u rogatičkoj regiji, pokraj pra-
voslavnoga groblja. Stela stoji pokraj
sedam spomenika u obliku sanduka i
jednoga u obliku kovčega. Očevidno je
da je njegov grob smješten na obitelj-
skomu teritoriju, i vjerovatno je njego-
va obitelj bila pravoslavna, jer je pr-
votna nekropola proširena i tvori očito
pravoslavno pogrebno zemljište. Riječ
bilig ili "znak" u 15. stoljeću Bosanci
redovito koriste za svoje nadgrobne spo-
menike; natpisi na njima često koriste
formulu: "Ovaj 'bilig' diže taj i taj."
Kao i prethodne, ova stela nalazi
se sada u dvorištu muzeja u Sarajevu.
Visoka je 280 cm i 43-45 cm široka.
Ima četiri stranice kao i stela Mahmuta
Brankovića, ima piramidalni vrh i na
njemu završetak u obliku kugle. Deko-
racija se služi skoro istim komponen-
tama kao i Brankovićeva stela, ali or-
ganiziranim drukčijom konfiguraci-
jom, što sugerira da komponente nisu
imale nikakvu obrednu funkciju koja
bi ovisila o njihovoj orijentaciji, ako
su uopće i imale kakvu funkciju. Jedina
važna razlika jest to da zastavicu na
koplju tvori jedan trokut, a na Branko-
vićevoj steli zastavica na koplju ima
dva trokuta.
Zapadna strana ovoga kamena
nosi potpuno isti prikaz mača i lava
kao i stela Mahrnuta Brankovića, ali'
nedostaje natpis, koji se ovdje pojavlju-
je na istočnoj strani, ispod batine. Nat-
pis glasi: "a siel bileg'l počtenoga v/i-
t(e)za voevode Radivoja Oprlašića.
Dokle bih, počteino i glasitlo prebih,
i I/egoh u tućoj zemli al biJeg mi s/toi
na bašti/ni" (Vego 1970; str. 37, br.
226).
Radivoj se opisuje kao timar-
-sahiba regionalnoga okruga u otoman-
skoj podjeli koja se zove zijam et, u re-
giji Kušlat. Ovaj zijamet su činila dva
sela u samomu Kušlatu i trinaest sela
u okolici Goštilje, koja se nalaze u PO-
drinju između Srebrenice i Zvornika
(Handžić 1975; str. 124: podaci iz de-
ftera koji se odnose na Smederevski
sandžak, veljača/februar 1476. do stu-
denilnovembar 1477; Arhivi, Istanbul,
T.D. br. 16, sv. 280-1). Moguće je da
je ovaj Radivoj istovjetan onome tima-
ru Radivoju "Obrašiću" , čija su neka
druga imanja predana nekomu musli-
manu 1470. Ukoliko je to tako, njemu
su vjerovatno dodijeljeni novi posjedi,
ovi oko Kušiata (Filipović 1974; str.
214). U svakom slučaju, Radivoj je oči­
to bio vrlo važna osoba i, moguće, pri-
padnik kršćanskoga viteškog reda iz-
van njegove zemlje, što implicira nje-
gov naslov "počteni vitez" (Gordana
Tomović, Sima Ćirković, Beograd, lični
razgovor).
Oblici slova iz natpisa dovoljno
su slični onima s natpisa stele Mahrnuta
Brankovića, da bi se moglo prilično
pouzdano zaključiti da ihje klesala ista
ruka. Značajka obiju stela je brzo, nag-
nuto N, koje je u suprotnosti s usprav-
nom kvalitetom drugih slova. Ovo N
odlika je turko-ćiriličnoga rukopisa to-
ga vremena, i može se naći u pismu
koje je Dubrovčanima ćirilicom napi-
sao sultan Bajazit II 1493 (Đorđić
1971; str. 452. sl. 255).
139
 Tekstovi na stelama Mahmuta
Brankovića i Radivoja Oprašića prido-
nose vrlo sugestivno našim poimanjima
pojave spomenika-stela u Bosni tokom
razdoblja širenja islama. Oba spome-
nika impliciraju da za kamenje nije ve-
zan nikakav stvarni ukop na mjestu gdje
je ono postavljeno, nego da su bili "bi-
ljezi", podignuti na obiteljskoj zemlji,
na kršćanskim grobljima, da pokažu
pravo mjesto vječnoga pokoja ljudi koji
su nesrećom pokopani drugdje, ili čiji
su posmrtni ostaci doneseni odnekud.
Stela iz Zgošće takoder može biti takav
primjer. Ove su tri stele posebne po
tome što svaka stoji kao usamljeni pri-
mjerak biljega toga oblika u grupi ka-
menja sasvim drugačijih oblika. Može-
mo se pitati nisu li namjerno isklesane
tako egzotično, da bi bile podsjetnik na
udaljena mjesta na kojima su junaci
izgubili živote.

Stela I)onjirn
II
Bakićirna; 1410-1425.
Ideju o steli kao egzotičnoj formi
spomenika na obiteljskoj zemlji, pos-
većena nekomu ko je stradao i pokopan
negdje drugdje, može objasniti i četvrti
nadgrobni spomenik ovakvoga oblika,
vrlo velik, podignut blizu centra rud-
nika olova, tzv. stela iz Donjih Bakića
(sl. 5). Stela još uvijek stoji na svojemu
mjestu, na šumovitom lokalitetu Vlaš-
kovac, blizu Donjih Bakića,jugozapad­
no od Olova. Usprkos svojoj velikoj
visini od 4 metra, spomenik je u osnovi
vrlo sličan prethodnim primjerima,
osim što se prema bazi malo širi, dok
druge stele zadržavaju strogu pravokut-
Sl. 5: Stela iz Vlaškovca, Donji Bakid, okolica
Olova. Sjeverna strana stele.
nu formu cijelom visinom (Wenzel
1965; XLV 4,5; LlI 4,5; Benac 1951;
str. 26-8, sl. 24a-d).
Gornji dio zapadne strane i sve
gornje zone ostalih triju strana ukrašene
su zbijenim spiralama i grozdovima;
na svakoj strani nalazi se grubi prikaz
zmaja koji nosi štit. Prazna ploča za-
padne strane izgleda kao da je ostavlje-
na za natpis, no ako su se tu ikada
nalazila neka slova, ona više nisu vid-
ljiva. Dijelovi dekoracija su ipak do-

140
voljno vidljivi da se po njima spomenik
može smjestiti u prve dekade 15. sto-
ljeća.
Olovski kraj općenito je bogat
nadgrobnim spomenicima ukrašenim
spiralama i grozdovima. Valja reći da
je moda velikih spirala - ogrubjelih
akantovih smotaka - uz heraldičke šti-
tove, bila vrlo raširena značajka kas-
nogotičkoga stila, oko 1400. i može se
vidjeti, na primjer, na prikazu zlatnoga
bika Čarlsa IV, koji je izradio Vences-
lav iz Bohemije 1400 (Vienna, Oster-
reichisches National-Bibliothek, MS
338, sv. 1; Thomas 1979; str. 56, PI.
9). Iste velike spirale inkorporiraju se
u zaglavne zone stranica bizantskih ru-
kopisa tokom prvih 25 godina 15. sto-
ljeća (Spatharakis 1981; vol. II, sl. 488,
br. 275; Oxford, Christ Church, MS
Gr. 25, fal. 5r (datirano 1391-1425),
sl. 582, br. 283; Paris Gr. 12, fal. 5r,
datirano 1419). Štaviše, zbijene, uske
zavijene uspravne spirale s ovoga spo-
menika drugdje se u Bosni javljaju još
samo na zgošćanskoj steli, pa mislim
da je spomenik u Bakićima nastao u
istom klesarskom krugu, tokom prvih
25 godina 15. stoljeća.
Početak 15. stoljeća također se
poklapa s razdobljem u kojemu se na
bosanskim spomenicima javljaju moti-
vi preuzeti s opreme "Reda zmaja" -
neke vrste istočnoevropske varijante
zapadnjačkih viteških redova. Hrvoje
Vukčić bio je rani član ovoga reda, ko-
jega je 1408 (Fine 1987; str. 465) os-
novao ugarski kralj Sigismund; a Hr-
voju je dozvoljeno da dalje inicira svoje
vitezove. Njegove domaće inicijacije
mogle su se održavati u jajačkim tzv.
katakombama, podzemnoj kapeli u bli-
zini Hrvojeva dvorca u Jajcu. Ova pod-
zemna prostorija je isklesana u vulkan-
skome tufu, prvobitno bila je obojena,
kako se čini, u češkom stilu, s apsidaI-
nim prikazom sv. Mihajla, koji ubija
zmaja. Slikaje sada skoro potpuno uni-
štena dimom svijeća i kasnijim grafiti-
ma, i nikad nije objavljena. Još uvijek
su, međutim, vrlo jasni zmaj i Hrvojev
lični grb sa štitom i kacigom uklesani
na ulazu.
Ako je Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić,
kako sam već sugerirala, odista poko-
pan ispod masivnoga i bogato ukraše-
noga nadgrobnog spomenika u obliku
kovčega, kojije stajao pokraj prve stele
razmatrane u ovomu članku, moguće
je da izuzetna scena na istočnoj strani
toga spomenika prikazuje samoga Hr-
voja kako sjedi u jajačkoj inicijacijskoj
kapeli (Wenzel 1965; Pl. LXXXV, 13;
Bešlagić 1982; str. 358, sl. 166). Si-
gurno je i plemić iz Olova, kojemu je
posvećena stela u Donjim Bakićima,
mogao biti iniciran u "Red zmaja" na
istome mjestu, što bi objašnjavalo pri-
kaz zmajeva sa štitom na steli.
Šta nude podaci o iskopavanji-
ma, a u vezi s pitanjem da li je bilo
ukopavanja ispod ovih spomenika? Vr-
lo malo. Nema vjerodostojnih zapisa o
nekom važnom iskopavanju. Ipak, mož-
da je važno spomenuti da su tokom još
neobjavljenog Stanford University/Ju-
goslavija iskopavanja 1967. - koje je
vodio Janko Bjelošević u dolini Tre-
bišnjice kod mjesta Mistihalj, i u koje-
mu sam sudjelovala - svi nadgrobni
spomenici na ovome velikom lokalitetu
bili podignuti dizalicama, i da je istra-
ženo svako mjesto potencijalnoga uko-
pa. Osteologiju mistihaljskih ukopa
141
obavili su Alden i Judy Redfield. Naj-
viši spomenik središnje zone, registar-
ski broj 17, bio je u obliku uskog vi-
sokog sanduka s bazom, 150 cm visok,
145 cm dug i 60 cm širok, što je po
formi blisko steli (sl. 6a). Na dužim
SI. 6a: Visoki sanduk iz Mistihalja, sada u Bileći;
jugozapadna duža strana, jugoistočni završetak.
stranama ukrašen je arkadama ispod
malih rozeta, a na jugoistočnoj kraćoj
strani ima lako urezanoga jelena. Po
stilskim odlikama može se reći da pri-
pada u kasno 14. ili rano 15. stoljeće.
Ispod ploče baze nalazila se mala pra-
vokutna zona ograđena kamenjem,
unutar koje su se nalazile kosti muškar-
142
ea starog 50-60 godina, nepravilno ras-
poređene (sl. 6b). One su očito done-
sene odnekud. Svi drugi grobovi u bli-
zini, pod niskim spomenicima, sadrža-
vali su cijele skelete.
Voljela bih sugerirati da se šire-
nje forme otomanskoga nišana u Bosni
(ranih stela široko poznatoga otoman-
skoga tipa) moglo preklapati s već po-
stojećom tradicijom visokoga biljega,
podizanoga na obiteljskomu tlu, u spo-
men ratniku kojije poginuo negdje dru-
gdje.
.10<.
SI. 6b: Ostaci kostura ispod sanduka.
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slavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti,
str. 169-187 (Zagreb).
Truhelka, Ć. 1897, Slavonski banovci (Prinos
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149
M. WENZEL: BIOGRAFIJA
Dr. Marian Wenzel je slikarka i
historičar umjetnosti. Rođena je u
Pittsburghu, Pennsylvania, USA. Duže
vremena živi i radi u Londonu.
Slikarstvo je učila od ranog dje-
tinjstva. Prvi joj je učitelj bila njena
baka koja je u Chicagu studirala sa
Mary Cassattom. Studij slikarstva je
Marian Wenzel započela na Carnegie-
-Mello n University, Pittsburgh, ali se
odlučila na nastavak školovanja na Co-
lumbia University, New York, na od-
sjeku filozofije, gdje je diplomirala.
Prelaskom u London, nastavlja studij
na Courtauld Institute of Art, na kojem
brani doktorsku disertaciju 1967. go-
dine. Tema doktorata Ukrasni motivi
na stećcima rezultat je njenog dugo-
godišnjeg istraživanja kulturno-historij-
skog naslijeđa Bosne i Hercegovine.
Istraživanja je integralno objavila u bi-
blioteci Kulturno nasljeđe izdavačke
kuće "Veselin Masleša".
Marian Wenzel je impresivno
ime u bosanskoj kulturnoj sferi u koju
je živo uključena od 1959. godine. Ku-
ćica uz mostarski Stari most, sada uniš-
ten, bila je cijelo dugo ljeto te godine
150
njen dom u koji se vraćala sa svojih
istraživačkih putovanja po Hercegovi-
ni, i mnogo po Bosni, pješaćeći sa ma-
garcem natovarenim stvarima, stičući
jake instinkte i osjećanje za teren. Ko-
lege, historičari umjetnosti Bosne,
Srbije i Hrvatske bili su joj velika pot-
pora.
Njena predanost kulturnom nas-
lijeđu, preko i iznad politike, dobro je
primljena od strane svih u Bosni i stoga
ona nastavlja, preko svoje, nevladine
BHHR (Bosnia-Herzegovina Heritage
Rescue) organizacije, suradnju sa mu-
zejima, galerijama, arhivom Bosne i
Hercegovine ...
Publikovala je preko 30 eseja o
bosanskom kulturnom naslijeđu, ali i
druge naslove sa temama iz oblasti kul-
ture i umjetnosti. Bavila se arhitektu-
rom u Nubiji, nakitom islamskog svi-
jeta, skulpturama Egipta i Mesopota-
rnije, a posebno obradom metala u ma-
nje poznatim antičkim i srednjovjekov-
nim kulturama.
Njen slikarski opus je vezan, ta-
kođer, za Bosnu. Izložbeni debut je do-
živjela u Umjetničkom paviljonu u Sa-
rajevu, daleke 1966. godine. U okviru
kulturne manifestacije "Sarajevska zi-
ma 1998", Marian Wenzel je postavila
najuspješniju izložbu slika i crteža Bos-
na i Hercegovina - stradanje, memo-
rija, rađanje. Neki njeni radovi su traj-
no pohranjeni u Umjetničkoj galeriji
Bosne i Hercegovine.
M. WENZEL: RADOVI NA TEMU
BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA
1960, The Sinjska Alka (The ritual of
Titling for a Ring at Sinj), Folklore
71, London, pp. 228-233.
1961a, A Mediaeval Mystery Cult in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Journal of
the Warburg and Courtauld Insti-
tutes XXIV 1-2, London, pp. 89-
107.
1961b, Some Reliefs outside the Vje-
trenica Cave at Zavala, Starinar -
Archaeological Institute, Serbian
Academy of Sciences, new series
XII, Belgrade, pp. 21-34.
1962a, Graveside Feasts and Dances
in Yugoslavia, Folklore 73, London,
pp. 1-4.
1962b, Bosnian and Herzegovinian
Tombstones - who made them and
why, Sudost - Forschungen XXI,
Munich, pp. 102-143.
1962c, Lisnati krst nastećcima s pod-
ručja Neretve (The Foliated Cross
on Medieval Tombstones from the
Neretva Region), Muzej primenjene
umetnosti, Zbornik 8, Beograd, str.
39-48.
1962d, O nekim simbolima na dalma-
tinskim stećcima (Concerns some
Symbols on Medieval Dalmatian
Tombstones), Prilozi povijesti um-
jetnosti u Dalmaciji 14, Split, str.
79-93.
1964, Some Notes on the Iconography
ofSt. Helen, Actes du XIIe Congres
international d'etudes Byzantines,
Ochride 10-16, septembre 1961,
Belgrade, pp. 415-428.
1965, Ukrasni motivi na stećcima (Or-
namental Motifs on Tombstones
from Medieval Bosnia and Sur-
rounding Regions), Veselin Masle-
ša, Sarajevo, 459 strana.
1966, Štitovi i grbovi na stećcima
(Shields and Coats of Arms on Me-
dieval Bosnian Tombstones), Vojni
muzej Beograd, Vesnik 11-12, Be-
ograd, str. 90-109.
1967a, The Dioscuri in the Balkans,
Slavic Review XXVI, New York,
pp. 363-381.
1967b (with Ljubinka Kojić), Medieval
Glass Found in Yugoslavia, Journal
of Glass Studies IX, Coming, pp.
76-93.
1967c, Neki komentari o odvojenoj ruci
na bosanskim stećcima (Some Notes
concerning the Isolated Hand de-
picted on Bosnian Medieval Tomb-
stone), Narodno stvaralaštvo - Fol-
klor VI, 22-24, april-oktobar 1967,
Beograd, str. 137-140.
1974, Analysis ofsome Glass from Her-
zegovina, Verre medieval aux Bal-
kans (Ve-XVe s.) [includes the glass
analysis by Robert BriU]. Recueil
des travaux, Conference interna-
tionale Belgrade, 24-26 of April
1974, Belgrade, pp. 197-218;
1977, A Reconsideration of Bosnian
Medieval Glass, Journal of Glass
Studies XIX, Coming, pp. 63-76.
1980a, (with Ljubinka Kojić), Osvrt na
tri inostrane knjige o stećcima (A
Review of Three Foreign Books
151
 about stećci) [two German, and one
French, about Bosnian tombstones.
This was an attack on the Bogomil
hypothesis offered in all three of
these books as an explanation for
the origins of the those tomb stone],
Starinar XXXI, Beograd, str. 203-
-211.
1982, Two Medieval Rings in the Zavi-
čajni muzej Trebinje, Tribunia 6,
Trebinje, pp. 47-78.
198411985, A Bosnian Kingdom Metal-
working Tradition, Peristil: Anthol-
ogy of Works in the History of Art,
published by the Society of Art His-
torians of the Republic of Croatia,
XXX , no. 30, Zagreb, pp. 5-39.
1987, Bosnian History and Austro-
Hungarian Policy: Some Medieval
Belts, the Bogomi! Romance and the
King Tvrtko Graves, Peristil, XXX,
no. 30, Zagreb, pp. 29-54.
1992, The Lost Glory of Sarajevo (let-
ter), Eastern Art Report III, no. 6,
London, pp. 10-11.
1992193, Memories ofOld Mostar, Cor-
nucopia III, Vol. I, Istanbul, pp. 112-
1l3.
1993a, 'Cultural Cleansing' intensi.fies
at Mostar, Bosnia News, Newsletter
of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Infor-
mation Centre, no. 3, March 1993,
London.
1993b, The Zemaljski muzej, Sarajevo,
Museum Management and Curator-
ship 12, no. 1, March 1993, Oxford,
pp. 95-96.
1993c, Eyewitness in Sarajevo: Our
sister and brother curators and art
historians. How do ordinary people
live in extraordinary and terrible
times?, The Art Newspaper, no. 32,
152
November 1993, News, London and
Turin, p. 7.
1993d, Bosnian History and Austro-
Hungarian Policy: The Zemaljski
Muzej Sarajevo, and the Bogomi!
Romance, Museum Management
and Curatorship 12, no. 2, Oxford,
pp. 127-142.
1993194e, Bosnia's War Damage and
Aftermath: A Fashion for Destruc-
tion, Aspect, Views from the King's
Manor, Journal of the Alumni As-
sociation of the Institute of Ad-
vanced Architectural Studies, York,
3, pp. 42-43.
1994a, Four Decorated Steles: The In-
fluence of Islam on Bosnian Funer-
ary Monuments, Journal of Islamic
Studies, 5:2, Oxford, pp. 221-24l.
1994b, Requirements and methods to
influence conditions of cultural
heritage during ongoing armed con-
flicts, in Margareta Biornstad, edi-
tor, Information as an Instrument
for Protection against War Damages
to the Cultural Heritage, UNESCO,
Svenska Unescoradets skriftserie 4,
Stockholm, pp. 71-80.
1994c, The Reconstruction Fraud, Bos-
nia Report, Newsletter of the AHi-
ance to Defend Bosnia-Herze-
govina, Issue 7, November 1994,
London, pp. 3-4.
1994d, Bosnian History and Austro-
Hungarian Policy: The Zemaljski
Muzej Sarajevo, and the Bogomi!
Romance [shortly version], Eraz-
mus 15, Zagreb.
1995, Brief Report Concerning the
Current Situationfor Cultural Heri-
tage in Mostar, Museum Manage-
ment and Curatorship 14, no. 1, Ox-
ford, pp. 83-85.
 SADRŽAJ

Predgovor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Uvod . ............ '" .................... , '" ......................... II

Povijest Bosne i austrougarska politika - srednjovjekovni pojasevi,

bajka o bogumilima i grobovi kraljeva Tvrtka I i II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 19
Povijest Bosne ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 19
Muslimani u Bosni i Hercegovini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Iskrivljena povijest Bosne. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Grob Tvrtka I '" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Bajka o bogumilima . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Verzija Felixa von Luschana ........................................ 31
Odjeci .. " .... " .............. , '" .......................... , .... 39
Dodatak ........................................................ 52

Dva srednjovjekovna prstena u Zavičajnom muzeju Trebinje . ............... 55

Prsten iz Donjih Turana ............................................ 55
Prsten iz Domaševa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

Tradicija umjetničke obrade metala u Kraljevini Bosni ..................... 79

Kosovski "print" (medaljon) ......................................... 80
Sankova posuda ................................................... 85
Zdjela iz Stobija i Gogo~i-Mehedintija ................................ 92
Kotor - središte umjetničke obrade metala. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
Zdjela iz Temske ...................... '" ........................ 101
"Godet" iz Hercegovine? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 106
Još jedan francuski model. ......................................... 109
Ivanova posuda .................................................. 110
Čkotovljeva i zdjela iz Ermitaža .................................... 116
Zagrebačka posuda ............................................... 123

Četiri ukrašene stele: utjecaj islama na bosanske nadgrobne spomenike . ..... 129
Stela Vuka ili Voj slava Vukčića Hrvatinića; 1401. ..................... 133
Stela Mahrnuta Brankovića; 1471-1485 ............................... 136
Stela Radivoja Oprašića; nakon 1476................................. 138
Stela u Donjim Bakićima; 1410-1425 ................................. 140
Reference ............................................................. 143

M. Wenzel: Biografija ................................................... 150

M. Wenzel: Radovi na temu Bosna i Hercegovina ........................... 151
 BOSNIAN STYLE
ON TOMBSTONES AND METAL

To the Memory of Neil Atwood,

Alojz Benac, Hasan Grabčanović, Anthony Blunt
without whose help this book would never have been written
and in appeeciation
for the deep support of
Azra Begić, Ljubinka Kojić, Desanka Kovačević,
lohn Fine, Noel Malcolm, Muhamed Karamehmedović
and Asim Đonlić
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction . ........................................................ " 159

Bosnian History and Austro-Hungarian policy: Some Medieval Belts,

the Bogomil Romance and the King Tvrtko Graves. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 169
Bosnian History ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 169
The Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 170
A False History of Bosnia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 171
The Grave of Tvrtko I ............................................ 175
The Bogomil Romance. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 181
Felix VOn Luschans's Story ........................................ 182
Repercussions ................................................... 191
Postscript. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205

Two Medieval Rings in the Zavičajni Muzej Trebinje ...................... 207

The Donji Turani Ring. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
The Domaševo Ring. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

A Bosnian Kingdom Metalworking Tradition ............................. 233

The Kosovo Print . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
The Sanko Bowl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
The Stobi and Gogo§i-Mehedinti Bowls .............................. 247
Kotor as a Metalworking Centre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
The Temska Bowl .................•.............................. 256
A Herzegovinian "Godet"? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
A Further French Style Model. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
The Ivan Cup .................................................... 266
The Čkotov and Hermitage Bowls. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
A Bowl in Zagreb. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280

Four Decorated Steles: The Influence of Islam on

Bosnian Funerary Monuments .......................................... 287
The Stele of Vuk or Vojslav Vukčić Hrvatinić; 1401 ................... 290
The Stele of Mahmut Branković; 1471-1485 .. '" ..................... 295
The Stele of Radivoj Oprašić; after 1476 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297
The Stele at Donji Bakići; 1410-1425 ................................ 299
References ............................................................ 303

M. Wenzel: Biography .................................................. 310

M. Wenzel: Publications concerning Bosnia-Herzegovina...................... 311
 INTRODUCTION

The four articles which constitute this book were written over a long period.
All of them set out what can be honestly called Bosnian style, which became a
widely recognized style in its time, and which became shaped through produce of
the Decorative Arts made during the period of the Bosnian Banate and the Bosnian
Kingdom in the 14th and 15th centuries. At that time, historical records indicate
it was possible to order jewellery, metal vessels, weaponry and shields In Bosnian
style. Various objects the author feels to represent this style are illustrated in this
book. Bosnian tombstones are carriers of Bosnian style - proving its nature because
they, unlike other objects, do not move about - and my lifelong work demonstrates
this fact. Bosnian style looks more towards Central European production, and to
Mamluk Egyptian production within the Mediterranean sphere, than to Ottoman
production, which had its impact on Bosnian art only after the Ottoman conquest.
The nature of the Bosnian Church, insofar as it can be at present defined, is felt
by the author to have had no impact on the nature of the Bosnian decorative arts
which are discussed here, and which rather reflect the popular, non·religious aspects
of Bosnian life. The topic of the Bosnian Church, still under consideration, can
not, and should not be taken as subject of this particular book.
As an American who has worked in Bosnia over thirty years and is Director
of the sole charity for preservation of the cultural heritage of Bosnia-Herzegovina
(BHHR, Bosnia-Herzegovina Heritage Rescue) I will say a few words about the
background of my own study of these topics, here.
When small, I became interested in Bosnia through artifacts and travel books
about the country brought to America by the wife of a relative, an American engineer
who had assisted in buldings railways in Bosnia after the First World War. I went
to Bosnia when energetic and young. My life work relating to this country can be
seen as a sequence of activities, all directed towards better understanding of its
culture, which drew me towards itself. An early, major activity consisted of recording
and sorting the ornamentation on Bosnia's famous stećak tombstones, which resulted
in my doctoral thesis for the University of London, Courtauld Institute of Art, and
a book with thousands of drawings published in 1965 by "Veselin Masleša",
fore-runner of "Sarajevo-Publishing", called Ornamental Tombstones of Medieval

159
Bosnia and Surrounding Regions (Ukrasni motivi na stećcima). Further activities,
which ran concurrent with the first but which took many more years, consisted of
seeking to understand the evolution of these tombstones, the nature of which I by
then knew well. I sought to answer two crucual and haunting questions. My first
question grew from the fact that at the beginning of my research, around 1960, I
naturally believed all stećci were made by people called Bogomils, because everyone
told me this was the case. Therefore I asked, "How did Bogomils come to make
these monuments, and (since I was also told they believed all matter was evil and
I knew these tombstones weighed many tons) why did they bother?"
Then followed years of research during whi~h I came to realize Bogomils did
not make these tombstones; the results are summarized in the first article here
presented, Bosnian History and Austro-Hungarian Policy: Some Medieval Belts,
The Bogomi! Romance and the King Tvrtko Graves.
My second question I started to ask only after the years of research indicating
to me that Bogomils, so called, had never been in Bosnia, and secondly, did not
make tombstones looking like this either in Bulgaria which was their country of
origin, or anywhere else. This question was, "Excluding Bogomils as having originated
these tombstones, why and how did just this kind of tombstone come to be made
in Bosnia, and, once taken root in Bosnia, how did it come to develop as it did?"
The first part of this double-pronged question is answered in the article, Two
Medieval Rings in the Zavičajni Muzej, Trebinje, which describes, along with other
material, how Stjepan II Kotroma nić, ban of Bosnia under support of Cmholic
Hungary, whose Orthodox sister was married into an important Serbian family
linked with founders of historic Serbia and living near the River Neretva Catholic-
Orthodox divide, sent down carvers in the 1330s to make specially-designed gothic
tombstones carrying arms of the Bosnian Banate, for those in the Serbian Orthodox
sphere who could be persuaded to fight for a united Bosnian state. Later, this
Orthodox area became part of the Bosnian Kingdom, and a seat of its tombstone-
-making creativity. Before that time, Orthodox in the area did utilize tombstones,
but not of gothic shapes with figurative details.
In answering the second part of this question, I learned about the multi--ethnic
phenomenon which is Bosnian Style, and which is the core topic of this book. My
researches in their entirety (not all are presented here) without doubt prove that
stećci - Bosnia's monolithic tombstones - are but one aspect of a single fashion,
Bosnian Style - mixed Gothic, Mediterranean-Islamic and Byzantine - which was
followed in Bosnia in the 14th and 15th centuries before the arrival of the Ottoman
Turks, by Catholics, Orthodox, Bosnian Churchmen and also by people of unclear
belie/. Peoples of each religion contributed only a few elements to the hybrid yet

160
highly individual result (Bosnian style), which could itself be said to have been
almost as much outside religion as a pair of blue jeans.
Tombstones in Bosnian Style should be seen to be one arm of the European
corpus of gothic effigy tombstones, block.[orm monuments which in this case do not
carry sculpted effigies as elsewhere, but rather carry incised or relief portraits of the
deceased and his funeral ritual and mourners (dancers) , as well as potent protective
signs. The Orthodox sphere made a great ctmtribution to the combined whole in
respect to the nature and arrangement of cyrillic tombstone inscriptions on these
stones - although we must remember, that the use of cyrillic writing in medieval
Bosnia extended beyond the sphere of Orthodox belief, to the Catholic Neretva
region and the Dalmatian coast. A big proportion of the earliest decorated tombstones
appear in Orthodox Herzegovina. Yet, the mixing of cyriHic inscriptions with
figurative material, as on many stećci, never occurred on any purely Serbian Orthodox
carved stone funeral monuments of this time.
It will be observed, that while my first "Sarajevo·Publishing" (then "Veselin
Masleša") book was published in 1965, the four articles reproduced here did not
appear until the 1980s and 1990s. When, around 1978, Dr. Alojz Benac -
Director of the National Museum and subsequently of the Academy of Sciences -
asked me to contribute to Bosnia a short book about stećci as handbook for university
students, interpreting my earlier Ukrasni motivi na stećcima corpus of decorative
material and summarizing my views about why ornamentation on stećci was as it
was, I stopped short. I had to tell Dr. Benac, I was not ready to write any such
book.
I in fact did not then know why stećci looked as they looked. I had drawn
thousands of them, but this did not help me really understand why they were as
the were. Supressing my love for them, regarding them in a purely academic way,
I had to say that most stećci looked to me to be crude, quasi·primitive copies of
something more sophisticated in another material. I had explored carved wooden
caskets and chests of about the same date, but these did not seem to me to be the
correct source.
Reluctantly, then, I told Dr. Benac I needed more time. I needed to sit down
and make a list of firmly dated stećci, put them in chronological order, and research
the appearance of each one in relation to the rest. A fortunate family bequest gave
me the short·term income to do this for some five years, in the peaceful environment
of Abingdon Abbey where my former husband and I were curators. I rented an
office, and closed myself off with the material, and my books.
The present four articles result mainly from research performed then, although
details were contributed from my later broad experience in spheres of Islamic and
ancient art, working for London dealers and salerooms from the middle eighties

161
until the present war. l gained the results l needed to understand stećci by performing
two tasks. I compiled a study of around 150 dated Bosnian tombstones from the
12th through the 15th centuries, dating them by all possible means - by coins or
clearly datable grave goods found in their graves, or by letter forms or datable motifs
carved on their surfaces. For instance, I made charts of cyrillic letter shapes from
Bosnian and Serbian court documents throughout the relevant period, and discovered
that many letter shapes on stećci could be very closely dated indeed. Fortunately,
stećci had been made at a time of rapid change in Bosnian handwriting styles.
Well-known local scribes were often responsible for composing the stećak inscriptions
to be copied onto stone. Particularly in the earlier 15th century, court handwriting
style changed with great speed - certain letters were dropped around established
dates, and short-hand (brzopis) was taken on. It became possible to date many
inscribed stećci, then, from aspects of their letter forms.
l included with my list of dated Bosnian tombstones, tombstones or records
of tombstones relating to any foreign rulers holding any of whatever land became
Bosnia at any time, particularly Serbian and Hungarian rulers such as Cz ar Dušan,
and King Louis the Great of Hungary, and any royal figures in Europe related by
marriage to the Bosnian royal house. This rule enabled me to follow to what degree
stećci reflected possibly relevant high-fashion funeral monuments elsewhere.

From the corpus of material I gathered at this time, there emerged a basic
and new art historical conclusion that I was personally able to bring to the study
on the stećak art form. This was, the most important art form of the 14th and
15th century Bosnian state was not stećci. Bosnia's major art form was hammered,
ornamental silver and silver-gilt vessels, made from the metal of Bosnia's rich mines,
of which stećak decoration was a reduction. Because vessels were put on graves,
carrying ceremoniaI food for the dead, their ornament, figurative motifs and even,
occasionally, hollowed shapes representing the shapes of these vessels themselves,
were transferred from metalwork onto gravestone surfaces as ornament.
Why have so many peoples in the past invaded Bosnia, and for what? For
mineral wealth, of course, and particularly in the 14th and 15th centuries, for
silver. Bosnia's silver mines had been worked by the Romans, were abandoned, and
were opened again by Saxon miners in the earlier 14th century Bosnian state. In
the late 14th and early 15th centuries, Bosnian metalworkers were being trained
in the workshops of the coastal cities, as shown in the work of Cvito Fisković. Soon,
by the earlier 15th century, these newly-trained Bosnian metalworkers moved inland.
Some worked at noble courts, while others worked near the mines, transforming
raw material into transportable luxury goods. Their products we~e given as tax to
the encroaching Turks, or as reward to vassals by their overlord, at ceremonies
involving fealty. What is the raised hand of the Orthodox Miloradovići at Radimlja

162
other than a standard gesture of fealty? Beside it is a hollowed·out bowl in the style
of its time, edged in a ring, with a small central disc, awarded the noble by his
feudal master, as was his sword and shield.
Certain of the 15th century Miloradovići family near Stolac had been given
the title of "vojvoda" by the Bosnian rulers, because they were head of the family
of Vlahs responsible for the link between feudal, courtly spheres, and other Vlachs
who made up much of Bosnia's population. They had the job to raise up so[diers
from Vlach communities generally, to fight for the Bosnian King. Bosnia then had
a feudal society imposed upon a tribal society, which last consisted of various of
the mobile, originally pre.slavic groups called vlasi or Vlachs, after a slavic word
meaning "other than oneself". Vlachs practiced transhumanee - moving to the
mountains in summer with their stock. Linkage between Bosnian feudal overlords
and their "men" who were Vlachs, was by tradition the responsibility of just one
important Vlach, a man selected to administrate the raising of an army for the
king out of the katuni which were groups of Vlach tribes.
Under the 15th century Bosnian kings, the family head of the Miloradovići
of the Stolac region was given the job of enlisting military out of Herzegovina's
Vlach tribes. But earlier, in the 14th century, when the same area was held by the
Serbian king, another tribal personage did this job. He was Vukosav Pliščić of the
Gacko region (died soon after the last historical mention of him as alive, 1382,
when he is described in a Dubrovnik document as "Voleoslauo Plescich comitem
Vlacorum omnium domini regis Rassie et Bossine".) On his huge, undecorated
grave monument at the locality Zborna Gomila (meeting mound), in the Gacko
region east of Stolac, he is described as "knez", or "prince of all Vlachs" (knez svih
Vlaha), which is the title by which he must have called himself in his own tongue.
Certainly, he enlised Vlach military for a Serbian, not Bosnian, master. His
somewhat different title from that of the Miloradovići could have been received
from the Serbian noble Nicholas Altomanović to whom he would at one time have
given fealty, who held Gacko and much of Herzegovina between 1366 and 1373
when he was ousted in his role by local nobles such as the Kosača family of the
"Herzeg" of "Herzegovina" (Herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača) who switched loyalty
towards the middle 14th century from Serbia to the newly expanding Bosnian state.
Vukosav Pliščić's mainly 14th century array of family stećd on the open
Gacko plain may be seen to have been model for the growing, and now-famous
mainly 15th century graveyard Radimlja of the Miloradovići, Orthodox followers
of Bosnian overlords rather than of the Serbian. king. One tall, early decorated
stećak at Zborna Gomila made by the imported foreign carvers of the 1330s is
taller than any of the same date at Radimlja, perhaps indicating that in the earlier
14th century, Zborna Gomila was a more important site than Radimlja.

163
 The son of Vukosav Pliščić, Sracen Vukosalić, was no longer "knez" or
"prince" of Vlachs, since that title disappeared when Bosnia rather than the Serbian
state controlled Herzegovinian Vlachs. He was, however, "katunar" or head of the
Plijeske katun of Vlachs, and as such is mentioned in the archives by 1422. He
was a well-known scribe who composed, and signed inscriptions on various stećak
tombstones, and he would have supervised their decoration. He was, moreover,
married to the daughter of a Dubrovnik goldsmith, an extremely elevated personage
among Vlach wives (Đurđica Petrović, personal communication). With her, as
dowry, would certainly have come silver vessels, worked in the gothic Dalmatian
style which was being taught trainee 14th century Bosnian silversmiths, to be
subsequently carried inland.
Into the quiet office in Abingdon where I worked out, piece by piece, the
evolution of Bosnian stećak ornamentation, a cultural bomb fell in 1981. This
was word of an exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, called
Masterpieces of Serbian Goldsmith's Work. My art historian friends were confused
at its contents, and various of them telephoned me. What was this so-called Serbian
goldsmithery? Too many different styles were incorporated in that which the catalogue
described as "Morava School", extending in the 14th and 15th centuries from the
Morava area of Serbia to the coast, to include produce of the goldsmiths of Dubrovnik
who were in any case Serbian as well, the catalogue claimed. Naturally, I hurried
to the exhibition.
The existence of many of the metal vessels shown in the exhibition was not
previously known to me. This was my own fault. They would have been on exhibition
in Belgrade in the National Museum, the Museum of the Serbian Church and the
Museum of Decorative Arts, when 1 visited these museums, but 1 would have seen
them before I took any particular interest in such metalwork. Now, my new research
about stećci assured me, certain of these supposedly Serbian vessels displayed motifs
upon them such as coats on arms, which were locatable on Bosnian stećci as well
as on these bowls. Actual Serbian produce avoids the gothic-style coa ts of arms
which became popular in Bosnia. These pieces had to be from the area of the
Bosnian state (though they could have been from the Orthodox, eastern part of
Bosnia), and from areas where related stećak motifs appeared. Silver vessels can
move about, but stećci, giving evidence of motifs such as heraldry in situ, do not.
And because silver does easily move about, troubled times permit little of it to remain
in its country of origin. Yet to me, the sophisticated embossed surfaces of these
luxury pieces explained much stećak design. My reaction was swift. I changed the
title of a lecture I was due to hold at the Serbian Academy of Sciences in Belgrade
away from stećci, to be called, Bosnian Style.

164
 The lecture caused excitement, misunderstood by me. Friends behaved
strangely; pity was directed towards me by some, who maintained that I was sadly
ignorant of the fact that a Bosnian style could not exist as a concept. My lecture
was refused publication in Belgrade, but the late Vinko Zla malik kindly arranged
that it should be published in Peristil in Zagreb, and it is reprinted here, in this
book, under the title, A Bosnian Kingdom Metalworking Tradition.
Working on this material, I became eager to locate more Bosnian metalwork.
I came to realize much of it would have been taken out of Bosnia by "noble"
Bosnian families - or the families such as are mentioned in the Fojnica book of
arms, anxious to prove their former nobility in Europe, to be received at foreign
courts after fleeing the Turks. Their family vessels in beaten silver·gilt, with enamei
"prints" in the bottom showing newly-manufactured coats of arms, helped to award
them noble status as emigres at foreign courts in Portugal, Austria and Russia.
These vessels, once outside Bosnia were not, I felt sure, melted down.
At this point, I began to work with London dealers and sale-rooms, providing
expertise concerning "curious" objects of all sorts, mainly of metal, with the personal
aim both of earning a living, and of trying to locate more Bosnian produce. Many
items I encountered were ancient; many were fakes, many were Islamic metal vessels
with Balkan influence. But among them, like beacons of distant ships, were glimpses
I received of pieces made in or suggesting true 14th and 15th century objects of
Bosnian metalwork. I stiH remember with nostalgia, polaroid photographs once sent
from Australia for identification to the Islamic department at Sotheby's auction
house, London, of what appeared to be a Bosnian silver bow!. I did not get copies
of the photographs nor the name of the owner, who in any case eventually decided
not to sel!.
The increased knowledge of Islamic art brought me by my period of working
with dealers and collectors in London, mentioned above, up to the point of my
turning back towards Bosnia and founding BHHR in 1992, enabled me in the
final article reproduced here, to write of pre-Islamic-period stele in Bosnia. These
rare and beautiful objects were erected in Central Bosnia in the early 15th century,
in the highly creative last moments of court influence of the Bosnian Church, in
the spheres of the important Hrvatinić and Pavlović nobles. In fact, although the
Bosnian Church to my mind produced no attestable "heretical" art, it did allow a
flowering of creative ideas from many cultures to mix with each other in a way
which could be thought of as heresy to the religiously-minded, but could also be
thought of then and today, as Bosnian Style.
When I was a student, one evening in the 1960s I sat drinking loza on the
floor of the studio of the artists Mile Ćorović and Mladen Kolobarić on the Sweet
Corner in Sarajevo where I often went to paint. This studio was then part of the

165
Workers' University, but is now a restaurant. John Fine was there, in course of
collecting material for his important book The Bosnian Church, A New Interpre-
tation (New York and London, 1975). Both John Fine and I thought at that time,
we were researching Bogomil culture - tombstones and the Bosnian Church.
"Tell me", asked John Fine, "Have you found anything Bogomil about the
stećci!"
"No", I said honestly, "Not a trace. How about the Bosnian Church? Have
you found Bogomilism there?"
"No", said lohn." Nothing in the Bosnian Church provable as Bogomi!. And
I've been hunting a long time."
Together, then and there, we decided between us, there was nothing at all
in Bosnian culture that was Bogomil, in spite of all we had been told to believe.
The next day I went to see my mentor in the National Museum, Dr. Alojz
Benac, who had inspired and encouraged the production of my book about stećci,
Ukrasni motivi na stećcima, allowing me help from the members of his staff, Vlajko
Palavestra, Nada Miletić and Đuro Basler - the last of which, now deceased, was
always a devoted follower of the Bogomilian ideal. Benac had himself written a
book about stećci together with Oto Bihalji Merin of Belgrade, entitled in its English
version, The Bogomils (London 1962).
"Dr. Benae", I said, There is something I have to tell you. Last night I
conferred with lohn Fine, who is doing his thesis on the Bosnian Church. We
concluded between us, there is nothing we can find that is Bogomil either on stećci,
or about the Bosnian Church. I don't think Bogomils made stećci. I don't think
they ever were here."
"I know that", he said. "I have always known that. But it is not something
I can say. You can say it, and I will help you".
The results of this conversation were slow; they are outlined above, and what
I ultimately said took form as the first of the articles presented here. The short book
about stećci requested by Dr. Benac still remains to be done, but this publication
of these four basic articles about stećci, in a form accessible to Bosnians and to
the English-speaking sphere, is a start.
A new, heartening discovery relating tO stećci is, however, as follows. Although
stećci themselves are no longer made, Bosnia's even more noble art, its medieval
metalworking tradition for making objects in hammered silver, has never died. The
technique survived this last war, and is alive and ever-active in the metalworking
street of the Baščaršija market. Vessel shapes are not the same as illustrated here.
The metal employed has shifted from silver to copper, which is new-coated in silvery
tin. But certain highly individual {loral borders, frequently reproduced today, are

166
the same as the borders on relatively recently·excavated stećak slabs in the chapel
of the Bosnian royal castle at Babovac.
"Where do those designs come from?" I asked Mr. Jabučar, in his prominent
shop at the end of the market promenade, painting to the patterns described above.
"I don't know", he said, "They are old designs from my family. My family
has been here in Sarajevo as metalworkers for four·hundred years".
"Which designs are the oldest?" I asked him.
"I don't know", he said. "That's for you to tell me".
Let us hope that the contents of this book will give him some of the answers.

Marian Wenzel
London, September 9 1998.

167
Bosnian History and Austro-Hungarian policy:
Some Medieval Belts, the Bogomil Romance
and the King Tvrtko Graves

Bosnian History
cl

Rn the course of some recent
research on medieval Bosnian metal-
work, I found myself puzzled by the
curious mis dating of a group of inter-
esting decorative silver-gilt belts (figs.
7-10, ltd-16), Balkan regional varia-
tions of a type being made in France
in the first half of the 14th century (fig.
Ha-e). Of those which have a known
provenance, three have been found in
or near Bosnia (figs. 7-10) (Gunjača
1952-3; p. 233, sl. 14; Fingerlin 1971;
cat. no. 465; Kovačević-Kojić 1978; p.
307) whilst others have been found in
Greece (figs. ltd, 12) (Dalton 1911;
p. 397, figo 13, Pl. 56, figs. 8, 9, 11,
13; Tait 1986; p. 142,fig. 326, Finger-
lin 1971; cat. nos. 152, 153, 155) and
one example was long preserved in
Georgia (figs. 13-16) (Milliken 1930;
pp. 35, 36; Fingerlin 1971; cat. no.
66). The whole group was misdated in
a recent German book about medieval
belt fittings, highly reputable in other
ways, further reading ofwhich revealed
that this at first inexplicable muddie
~as based on a confusion about objects
excavated from what was claimed as
the grave of one of the Bosnian kings
named Tvrtko. l
Exploring the problem of why
the author had accepted the claim, to
me obviously preposterous, brought to
the fore something which had frequent-
ly disturbed me during my many years
of research on the medieval tombstones
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, namely the
way in which tentacles still spread into
contemporary scholarship from the
only half-uncovered body of distortions
imposed on Bosnian history by quasi-
official Austro-Hungarian sources in

l Ilse Fingerlin, GiMel des hohen und spilten Mittelalters, Miinchen 1971. I am grateful to
Ronald Lightbown of the Victoria and Albert Museum for bringing this material to my attention,
and to Derek 1. Content for assisting me to obtain additional information. Nada Miletić of the
Zemaljski muzej, Sarajevo, has enabled me to examine and photograph finds from King Tvrtko I's
real grave, for which I extend thanks. Thanks are due also to my husband, John Comish, who has
given much assistance in the fmal shaping of this article, and in preparing it for publication.

169
the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
It seemed to me that it would be inter-
esting to set out some account of how
some extremely disreputable machina-
tions from the tum of the century had
led astray several unsuspecting and
reputable scholars from other lands in
more recent years.
The problem is a complicated
knot, the strands of which are as fol-
lows:
a. The peculiar history of the
Muslims in Bosnia during the first half
of the nineteenth century.
b. A false history of Bosnia in-
vented by the Austro-Hungarian regime
towards the end of the nineteenth cen-
tury, and making use of the circum-
stance (a).
c. The discovery and suppres-
sion by staff of the Zemaljski muzej,
Sarajevo, in 1909-10, of a richly
equipped royal grave, almost certainly
that of the Bosnian King Tvrtko I (died
1391), beneath the a1tar area of a church
at Arnautovići near Visoko in Central
Bosnia, for the purposes of maintaining
(b).
d. The fact that (b) was so suc-
cessfully implanted in Bosnian con-
sciousness that it survived the changed
political world which emerged from
World War 1.
e. Some activity by a former
Austro-Hungarian military surgeon in
the early 1920's created false scents
about the graves ofboth the kings called
Tvrtko by releasing some apparently
new information about an excavation
which took place in the first years of
the Habsburg occupation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
170
f. A German researcher in a quite
different field, understandably ignorant
of (e), accepted, in a publication in
1971, the evidence of the publication
resulting from (e), and as a result mis-
dated a whole group of early 14th cen-
tury belts to the later 14th century, the
time of the death of Tvrtko I (1391),
whilst compounding the confusion
originating with (e) between that king
and Tvrtko II (died 1443).
Once the knot is exposed and at
least partially untied, the excellent
reasons for dating the belts and some
associated finds to the early 14th cen-
tury can be explored, and the record
put straight.
The above points may be elabo-
rated as follows:
The Muslims in
Bosnia and Herzegovina
In the years between 1820 and
1851, the Bosnian Muslims were not
much regarded in Istanbul (Šišić 1938;
pp. 19, 20). As the disregard grew in-
creasingly mutual in the second half of
the century, they became very much a
law unta themselves. The control that
the Muslim landowners exercised over
their Christian serfs grew more brutal,
and the taxes they imposed more pu-
nitive, and many ugly incidents oc-
curred as the serfs began to rebel. By
this time Istanbul could only weakly
acquiesce in what the Bosnian Muslims
were doing. Thus, by the 1870's they
were the only religious group in Bosnia
and Herzegovina with no aspirations
which depended on backing from some
foreign power, at a time when Catholic
Croatia looked to Austria and, beyond,
to Rome, whilst Orthodox Serbia
looked to Montenegro, then ruled by
an Orthodox vladika and, of course, to
Russia.
A False History
of Bosnia
What we might call the "Bogo-
milian" history of Bosnia now seems
to have been in large measure the brain-
child of Janos von Asboth, an official
in the early Austro-Hungarian admini-
stration and a member of the Hungarian
parliament, and of his better-known
associate Benjamin von Kallay (Wen-
zel, Kojić 1980; pp. 209, 210), the ad-
ministrator of Bosnia from 1882 to 1903
(Corović 1925; p. 80). That this was
the case seems to have occurred to sev-
eral Yugoslav scholars over the years.
An interesting discussion of the situ-
ation occurs in an unpublished work
on the Bosnian medieval tombstones
by the numismatist Ivan Rengjeo (Sred-
njovječni nadgrobni spomenici, stećci,
undated), the typescript of which is in
a private library in Zagreb. The work
as a whole is of no great interest now,
since it has been superseded by far more
comprehensive accounts of the same
type (e. g. by Šefik Bešlagić), but in
his bibliography Rengjeo provides
some valuably critical discussion of the
early sources for what had become the
widely accepted theory of the origins
of the stećak phenomenon. Rengjeo
saw the creation of the false history as
the result of a realisation by the Austro-
-Hungarian authorities, looking back
on the first years ofthe occupation, that
some kind of ideological support was
needed for what they saw as the nec-
essary separation of Bosnia and Her-
zegovina from Serbia. The notion that
the propagation of the "Bogornil hy-
pothesis" , as it came to be called, was
not seriously undertaken until after the
first few years of Austro-Hungarian
control certainly accords with the com-
ments of Ferdo Šišić, published in
1938, about the general direction of
Austrian policy at that time (Šišić 1938;
pp. 19, 20, 43-4), and in fact von As-
both' s "popular" book about Bosnian
culture, which was aimed at outsiders,
and was the first literature to present
the views under discussion in foreign
languages, appeared in Budapest in
1887, in Vienna in 1888, and in London
in 1890.
The Treaty of Berlin had granted
Austria-Hungary the sole right of oc-
cupation and administration of Bosnia
and Herzegovina following its take-
over in 1879. A decade later many in-
habitants of the region were still less
than enthusiastic about this arrange-
ment, persisting obstinately in seeing
a linkage with Serbia as the natural
outcome of their history. Von Asboth's
new account of Bosnian history was
designed to convince the upholders of
this recalcitrant view that it was based
on a failure to appreciate their country' s
real past. One of the most important
facts of Bosnian history, he argued, was
that it had once had, during the era
before the imposition of Turkish rule,
a strongly held national religion. This
religion, the message ran, was in no
171
way linked with Serbia, on the one
hand, and was vehemently condemned
by Rome, on the other. It was, in fact,
an heretical religion, clearly related to
various established medieval dualist
heresies. Its place of origin was a land
which had also been subjugated to Tur-
key in later years, namely Bulgaria. 2 It
was to Bulgaria therefore that Bosnians
should look for cultural links, rather
than to Western or Central Europe. That
Bosnia had, during the period of the
heresy' s flourishing, been generally un-
der Hungarian control was not denied.
Catholic Hungary had at times deigned
to forgive and forget this heresy, which
had tainted most of Bosnia's local rul-
ers along with their subjects; equally
Hungary had from time to time con-
ducted clean-up campaigns, at Papal
instigation, aimed at restoring Bosnia
to adherence to the true church. The
fact remained however, Asboth argued,
that Bosnia, by virtue of its religious
history, lay outside any Eastern or
Western mainstream. It was obviously
necessary for the success of Asboth's
argument that his account of Bosnia' s
heretical isolation during the later Mid-
dle Ages should not be contradicted by
its cultural heritage. Bosnia certainly
had its own unique heritage oflate me-
dieval monuments: large, rather
strange, tombstones, strewn in thou-
sands about the land, some elaborately
decorated. These, then, Asboth con-
cluded, were clearly the cultural sur-
2 A re-examination of Bulgarian Bogomilism in the, light of recent scholarship is undertaken
in John V. A. Fine, "The Bulgarian Bogami! Movement", East European Quarterly, Vol. XI, no. 4,
BauIder, Colorado, 1977; pp. 385-412.
172
vival of those brave heretics who
should obviously be called, like their
Bulgarian brothers, "Bogornil " (von As-
both 1890; pp. 30-100).
The devising of this "history" so
that it both fulfilled Austrian purposes
and more or less accorded with an ex-
isting historical framework was ingen-
ious. Asboth of course counted on the
fact that few Bosnians would have had
access to the detailed historical sources
available in Austro-Hungarian librar-
ies. The principal means to Asboth's
end - the account of the Bosnian na-
tional religion - did not, however, de-
mand any particular intellectual virtu-
osity on the part of its creator. This was
simply because the exceedingly eni g-
matic nature of medieval Bosnian re-
ligious beliefs and practices lent them-
selves (and still lend themselves) to a
wide range of more or less plausible
interpretations. The "Bosnian Church",
an institution frequently maligned in
Catholic sources of its period, has been
the subject of endless puzzlement and
discussion over the last century. On
present knowledge the situation seems
to have been, in brief, as follows.
It is generally held that from the
13th century until the Ottoman invasion
Bosnia had a distinctive national
church, whose churchmen generally re-
ferred to themselves as "Christian"
(krstjani), but who were sometimes lo-
cally called "patarin" (Petković 1953;
p. 13; Fine 1975; p. 334), which was
originally an Italian term for a schis-
matic. It must be said, of course, that
the same word was used at the same
period by Roman Catholics to describe
members of the Serbian Orthodox
church. It is most unlikely that mem-
bers of the Bosnian Church were ever
in their own time called "Bogomil"
(Slavic: "bogumil"). One manuscript
copy of Konstantin Filozofs 1432 bi-
ography of Despot Stefan Lazarević ap-
parently used the word to describe
them, but that copy is now lost, it seems,
and no surviving copy of the work has
it (Fine 1975; p. 44). Other "early"
sources in which the word is used of
Bosnian Church members have proved
to be fakes concocted later to prove the
contention that it was indeed a dualist
movement: likewise when the word has
appeared in modem or foreign-language
translations of early sources it has sim-
ply been the result of an unthinking
convention by which "patarin" was al-
ways rendered "Bogomil" . It therefore
seems highly possible that the missing
Konstantin Filozof manuscript was cre-
ated or doctored to that end.
Recent historians who have spe-
cialised in this obscure area of Balkan
studies have preferred to see the Bos-
nian Church as result of a desire for a
national church such as Serbia had, but
one free from any political associations
with East or West. In fact it seems that
the movement had rather little success,
and hardly amounted to an organised
"church" at any time. Although some
elements of its practice seem to have
been drawn from Orthodox norms, its
structure, if that is not too grand a word,
loosely resembled a Western monastic
one, and there was seemingly little
grasp of the distinction between such
a structure and a genuinely ecclesias-
tical one. Thus non-ordained "monks"
took on the functions reserved for
priests, seemingly unaware of the im-
portance of the concept of the ordained
priesthood in the churches of East and
West, and therefore of the enormity, in
Roman eyes, of any departure from it
(Petković 1953; p. 40; Fine 1975; pp.
148-150, 219). The movement may in-
dee d have had dualistic elements at
times during its long history, or perhaps
it simply allowed some coastal dualists
to function within its framework, al-
though no surviving internal source
mentions anything that might be taken
as dualism in Bosnia before the 15th
century (Fine 1975; pp. 131, 361).
However, it now seems fairly certain
that whatever the precise doctrine of
the movement was, if inde ed there was
any real doctrinal continuity during the
several centuries of its history, the Bos-
nian Church existed for a small section
of society only and had extremely little
impact on the majority of the inhabi-
tants of medieval Bosnia and Herze-
govina, who remained Catholic or Or-
thodox depending on where they live d
(Fine 1973; pp. 19-29; Fine 1975; pp.
131, 361).
There is every reason to believe
that profound ignorance of doctrinal
matters prevailed at peasant level, then
as more recently, and the beliefs of
many people who would have called
themselves Catholic or Orthodox might
well have surprised more sophisticated
adherents of those branches of Chris-
tianity elsewhere. There is similarly a
173
possibility that most or all of what
Rome found offensive or heretical in
the beliefs of the uncomplicated souls
who called themselves "Christians" but
wished for an autonomous church, was
the result of a simple ignorance, itself
the result of the long-term neglect by
Rome of such obscure outposts of its
religious dominion.
It now seems - and there has
never been any sound reason for sup-
pos ing otherwise - that the fashion for
erecting massive tombstones was popu-
lar amongst members of all religions
sects in 14th and 15th century Bosnia.
In fact only eight out of the several
hundred inscribed monuments bear any
clear indication to link them with
known adherents of the Bosnian Church
(Fine 1975; pp. 260-264). It is now
accepted that the mention of known
individuals whose link with the church
is otherwise attested is the only useful
identifier here. Imagery supposed by
some imaginative writers to be distinc-
tively "Bogomil", such as the tau cross,
or so-called "djed's staff', is more eas-
ily proved non-Bogomil but is in fact
normally quite unspecific doctrinally
(Wenzel-Kojić 1980; pp. 208-209).3
Von Asboth's false history
brought together and manipulated a
number of notions about medieval Bos-
nia's church and tomb stone s which had
been rather recently promulgated.
3 Pavao Anđelić once told me that this experience of Bosnian historical material l ed him to
believe that, just as the architecture of many Bosnian churches followed one simple design which
did not differ between Catholic and Orthodox, the inhabitants of Bosnia probably really did just
think of themselves as Christian, without worrying about whether one needed, for salvation, to
belong to one church or another.
174
The idea that the so-called here-
tic s in Bosnia might have been con-
verted· to their beliefs by proselytising
Bulgarian Bogomils had been mooted
by several enthusiastic Pan-Slavists be-
fore the Austro-Hungarian administra-
tion in Bosnia, at a time when solidarity
between Bosnia and Bulgaria, both of
them under the Ottoman yoke, looked
in need of encouragement. A work by
Franjo Rački about Bogomils and Pa-
tarenes, first published in Zagreb in
1869-70 under the patronage of Bishop
Josip Juraj Strossmayer and the new
Yugoslav Academy, presented this idea
with a sembiance of scholarly respect-
ability, and introduced the Bulgarian
name "Bogomil" into the literature as
one appropriate for members of the
Bosnian church (Rački 1931; Šanjek
1975; pp. 11, 12). Soonafterwards,Ar-
thur Evans, a young English newspaper
reporter with a passion for history who
was walking around Bosnia during the
1875 uprising, had a casual notion the
prominent Bosnian medieval tomb-
stones (stećak, stećci) might be the
tombs of these Bogomils, of whom he
had read. He did not devote much space
to this speculation in the published ac-
count ofhis travels, but justified it with
the observation that those stones which
he had come across did not include in
their iconographic repertoire the cross,
which was known to be anathema to
dualists (Evans 1973; pp. 163, 164).4
The fact that Arthur Evans soon became
an archaeologist of great international
renown helped to give weight to this
wild fancy, first known in Austrian cir-
eles as "Evans' opinion" (von Luschan
1881;p. 107, n.1), when Asboth chose,
for political reasons, to propa gate it as
unquestionable truth.
Von Asboth subtly combined
this concept - that the stećci were with-
out doubt "Bogomil" monuments - with
a quite different one: that virtually all
Bosnians had been Bogomils, and that
these Bogomils had so suffered Roman-
inspired persecutions that they had
converted en masse to Islam - again,
something von Asboth may have heard
rather than invented, but for which there
is no historical basis (Fine 1975; pp.
382-385). Austria-Hungary made much
use of the Muslim population during
the early years of its administration of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Islamic
religion in Bosnia, whose ties of de-
pendence with Istanbul had been all but
destroyed during the first three-quarters
of the century, as mentioned in (a), was
at that point still free of any dangerous
political ties with the outside world,
and was as a result rather promoted by
the occupiers. One outcome of this was
that Muslims were allowed to retain
their Catholic and Orthodox serfs (De-
dijer 1967; pp. 79-81), so that many of
the Bosnian Christians who had at first
rather welcomed the Habsburg take-
over as a liberation were cruelly dis-
appointed.
The imposition of the spurious
"Bogomil" colour to Bosnian history,
on the other hand, was part of a cam-
paign to remove from the potentially
dangerous Bosnian Christians as much
of their just cultural heritage as pos-
sible. It was to the Muslims therefore
that the stećci - in reality the tomb-
stones of the forefathers of Christians
of all persuasions as well as of Muslims
- were, by means of this strange theory,
presented as a gift, and one which
seemed to emphasize their hereditary
rights in the land, whilst implying that
latter day Christians there were, com-
paratively, "newcomers" (Wenzel-Ko-
jić, 1980; p. 209).
The Grave of Tvrtko I
Another interesting comment in
Rengjeo's bibliography concerns what
he saw as the role of the Zemaljski
muzej in Sarajevo in spreading the
word about Bosnia's supposed Bogo-
milian past. This national museum for

4 This notion - that the presence or absence of crosses on grave markers can be taken as implying
something about the beliefs of the people buried beneath them - has been constantly raised by
proponents of the "Bogomil hypothesis" with the conviction that it strongly supports their claims.
In fact it is complete nonsense; a survey of European tombstones from the middle ages to the present
easily demonstrates that their iconography is a matter of fashion only, and that burial in precincts
recognised as hallowed has always been considered a sufficient indicator of piety. As an example
of the non-applicability of the "cross principle" one might mention that among the large number of
elaborately wrought medieval tombs in Westminster Abbey, London, only one has a cross of any
kind amongst its decoration; certainly the kings, queens and nobility of medieval England were not
noted for their adherence to dualist heresies.

175
Bosnia and Herzegovina had been
founded by the Austro-Hungarian ad-
ministration in 1885, to promote the
study and appreciation of the history,
archaeology and natural history of the
region. Rengjeo felt there was evidence
that whilst von Asboth's German and
English language works presented the
extremely tendentious theory as estab-
lished fact to the outside world, the
museum staff was entrusted with the
same task at a local level. Any unbiased
consideration of the following facts
will lead to the conclusion that Rengjeo
was very probably right.
The grave of King Tvrtko I was
originally discovered by the Zemaljski
muzej cura tor Karlo Patsch in 1909,
the year following Austria-Hungary's
most politically explosive act, the ille-
gal annexation of Bosnia and Herze-
govina (Anđelić 1980; pp. 227-230).
The finding of the grave was ap-
parently accidental. Excavations of
some ruins at Arnautovići, a few miles
north-east of Visoko in Central Bosnia,
had been initiated in an attempt to lo-
cate the site of the church founded by
Ban Kulin in 1193 and commemorated
on an inscription-stone which had come
to light at Biskupići-Muhašinovići, not
far away (Vego IV, 1970; pp. 70, 71,
no. 254; Anđelić 1980; p. 232). Ban
Kulin himself was seen as a key figure
in the new Bosnian history outlined in
(b), according to which he was an no-
table religious renegade who, in spite
of the clear prohibitions ofhis suzerain,
Bela III, had "with his whole family
and ten thousand subjects, gone over
to the Bomogilian faith" (von Asboth
1890, p. 43). His later rehabilitation
and return to the Hungarian fold as re-
sult of Papal intervention was also ac-
knowledge d, of course, but it was seen
merely as a temporary redemption in
the obviously heretical succession of
the Banate.
In the course of clearing a later
medieval church in the expectation that
some remains of Kulin' s church might
be found at a lower level, a considerable
rectangular mausoleum space was re-
vealed via an access beneath a large
stećak near the altar of the church, an
area which had been called "the royal
chapel" in a local tradition recorded as
early as 1600 (Anđelić 1980; p. 199).
Within it were eight skeletons, suggest-
ing that the vault had been that of an
extended family.5 One of these skele-
tons lay in a coffin once draped with

5 Eyewitnesses to the excavation, interviewed by Inna Čremošnik in 1950-51, agreed as to the

number of skeletons that had been found (Anđelić 1980; pp. 187, 230, 231). It is my own view that this
same mausoleum had served as fmal resting place for Ban Stjepan II Kotromanić (died 1353), who is
known to have built the Franciscans a church at Mile to that purpose. Bosnian l4th century burial habits
often lead to the last burial in a communal grave being carefully arranged, as it was here, while earlier
burials were displaced to give it room (Bešlagić, Basler 1964; p. 22, grave 62, T. XIV, sl. 4, after 1329; p.
52, grave 251, T. XXXII, sl. 5, after 1342. p. 14, grave 6, T. XII, sl. 2, after 1342). One of the rings found
in the mausoleum (figs. 2b, e; Anđelić 1980; pp. 187, 230, 231) is much earlier in style than those of
Tvrtko' s own time. It has been correctly ascribed by Bojana Radojković to the later 13th century (Radojković
1969; pp. 180,334, 352). Although Anđelić has sought to identify the ban's grave with one near the church
entrance (Anđelić 1980; pp. 231, 232), this mausoleum's central position would accord with the respect
one imagines would have been due to the church donor - a carrier of Arpad as well as Nemanja blood,
whose daughter has become Queen of Hungary in the year of his death (Ćirković 1964; p. 121).

176
a rich pall, the fragmentary remains of
which are now on display in the Ze-
maljski muzej (inv. no. 608), and un-
mistakably bear the royal insignia used
by King Tvrtko I (fig. la-c).6

.~

•
,'"
'O ••
,.;.

-tlr:ff.°~!I'Y

Fig. la: Repeat motif; survivingfragmentfrom

the royal Bosnian coffin pall excavated at Ar-
nautovići. Visoko. in 1909; gold and silver bro-
cade. Sarajevo. Zemaljski muzej (608).
Fig. lb: Arms of King Tvrtko I reconstructed
from surviving motifs from the Arnautovići tex-
Most unfortunately, the subse- tile. After Anđelić. 1980.
quent actions of the excavator and mu-
seum staff precluded the survival of
any ac curate knowledge of how other
rich grave goods which have since been
ascertained as being from this site were
originally disposed within the vault, al-
though it is usually assumed now that
a massive gold and crystal ring (fig.
2a, b) must have been the king's (An-
đelić 1980; p. 221). The ring and a
Fig. lc: Seal of King Tvrtko I. preserved in six
number of other valuabies from the ex- copies dated 1385-1389. Diameter 3 cm. After
cavation (some illustrated figo 2a, e), Anđelić 1970.

6 The heraldry - a helmet surmounted by a bouquet of feathers above a shield blazoned by a

bend dexter and fleurs-de-Iys - was used both by King Tvrtko I and his successor, King Dabiša
(died 1395) and also by Dabiša's widow, Queen Jelena Gruba (1395-1398). Anđelić gives most
convincing reasons for believing that the coffin under the royal pall contained the body of King
Tvrtko rather than one of these less important personalities (Anđelić 1970; p. 21; 1980; pp. 187.
214. 218).

177

Fig. ld: Silver ring, cast, engraved, with arms
of a retainer of Tvrtko l, e.xcavated from the
royal mausoleum at Arnautovići, Visoko. Di-
ameter 2.3 cm. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej (620).
were added to the Zemaljski muzej col-
lections under a single inventory
number, "G-1 - 14-VIII-1909", given
without any explanations as to prove-
nance, but recognized as being in Karlo
Patch's hand by Dimitrije Sergejevski
in 1947, who then suggested in an in-
ventory note that these might inde ed
be Arnautovići finds (ibid; pp. 187,
212-213,221). Additional Arnautovići
material was located subsequently in a
number of different places within the
museum; in the classical collections,
the medieval collections, and in the
basement storage (ibid; p. 185).
Fig. 2a: Four gold rings with various settings, excavatedfrom the royal mausoleum at Arnautovići,
Visoko. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej (6/8, 616, 6/9, 617).
178
lt was detective enterprise by Pa-
vao Anđelić - following up earlier work
by Irma Čremošnik done in 1950-51
under the impetus of Sergej evski' s dis-
covery - which made clear the lengths
to which Karlo Patseh and his museum
associates were prepared to go in order
to eliminate trace of the finding of this
royal grave underneath a stećak within
a Christian church, although Anđelić
was not concerned to draw any particu-
lar conclusions as to the reasons for
their actions. However, two immedi-
ately suggest themselves. Asboth's
construct (b) stated that the medieval
Bosnian state had an established hereti-
cal church and that most of its rulers
(including Tvrtko I) were Bogornils. It
also stated that Bogomils avoided at
least the interiors of physical churches
as locations for their stećak tombstones
(themselves a purely Bogomil form).
All of this would have been seriously
weakened had knowledge of the dis-
covery of the grave of Tvrtko I in a
vault sealed by a stećak in a church
building been much spread about.

Fig. 2b: Gold ring, filigree and rock crystal.
Diameter 2.5 cm. Diameter from beze! to back
~(hoop, 3.4 cm. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej (616).
Moreover, in the delicate political at-
mosphere following Austria-Hungary's
annexation of Bosnia, any publicity
about the discovery of a richly equipped
burial chamber of Bosnia's first king
could only have encouraged undesir-
able nationalistic feelings among Bos-
nians.
Accordingly, the evidence was
falsified. The large stećak actually de-
scribed in ajotted note by Mustafa Sali-
hagić, a local assistant to Karlo Patsch
(ibid; p. 214), was drawn into the site
map as an item of small size, about the
size a coffin would have been within
the grave (ibid; pp. 190, 199,228,229).
The coffin itself seems to have been
destroyed. An attempt was made to de-
stroy the actual stećak, which was iden-
tified by Anđelić as a huge, peak-
topped sijemerljak with integral base.
According to that writer, the stone was
so large that all the Austrians could do
was hack off most of the simple, care-
fully tooled outer surface, and drag the
core of the monument outside the
Fig. 2c: Gold ring with sapphire, hollow hoop,
bezel supported by cutwork tre(oils. Diameter
2.1 cm. Sarajevo, Zemaljski mz:aej (619). Pho-
tographs by the author, with kind permission of
Nada Miletić.
church (ibid; pp. 211, 229). The hacked
-off pieces remained around the mau-
soleum entrance inside the church,
while other broken-up decorative ma-
terial in red stone, interpreted by An-
đelić as a base for the monument was
buried inside the mausoleum, and was
found when Anđelić re-excavated the
site in 1976 and 1977 (ibid; pp. 202-
-203, 227-229).
Only rather casual reference was
made to the Amautovići excavations in
the Zemaljski muzej records and pub-
lications at the time. No proper exca-
vati on report was published. Minutes
of a museum meeting of November 2,
1909 do describe the excavations, but
concentrate on the question of whether
or not the church could be said to relate
to Ban Kulin, with the conclusion that
it probably could, and remark only that
graves "connected with" the church had
produced rich finds.
"Dr. Patseh, u vezi sa svojim re-
feratom na zadnjoj sjednici, izvještava
o iskopavanju u Arnautovićima i kotaru
Visoko. Iskopavanje je trajalo čitav
mjesec avgust i sve do sada nije za-
vršeno. Produženje radova objašnjava
179
se veličinom otkrivene crkve i okol-
nošću da su se unutar prvotno otkrivene
crkve pojavili i ostaci jedne manje -
starije (crkve) i da se također naišlo na
grobove iz istog vremena. Stoga je do-
šlo do većeg iskopa zemlje, a bio je
nužan ijedan oprezniji i polaganiji rad-
ni postupak. O značaju građevine za
našu srednjevjekovnu crkvenu arhitek-
turu moći će se dati sud kada se otkrije
čitavi tloris. Već sada se može zak-
ljučiti, ali uza sve rezerve, da položaj
dviju crkava u Arnautovićima asocira
na natpis bana Kulina koji govori o
gradnji crkve na temeljima neke starije
(crkve). Nalazište natpisa je svega 20
minuta udaljeno od Amautovića i leži
neposredno na obali Bosne, tako da je
prijenos kamena sa natpisom bio lako
moguć. Da li je ova pretpostavka pri-
hvatljiva, da li je, dakle, Kulin ban iz-
gradio crkvu u Arnautovićima, provje-
rit će se iskopavanjem na mjestu gdje
je nađen natpis. Ako se tamo ne nađe
nikakva crkva onda je gornja sumnja
opravdana."
"Grobni nalazi su mnogobrojni
i vrijedni, osobito zbog priloga nakita,
zlatnih i srebrnih prstenova, naušnica
itd., tako da će naša srednjovjekovna
zbirka biti znatnije obogaćena."
"Od skeleta, samo je jedan nađen
čitav. Kosti su zbog močvarnog tla vrlo
trošne" (Anđelić 1980; pp. 186, 187).
On another meeting on Septem-
ber 17, 1910, Patsch made a very short
statement to the effect that work at Ar-
nautovići was now complete (ibid; p.
187).
Beyond these mentions in inter-
nal museum records, a certain amount
of information about the excavated
180
church was released in print by Patsch' s
associates. Ćiro Truhelka wrote in the
Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu
of 1914 (p. 223; Anđelić 1980; p. 187,
n. 11) that the church at Amautovići
had been an early-Christian basilica, of
the same date as others at Dabravina,
Zenica and Turbe. Vladimir Ćorović in
the same year's Glasnik maintained
that the discoveries indicated a monu-
mental structure built in the time of the
Bosnian kings, utilising in part the
foundations of an older, smaller church
beneath which, in tum, were Roman
remains (ibid;p. 187, n.}3, GZM, 1914,
p. 12). These remarks were not inac-
curate as speculations about the church
itself, which indeed exhibited four dis-
tinct levels - one Romanesque and two
Gothic-style buildings on the site of
what could well have been a late antique
basilica (Anđelić, 1980; pp. 187, 190)
- but the public at large was clearly
and deliberately kept in the dark about
the full import of the Amautovići ex-
cavations.
As a pendant to the accounts of
these first three components in the knot-
ted problem which is the subject of this
article, one can hardly forbear to men-
tion the grim poetic irony that the Arch-
duke Franz Ferdinand, the heir apparent
to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was
due to declare open the grand new
buildings of Zemaljski muzej on the
morning of June 28, 1914, and was
indeed on his way there when Gavrilo
Princip shot and mortally wounded him
thereby, initiating the chain of events
which led to the outbreak of the First
World War, and the eventual downfall
of Austria-Hungary itself.
 The Bogomil Romance
Literature about Bosnia and Her-
zegovina and their history published in
the period between the First and Second
World War in the main reiterated the
"Bogornil hypothesis" outlined in (b),
and as this was the view leamed by
most schoolteachers in their own child-
hood studies in Austro-Hungarian
sponsored schools, they continued to
teach it in the absence of any contra-
dicting literature. Often works of im-
peccable general scholarship still at-
tributed all Bosnian medieval tomb-
stones to Bogomils; to give one exam-
ple the title of an article by Vejsil Čur­
čić, "How our Bogornil forbears cut
and transported medieval tombstones "
("Kako su naši bogami/ski predji sjekli
i prevozili nadgrobne spamenike/~,
NAPREDAK IX, 3-4, Sarajevo 1934, pp.
35-39, repeats the utterly uncritical as-
sumption about the origins of the stećci,
but is completely sensible as an account
of the actual mechanics of the stećak
carver's art.
Obviously, certain cultured fig-
ures who engaged in the study of Bos-
nia' s past throughout this period, in-
cluding, one presumes, Rengjeo him-
self, must have known the true situ-
ation, which they did not then choose
to divulge publicly. One person who
did speak out at this time was Vladislav
Skarić, who in a Sarajevo publication
of 1932 blarned Austro-Hungarian pro-
paganda for the widespread acceptance
of the notion that "Bogomils" were re-
sponsible for the production of Bosnian
medieval tombstones. Not having ac-
cess to the original publication, I quote
Alojz Benac on the topic (Benac 1951;
pp. 69-70):
"... Vrlo ispravno prilazi ovom
problemu i Vl. Skarić. On još 1932
godine piše da u jugoslovenskom na-
učnom svijetu postoji "skoro utvrđeno
vjerovanje, da su bosanski mramorovi
grobni spomenici ljudi bogumilske vje-
re" Cv. Skarić, "Bogomi/ski grobovi i
bosančica ", NARODNO JEDINSTVO,
almanah-kalendar, Sarajevo 1932, str.
356) "Nitko se nije obazirao - veli dalje
Skarić - i na druge okolnosti iz kojih
se bogomiisko porijeklo mramorova ne
samo nije moglo izvesti, nego ga je i
pobijalo" (ibid). On smatra da je u ovo
pitanje i politika unijela svoje prste.
Austrija je htjela da Bosnu nacionalno
odvoji od Srba i Hrvata i da stvori neke
Bošnjake. Stoga je njena uprava u Kala-
jevo vrijeme vrlo rado prihvatila teoriju
o bogumilskim grobovima, jer je ta teo-
rija išla u prilog ovakvoj zamisli".
To Benac in 1951 (pp. 69-70)
the idea had made sense. "I do not enter
here", he said, "into the question of the
nature of Bogomilism or ifindeed such
ever existed in Bosnia and Herzego-
vina. Nonetheless, some of Skarić's
ideas are to me totally acceptable. The
indisputable influence of Austrian poli-
tics solves many problems, and likely
this". Skarić, however, wrote little more
on this topic, and the "Bogornil hy-
pothesis" was repeated unchallenged in
the popular press.
In the first decades after World
War Two, there was another reason, no
less political in its way, although much
more honorable, why many popular
writers were happy to continue to pro-
mote the "Bogomilian" version of
181
Bosnia's past, and this had little to do
with its picturesque contribution to
tourism, as is sometimes alleged. For
these writers the "Bosnian heretics"
were notable figures in a long tradition
of protest, against established churches,
and against established forms. They
were seen as heroes, standing out for
the country against all manner of out-
side interference, and against the relig-
ious intolerance so characteristic of the
spiritual monopolies of East and West
during the later Middle Ages. In fact
they were seen as the partisans of their
age, maintaining in their mountain fast-
nesses the independence of a proud
people. Understandably, writers ofthis
persuasion did not much care to be told
that their account did not correspond
to any historical or geographical reali-
ties, and that the "heresy" of the Bos-
nian Church was the result not so much
of an inte11igent Protestant spirit, but
of sheer ignorance and negli gence.
However worthy their motifs, these post-
war writers managed to contrive a ro-
mance of Bogomilism which, after dis-
semination in a number of ill-informed
books in foreign languages, has proved
a considerable nuisance for scientific
writers who have had to waste valuable
pages in refutations which should not
have been necessary. This has been an
unfortunate long-term legacy of the
Austro-Hungarian domination of Bos-
nian culture in the years before World
War I, the importance of which is that
it discouraged for many years the criti-
cal re-examination of much of the ar-
cheological work done during that
period.
182
Felix von Luschans's
Story
In the year 1921, an article in
the German periodical "Cicerone"
(Miinchen 1921; pp. 659-666) pub-
lished what purported to be evidence
for a quite different Tvrtko grave. This
rather surprising claim was presented
as the ·logical conclusion to be drawn
from the study of finds from an exca-
vation made by the article's author, one
Felix von Luschan, at a medieval ceme-
tery at Ravna Trešnja, near Tuzla in
north-east Bosnia. This excavation had
taken place long before, early in 1879.
Felix von Luschan had been a
military surgeon with the Austrian
army when Austria-Hungary had occu-
pied Bosnia and Herzegovina, and he
stated that he and his commanding of-
ficer had discovered the cemetery,
which had had no tombstones of any
sort, quite by chance. He had not re-
mained long in the service of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire and by 1885
was in the employ of the Museum rur
Volkerkunde in Berlin. His relationship
with the Austro-Hungarian authorities
throughout the period between his ex-
cavation and Austro-Hungary's down-
fall cannot now be clarified. Obviously
he remained in contact with his former
military companions, since he was able
to record in his 1921 article (p. 659)
that one of his fellow officers
(Hauptmann Schaffer, whose artillery-
men had moved earth for the excava-
tion) had by then died, but that a dagger
from his share of the grave-finds had
been lost and a glass cup from the same
source had been shattered by one ofhis
children or a domestic servant. Whether
or not von Luschan became involved
in Austria-Hungary's political manipu-
lation of Bosnia' s cultural history can-
not now be deduced with any certainty.
However, some startling discrepancies
between his original account of the ex-
cavation finds, published in 1881 (von
Luschan 1881; pp. 112-114) and his
new pUblication of 1921, could best be
explained by the assumption that he
did.
Von Luschan's 1881 publication
was of a report read to a sitting of the
Viennese Anthropological Society,
elucidating the circumstances of the
finding of thirty skulls excavated at
Ravna Trešnja, which he had presented
in 1879 to the Anthropological Section
of the city's Natural History Museum.
His discussion of the specific excava-
tions followed an extended exegesis on
Bosnian and Herzegovinian medieval
tombstones. Some of these, he was able
to state, dated without doubt to the 14th
century. He had personally excavated
graves beneath thirty such monuments;
two of the graves had contained 14th
century coins. Under one tombstone at
Han Šibošica (north-east Bosnia, be-
tween Srebrenik and Tuzla - now Ši-
bošica) (ibid; pp. 109, 111; Bešlagić
1971; p. 194), he had found an Hun-
garian coin of Louis I (1342-1382), and
under another at Han Kolibača on the
Drinjača (north-east Bosnia south of
Zvornik), a coin of Louis' daughter,
Queen Maria (1382-1395). In the
7 Similar brachycephalic skulls have been recently excavated under stećak tombstones at Raška
Gora, Mostar region (Mikić 1978; pp. 226-241).
graves under these tombstones had
been a fine selection of short, wide,
(brachycephalic) skulls. 7 Indeed, con-
cluded von Luschan, because there was
a piety for tombstones of any kind
amongst the Muslim inhabitants of the
land, the graves in their areas were gen-
erally quite undisturbed; Bosnia was
Eldorado for the craniologist (ibid; pp.
113, 114).
Von Luschan' s personal Eldora-
do had obviously been at Ravna Treš-
nja; a graveyard with no tombstones at
all, which naturally greatly facilitated
its excavation. The locality had only
attracted his attention because he
chanced to notice leg bones protruding
from the earth (von Luschan 1921; p.
659). Its skulls were unusual; as de-
scribed in his 1881 publication, they
were all narrow and long (dolicho-
cephalic), and he chose then to hazard
that they had belonged to members of
aRagusan mercantile community resi-
dent in those parts (ibid; p. 113). In
support ofthis theory von Luschan said
that a silver-gilt sword belt ("Wehrge-
henk") found in one grave looked to
have been deco rated by a master from
the time of Giotto; the sort of thing, he
opined, appropriate to aRagusan visitor.
In 1881, von Luschan had left it
at that. Now, in 1921, it was this belt,
(fig. 7a-c, e; figo Sa, b), and the skull
of its owner - somewhat differently
described this time - which were said
to identify the grave as that of a Bosnian
King Tvrtko.
183
 Von Luschan, in his earlier pub-
lication, had remarked, without going
into much detail, that the Ravna Trešnja
graves had been richly equipped. With-
out mentioning how the discoveries had
been distributed amongst the partici-
pants in the excavation, he hinted simp-
ly that the spoils from the forty graves
they had opened had been divided up,
and that he himself now had a valuable
collection of weapons and trinkets.
Von Luschan's publication of
1921, by contrast, expanded on the con-
vivial nature of the excavation project
undertaken by the Austrian officers, on
how it came about, and on what was
found. The finds were listed with
greater care than before, and those in
von Luschan's own possession were
illustrated. Since this material is of the
greatest importance in relation to other
Bosnian grave-goods to which atten-
tion has been given in recent years, I
have for the purposes of this article,
copied each one of von Luschan's il-
lustrations (figs. 3, 4a-b, 5, 6a, 7, 8).
Fig. 3a: Glass beaker excavated from Ravna
Trešnja, Tuzla, Bosnia, in 1879. Clear glass
with applied blue threads, mould-blown. Rim
diameter 12.8 cm. Height 16 cm. After von Lu-
schan 1921, Abb. 4a.
184
The grave-goods not illustrated
by von Luschan in 1921 were those no
longer accessible to him either because
they had disintegrated as they were
originally uncovered, or because they
had been given to other members of
the excavation team. Even so he was
able to describe most of these. The
pieces discovered in a state of disinte-
gration were iron belt buckles in some
of the male graves, and what were de-
scribed as "the miserable remains of
notched cutting knives, that probably
once had wooden grips". The iron spurs
listed as found in the supposedly royal
grave were not included in von Lu-
schan's illustrations, and had presum-
ably gone to someone else. The two
items already mentioned as having been
in the possession of Hauptmann Schaf-
fer had both subsequently disappeared.
These were a relatively well-preserved
three-edged dagger, and "a rounded and
f1attened little cup with humped base,
10 cm. in diameter, of transparent,
nearly colourless pale green glass."
(von Luschan 1921; pp. 659-660).
Similar grave-goods which came
from other relevant graves are illus-
trated here as figures 4c, 6b, 8c. They
Fig. 3b: Profile. After von Luschan 1921, Abb.
4b. Present location unknown.
include one pair of bronze spurs said
to be like the pair in the "royal" grave
(fig. 6a) (ibid; p. 660, Abb. 2); two
silver finger rings (fig. 4a; from one
male and one female grave) (ibid; p.
661, Abb. 3); nine silver buttons (fig.
4b, from one female grave, and said to
resemble others he had excavated in
East Bosnia from Mramor near Zvor-
nik) (ibid; p. 661, Abb. 3); and a beaker
of clear glass (fig. 3) (ibid; p. 661, Abb.
4a, 4b). The beaker, which he described
as being paper-thin and completely col-
ourless, had a cupped rim to which blue
threads were applied, and twelve ver-
Fig. 4a: Two silver rings excavated at Ravna
Trešnja, Tuzla, in 1879. Actual size. After von
Luschan 1921, Abb. l. Present location unknown.
Fig. 4b: Two silver buttons from Ravna Trešnja,
actual size. After von Luschan 1921, Abb. l.
Present location unknown.
Fig. 4c: Two silver buttons from Ališić, Sanski
Most, Bosnia. After Kovačević-Kojić 1978. Sa-
rajevo, Zemaljski muzej.
tical ribs formed by blowing into a
mould. Its base had been given a deep
kick, in the shape of a cone. This beaker
was found laid against the skuH of one
of the skeletons, in a way which cor-
responds to the positions of beakers of
similar shape uncovered more recently
at Veličani, Popovo polje, in Herze-
govina (Wenzel-Kojić1967; pp. 78, 79,
figs. 7, 8) and at Kakanj, Visoko, Cen-
tral Bosnia (Tomičić 1975; pp. 182-
185).
•
Fig. 5: Sword, dagger and assorted fittings ex-
cavatedfrom Ravna Trešnja in 1897, in a grave
later attributed to King Tvrtko. Base metal. One-
sixth actual size. After von Luschan 1921, Abb.
. 5. Present location unknown.
185

Fig. 6a: Iron spurs excavated.from Ravna Treš-
nja, Tuzla, identical to others.found in the grave
attributed to King Tvrtko. Length 18 cm. After
von Luschan 1921, Abb. 2. Present location un-
known.
Fig. 6b: Spur excavated at Kra(jeva Sutjeska,
first harfo.fthe l4th century. After Anđelić 1973.
Sarajevo, Zema(jski muze,j.
The male grave which was sub-
sequently assigned by von Luschan to
King Tvrtko, contained an iron sword
with downward-tumed, bow-shaped
qui11ons, traces of a scabbard attach-
ment, iron spurs (described as identical
to those illustrated here, which were
found in an adjoining grave), an iron
and bone dagger, and an iron buckle
(figs. 5, 6a). This last may have been
from a leather sword belt which, like
all traces of clothing, had disappeared.
As well as these there was a silver-gi1t
belt, which von Luschan described as
a dagger belt since the above-menti-
oned dagger lay directly under its clasp
(figs. 7; Sa, b).
186
Fittings .from a belt excavated at Ravna Trešnja
.from the grave attributed to King Tvrtko. Sil-
ver-gilt, cutl1Jork, chas ing.
e
Fig. 7: - a, b: The tongue, 14.5 x 1.8 cm. After
von Luschan 1921, Abb. 8. - e: Buckle attach-
ment, JO. 7 cm. After von Luschan 1921, Abb 7.
Berlin, Zeughaus (1924).
This belt must be described in
some detail since much depends on its
dating. It had been composed of 52
separate metal pieces, attached to a
woven band 15 mm. wide and around
2 mm. thick, largely intact, perhaps, von
Luschan suggested, because the fabric
had become impregnated by metal salts
which had acted as a preservative (ibid;
pp. 663, 664). Appliques of crowned,
Lombard letter M shapes altemated
with rectangular and star-shaped forms
down the length of the band (fig. Sa).
In amongst them were two suspension
rings and a suspension hook (fig. Sb),
the rings in the form of a figure eight,
and the hook having on its front a
crowned and sceptred female, suggest-
ing a Madonna (ibid; pp. 663, 666, Abb.
6, 10). The belt buckle and a hinged
double plaque which formed the tongue
were each secured to the belt band by
three silver rivets.
Whilst the appliques along the
band of the belt are decorated by the
repousse technique, designs on the
buckle attachment plaque and the
tongue are engraved. The buckle carries
a dragon with a foliate tail (fig. 7c)
(ibid; p. 663, Abb. 7). On each side of
one of the plaques of the tongue is a
bird; on each side of the other, a man
and woman each holding a bunch of
leaves (fig. 7a, b). Slanted lines form
Fig. 7d: 1320s Italian costume. Painting by
Maestro di S. Pietro in Sy/vis, "Christ, the Virgin
and Saints", detail. Guggenheim collection, New
York.
a background for these images and par-
allel rows of gouges are used to suggest
scales, feathers and fur (ibid; p. 665,
Abb. 8, 9). The flowing garments worn
by the leaf-carriers are rendered with
considerable precision (fig. 7a, b, e).
lt was largelyon the basis of these
costumes that von Luschan made the
assumption, mentioned in his 1881 pa-
per, that this belt was manufactured by
a craftsman of the time of Giotto
[1266?-1337] (von Luschan 1881; p.
113, n. 1).
Felix von Luschan's change of
heart about the dating of this belt, and
indeed of everything else found along
with it, arose, he claimed in his 1921
publication, as result of an encounter
which occurred immediately after he
completed his excavations, and before
he went to live in Berlin. Indeed, on
his own account he must have been
Fig. 7e: Detail of 7h; after von Luschan Abb. 9.
187
 -lm T

Fig. 8: - a: Woven band with app/iques, hangers and hook, portion of the belt excavated at Ravna
Trešnja, Tuzla, Bosnia. Silver-gilt, repousse, cutwork, casting. Afier von Luschan 1921, Abb. 6.
- b: Profile of the hook (von Luschan 1921, Abb. 10), Berlin, Zeughaus (1924).

familiar with the material which so al-
tered his views before he presented his
excavation report to the Vienna An-
thropological Society, although no hint
of it is made therein. Von Luschan
claimed that what happened was as fol-
lows.
One year after the Ravna Trešnja
excavations, in 1880, Ragusa became
von Luschan's military headquarters.
True to his nature, the inveterate cra-
niologist found himself at once in-
volved in study of more skulls; this
time they were still covered with skin,
and belonged to the people he met. He
observed that the type of skull apparent
among patrician families of Ragusa ac-
corded with the greater number of the
skulls he had excavated at Ravna Treš-
nja, and were, he felt, of the same root
stock. This observation would seem to
lie behind the conclusion he drew about
Ravna Trešnja in his 1881 publication:
that many Ragusans had been buri ed
there. "There was", he reported enthu-
siastically about his Ragusan associ-
ates, "the same astonishingly great ca-
pacity and narrow width in relation to
the great length of brain area; in con-
trast, the people of the land in all south
Dalmatia had very wide and on the
whole quite small skulls (von Luschan
1921; p. 664)."

Fig. 8c: Silver gilt appliquesfrom the belt excavated at Sveti Spas, Cetina, Sinj, Croatia. Width of
app/iques: 1.2 cm. Afier Gunjača 1952. Split, Muzej h11Jatskih arheoloških spomenika.

188
 Naming various Ragusan fami-
lies whose hospitality had obviously
aided him in his studies of craniological
matters, he remarked that many had
Italian as well as Slavic forms to their
names; this had been so for centuries
and emphasized the difference between
Ragusans and other members of the
populace. He cited the families of Bona
and Bonda (sometimes called Bunić
and Bundić), Cerva (in his day called
Criević or, presumably, Crijević), and
the family of his particular great friend
Ghetaldi-Gondola, a descendant of the
historian Ivan Gundulić (von Luschan,
1921; p. 664).
It was Ghetaldi-Gondola, von
Luschan says, who in 1880 introduced
him to the Prior of the Franciscans in
Ragusa. Curiously this individual is
never named, but von Luschan attests
warmly to his fame, claiming that he
was at that time one of the chief experts
in history of the South Slav lands. This
knowledgeable man had, it seems,
heard of von Luschan's excavations at
Ravna Trešnja, and one day startled
him with the communication that he,
von Luschan, had by rare chance come
upon the cemetery of the Ragusan col-
ony at Tuzla. Furthermore, an "early
manuscript" which happened to be in
the Franciscan's library recorded the
amazing information that King Tvrtko
II of Bosnia had fallen ill during the
course of a journey to Tuzla, died there
in the hospital of the Ragusan colony,
and was buried in the colony's grave-
yard. In fact, the reverend Prior felt
himself able to conclude, the man with
the costly girdle was "quite obviously"
the king. The belt, equally obviously,
would have been a gift of his cousin,
the Queen Maria of Hungary, of the
House of Anjou, as the crowned M on
the belt (fig. Sa) "irrefutably" demon-
strated. Excited by this discovery, the
prior-historian revealed to von Luschan
his plan to write a learned historical
treatise concerning the connection be-
tween France, Hungary and Bosnia, to
which von Luschan would contribute
a discussion of the excavation.
Von Luschan says that he was
willing to fall in with this plan. Also
that he was convinced by the Prior that
the owner of the luxurious belt had in-
deed been King Tvrtko, because he had
recalled that in 1897 when he had do-
nated the Ravna Trešnja skulls to the
Vienna Natural History Museum, they
had been measured, and on checking,
it had been established that the man
with the belt had possessed the widest
head of any in the entire series of skulls
uncovered at the site, and the smallest.
He was thus a. "foreigner" in the Ra-
gusan graveyard, a person of the land.
Given the Ragusan Prior' s impeccable
evidence, von Luschan would have us
believe, the conclusion was obvious.
Von Luschan did not in the end
join forces in scholarship with this emi-
nent but unnamed historian. If one takes
his account at face value, one might
feel that perhaps it was his intention of
presenting the news of the finding of
the King's grave alongside the Prior's
learning which led him to avoid any
mention of the striking differences be-
tween the belt-owner's skull and the
others at Ravna Trešnja when he first
outlined the results of his excavation
to the Vienna Anthropological Society,
189
although it is impossible to deduce from
von Luschan's account whether or not
the Prior would have revealed the full
import of Ravna Trešnja finds to him
before his lecture. Yet the craniological
differences themselves would have
been apparent to him at the time of the
lecture, from his own account of the
order of events. One's suspicions are
therefore aroused by his avoidance of
any mention of them and his concen-
tration instead on the Italianate-seeming
style of the belt as evidence for the
view that the skeletons as a group were
those of people from Ragusa.
Certainly, many years passed be-
fore von Luschan came to publish his
conviction that he had discovered the
grave of Tvrtko II, which seems very
strange if he had held it since 1880 or
thereabouts. RuefuUy he teUs us, in the
1921 publication, that soon after the
Prior's request for a collaborative pub-
lication was made, he was required to
leave Ragusa and even the Austrian
sphere (1921, p. 664). As a doctor, he
was needed to accompany the expedi-
tions of 1881 and 1882 in and around
Asia Minor, and after that was called
to work in the field for the Berlin Acad-
emy of Sciences. In 1885 he was invited
to take up employment at the Museum
fur Volkerkunde in Berlin, and with
this last appointment, he says, his Aus-
trian connections were cut off. "Now",
he continues, "towards the end of my
life, it appears a duty to me to rescue
from oblivion this small excavation of
former years."
In the very strange story re-
corded above a degree of historical ig-
norance is prominent both on the part
of von Luschan and of his unnamed
190
Franciscan colleague. In von Luschan,
ignorance is perhaps understandable;
less so in the "learned Franciscan. "
When in his 1881 article von Luschan
said that Louis of Hungary was King
Tvrtko's father-in-Iaw (von Luschan
1881; p. 111) he shows an ignorance
of medieval Hungarian genealogy not
unusual in his day. On the other hand
when he accepts that King Tvrtko II
(died 1443) was interred in the later
14th century (von Luschan 1921; p.
664), and claims moreover that his rea-
sons for so believing derive from one
of the greatest South Slav historians of
his day (whom he does not name),
something seems very wrong. One
wonders whether the learned Francis-
can ever existed, or if he did whether
he ever made such a claim as von
Luschan attributes to him.
lt is not necessary to assume that
von Luschan was lying; the Franciscan
himself may have been real and may
have been the fabricator; again the
Franciscan might have been genuinely
taken in by a forged document - there
were many about during the 19th cen-
tury, some alas prepared by Franciscans
whose. religious zeal outweighed their
concern for strict honesty (Fine 1975;
pp. 106-108), although von Luschan
does not claim to have seen the manu-
script himself.
lt is unnecessary to resolve this
particular puzzle; the point is that von
Luschan in giving in his later work a
late-14th century date to the grave
which he claimed was that of King Tvr-
tko II implied a similar date for the
belt, abandoning his earlier instinct to
date it to the time of Giotto, and that
this later date has been taken as ac curate
for that belt and for others resembling Fittings from the belt excavated under the larg-
it by more recent writers with no know- est tombstone at Sveti Spas church, Cetina, Sinj,
Croatia; sex of the deceased: unknown. Silver-
ledge of the rather devious background. gilt, cutwork, casting, chas ing and engraving,
One cannot help wondering, however,
what prompted von Luschan to publish,
after 40 years, the views of the real or
imagined Franciscan. If his former
Austrian colleagues had been inviting
him to defend their later archeological
activities, he did not feel obliged to
remember that country by enriching it
with his greatest find. Since von Lu-
schan' s death in 1924 the Ravna
Trešnja silver-gilt belt has been pre-
served in the Berlin Arsenal museum,
the Zeughaus (Fingerlin, op. cit; cata-
logue no. 21, pp. 312-314).

Repercussions
In 1930 the Cleveland Museum
of Art obtained a superb belt in the
same genre as the Ravna Trešnja piece,
but worked with more technical finesse
and having inset enamels (figs. 13-16).
The museum currently credits this belt
(inventory number 30.742) to late 14th
b
century Sienna. It was, however, an
heirloom long preserved in Georgia in Fig. 9: - a: hinged tongue, 17 x 1.4 cm;
the family of Prince Nicolas MingreI- - b: Three-sided buckle and shaft: 11.5 x 1.4 cm.
sky. The museum's director at the time After Gunjača 1952. Split, Muzej hrvatskih ar-
heoloških spomenika.
of the belt's acquisition, W. M. Mil-
liken, in publishing the piece in the
Bulletin for that year (W M. Milliken, From that time on, the Tuzla belt has
"Girdle of the Fourteenth Century", been taken in the literature as a com-
Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of panion for the Cleveland example.
Art 27, 1930, pp. 35-38), mentioned In 1971 a German researcher,
that another, less elaborate, belt "un- Ilse Fingerlin, published a catalogue of
questionably" deriving from the same belts and belt buckles, within which
Italianate workshop as the Cleveland belts of the Cleveland-Tuzla style
piece, had been found in Bosnia at formed a distinct group. All had origi-
Tuzla during the Austro-Turkish war. nally been composed of a suppie belt

191
 a b e d
Fig. 10: Assorted fittings from a belt excavated from a male grave at Stara Bila, Travnik, Bosnia,
in 1959. Silver, cutwork, casting, chasing, engraving, green enameling in the recesses. After Kova-
čević-Kojić 1978, drawings not to scale. travnik, Zavičajni muzej.

band (cloth, leather or woven metal The pieces in Fingerlin's cata-

wires) to which were added a mixture
of repousse and· cast attachments and
appliques, with the band itself termi-
nated at one end with tongues consist-
ing of two or three separate plaques
joined by hinges, their ends finishing
in cut-work foliage of a characteristic
shape (figs. 7a, b; 9a; 10a; 12a, d, e,
f; 13-15) rising out of a pendant acom
or flower bud. The buckles were cast,
sometimes having modeled figures
forming the uprights of a U-shape and
thus remaining open at the top (figs.
9b,14b).
logue which are closest in style to the
Ravna Trešnja. Tuzla belt (figs. 7; 8a)
(Fingerlin 1971, cat. no. 21, pp. 95,
101, 104. 312-314) are the belt found
in Croatia at Cetina, Sinj (fig. 9) (ibid;
cat. no. 465, pp. 20, 95, 96, 444-446)
and the portions of belt found at Chal-
cis, Euboea, Greece (fig. 12) (ibid; cat.
nos. 152, 153, 155, pp. 95, 96, 370-373),
which however even more closely re-
semble another Bosnian belt found at
Stara Bila, Travnik (fig. 10), not re-
corded in the Finger1in catalogue (Ko-
vačević-Kojić 1978; p. 307; Bach

192
 a

Fig. 11: - a, b, e: Details of a silk belt with three-sided buckle and appliques along the band; J28
x J.5 cm. Paris workshop, first half of the 14th century. Silver-gilt, casting, chasing, engraving. -
a: Buckle and shaft, 8 cm. long. - b: Tongue, 9 cm. long. After Fingerlin, cat. no. 14. Baden-Baden,
Ziihringer Museum (1169). - d: Three-sided belt buckle and shaft from Chalcis, Euboea, Greece.
J2.4 x J.4 cm. Silver-gilt, cutwork, casting, chasing, engraving. After Fingerlin, cat. no. J50. London,
British Museum (AF 2820).

1980; pp. 95-97). Of these, the Chalcis
belts have long been assumed to be of
Venetian manufacture, since Venice
held Chalcis from 1385 until its con-
quest by the Turks in 1470.
Ilse Fingerlin dates all these belts
to the very end of the 14th century. An
observation made in 1930 by the Ger-
man costume expert P. Post (ibid; p.
95, n. 356) that the costume on the
Tuzla piece shows it to date from the
earlier 14th century is, she feels, dis-
proved by the "fact" that the Chalcis
material must postdate 1385 (her as-
sumption: there is in reality no reason
why Venetians should not have brought
existing pieces to Chalcis (Fingerlin,
op. cit., p. 96), and also by the clear
dating based on historical information
about the Ravna Trešnja, Tuzla, find.
She repeats the story that King Tvrtko
sickened and died in Tuzla, and then
increases the confusion begun by von
Luschan between the two kings called
Tvrtko by presenting the dates of
Tvrtko I (never actually given by von
Luschan) as applying to Tvrtko II. The
following passages carry her views:
"De Reihe liisst sich weiter fort-
setzen mit zwei Griibern aus Tuzla
(Bosnien) und Cetina (Kroatien), die
jedoch im Gegenstatz zu den bisherin-
gen Beispielen innerhalb eines grosseren
Friedhofs lagen. Durch ihre Beigaben
vor allem die vergoldet und reich
verzierten Giirtel (Kat. Nr. 21 und 465)
nehmen sie aber gegeniiber der iirm-
lichen Ausstattung der anderen Graber
eine Sonderstellung ein. Moglicher-
weise las st sich der in Tuzla Bestattete

193
Seven belt.fittings/rom ehalcis. Euboea. Greece. Silver-gilt. cutwork. casting. chasing. engraving.

a b e d e f g
Fig.12: - a-e: Fragments/rom one belt. 1.3 cm. wide. 12.4. 9 and 8.2 cm long. Fingerlin. cat.
no. 152. London. British Museum (AF 2813a. 2813. 2812). -d: Belttongue. 9.5 x 1.6 cm. Fingerlin.
cat. no. 153. Photograph altered to look complete. British Museum (AF 2816). - e: Belt tongue.
13.4 x 1.6 cm. Mentioned by Fingerlin under cat. no. 153.. but not illustrated. After Tait 1986.
British Museum (AF 2817). - f: Two sides %ne belt tongue. 8.3 x 1.6 cm. Fingerlin. cat. no. 155.
with illustration there back-to-.front. British Museum (AF 2814). - g: Belt fitting. shaft. l J.J 1 x 1.3 cm.
Fingerlin. cat. no. 156. un illustrated. British Museum (AF 2821).
(Langschwert, Do1ch und Sporen schHige unterbreitet worden: P. Post (n.
kennzeichen ihn als Ritter) mit Tvrtko 356) datierte ihn in die erste HaIfe des
II. von Bosnien (1353-1391) identifi- 14. Jahrhunderts, aus kostiimgeschicht-
zieren, der nach Aufzeichnungen im lichen Erwagungen, auf die in anderem
Franziskanerkloster Ragusa wahrend Zusammenhang noch naher einzuge-
einer Reise in Tuzla erkrankt und auch hen ist. Doch sei hi er vorausgeschickt,
dort auf dem Friedhof bestattet sein dass sie fur diesen Zeitansatz keine
soll" (Fžngerlin, op. cit; pp. 20, 21). Stiitze abgeben. Zu einer spateren Da-
"Fur den bekannten Tuzla- tierung, wie sie auch hier vorgesch-
Gurtel sind schon entsprechende Vor- lagen wird, kommt F. von Luschan,

194
wenn auf Grund anderer iiberlegungen.
Er vermutet niimlich, dass der mit
reichen Beigaben bestattete Mann (die
iibrigen Griiber des Friedhofs waren nur
iirmlich), der sich auch im anthropolo-
?-i')chen Befund deutlich von der ein-
i1eimischen Bevolkerung unterschied,
mit Konig Tvrtko II. von Bosnien iden-
tisch sei (1353-1391). Er soll auf einer
Reise in Tuzla erkrankt, dort im Spital
gestorben und auf dem nehegelegenen
Kirchhof bestattet worden sein" (ibid;
p.95).
Finger1in is convinced by the
Tvrtko story, although she does com-
ment that the crowned M on the Tuzla
belt might well be a symbol of the Vir-
gin Mary - it was used in this way
throughout medieval Europe - as well
as of the late 14th century Queen Maria Fig.13: Beltfrom the GeorgianfamilyofPrince
of Hungary (ibid; p. 101). Here, of Nicolas Mingrelsky, 238 x 2.9 cm. Woven silver
course, she allows her belief in von wire with silver-gilt attachments. Casting, cut-
work, repousse, chasing and engraving, poly-
Luschan's material to blind her to the chrome enameling. Cleveland, Museum of Art
obvious fact that the M can be perfectly (30.742, g!{i of the John Huntington Art and
well explained as simply referring to Polytechnic Tn/st).
the Virgin, and that there is no need at
all to assume that it must also have the light of von Luschan's finds. It has
been the gift of someone whose initial to be said that, in the latter enterprise,
was M. The problem is that once the we immediately encounter the diffi-
claim that this crowned M strongly sup-
culty that although the Prior apparently
ports the contention that the belt was
owned by a relative of the Hungarian referred to Tvrtko II as the ruler who
Queen Maria is brought into question, was visiting Tuzla when he sickened
the whole late 14th century dating of and died, the whole context of von
the belt begins to look shaky indeed. Luschan's discussion implies that he is
ln fact the belt and its associated thinking of Tvrtko I, although he never
finds can be well dated from stylistic quite says so. We do not know who is
features, in a way which flatly contra- being devious, so we have to take both
dicts the theory proposed by von kings into account.
Luschan and accepted by Fingerlin. We
must now examine these features, as *
well as testing the main points of the For clarity, this section is pre-
Prior's story and their implications in sented as seven separate discussions.

195
 Fig. 14a, b Fig.15 Fig.16
Fig. 14: Belt from the family of Prince Nicolas Mingrelsky, Georgia, silver-gilt and polychrome
enameling, details. - a: Hinged tongue, 31.5 cm x 2.9 cm. - b: Three-sided buckle and hinged
shaft, 18.6 x 2.9 cm. Cleveland, Museum of Art (30.742, gift of the John Huntington Art and
Polytechnic Trust).
Fig. 15: Detail of the tongue, reverse shown in figo 14.
Fig. 16: Belt in the Cleveland Museum of Art, band with repousse and enameI appliques, detail.

(l) The likelihood ofeither King
Tvrtko paying an official visit to Tuzla
Even if we consider Tvrtko I as
the real subject of the story, it is clear
that the exigencies of history as they
touched Tuzla were such that a late
14th century royal visitor would have
found there no welcoming nobi1ity, no
Dubrovnik colony, and no luxuries such
as a hospital to care for him, when ill.
The historical record shows that
Tuzla (medieval Soli or Salenes) was
of some importance as a regional centre
and a salt-mining loca1ity during the
13th century and the early 14th. The
town had been at different times vari-
ously in Serbian and Hungarian pos-
session, and had comG under the control
of Bosnian Ban Stjepan II Kotromanić
by 1324 (Ćirković 1978; pp. 72, 74-75,
89). Mention is made in Bosnian court

196
documents from around that period of
witnesses from Soli actually present at
Stjepan's court. Later, Soli is still in-
cluded among the titular possessions
of Bosnian rulers, but no actual cour-
tiers from there are mentioned (Dinić
1978; p. 295). In fact, from about 1325
it seems to have declined, and between
that time and the Turkish period is men-
tioned only once in any Dubrovnik
source, and then only as an abode of
bandits (Kovačević-Kojić 1978; p. 84).
By all accounts, Soli in the late
l4th and l5th centuries was little more
than an insignificant settlement. By the
early l6th century, there were two
Franciscan monasteries, one inside and
one to the north of the town (the grave-
yard of Ravna Trešnja was well to the
south), but the dates of their founda-
tions are not clear, and at that time also
the Turks began to redevelop the town
under the new name of "Tuzla" (Fis-
ković 1960; p. 89; Vego 1957b; pp.
106, 107; Kovačević-Kojić 1978; pp.
84, 226). There was no export of salt
from the town during its long period
of decline and insignificance, and a Du-
brovnik colony there during this period
would have been out of the question.
There is certainly no mention of one
in any historical source, save possibly
the unlocated one perhaps known to
von Luschan's mysterious Prior. If all
the above points to the extreme unlike-
lihood of a visit by Tvrtko I (died 1391),
a visit by Tvrtko II (died 1443) must
be still less likely. Furthermore, it
seems certain that material remains of
any foreigners or ofwealthy inhabitants
in residence in the area must date to
the first decades of the l4th century or
earlier.
(2) The likelihood of a Bosnian
graveyard without tombstones dating
from the second halfofthe 14th century
The fact that the Ravna Trešnja
graveyard had no tombstones points to
a date earlier rather than later in the
14th century for the burials. My own
study of the dated tombstones of me-
dieval Bosnia and Herzegovina, soon
to be published, has led to the firm
conclusion that the widespread creation
of large, permanent outdoor grave
markers in Bosnia postdates the middle
of the fourteenth century. The first of
the familiar, sizeable "stećci" were
seemingly erected just before the
middle of that century, in Herzegovina.
After the mid-14th century in both Bosnia
and Herzegovina there was a great up-
surge in the building of outdoor monu-
ments of all sorts, and of the vast
number which survive, the majority
must have been erected during a period
of little more than a century. The in-
habitants of Dubrovnik were accus-
tomed to bury their dead under floor
markers inside churches until the
plague epidemics of the mid-14th cen-
tury created a situation in which out-
door burial spaces were obviously to
be preferred. When this happened they
continued to mark their graves with
monuments, as before (Petrović 1972;
pp. 72-79). There is no doubt in my
mind that any late l4th century ceme-
tery in Bosnia in which people who
owned goods of the sort found in the
Ravna Trešnja graves are buried, would
have had tombstones.
197
 (3) The likelihood of a royal
burial in an unmarked, outdoor grave
This part of the discussion sim-
ply reflects on the credulity of von
Luschan, his Prior (if he existed) and
those writers who have accepted the
Tvrtko story as a basis for dating the
group of belts previously mentioned.
There is no longer any mystery about
the burial place of either King Tvrtko.
The tomb of Tvrtko I has been dis-
cussed above, whilst the tomb of Tvrtko
II has been located by Pavao Anđelić,
since Ilse Fingerlin's work was pub-
lished, in the royal chapel at Castle Bo-
bovac. Although the bombardment of
Bobovac launched by the Turks from
the nearby hills in 1463 shattered most
of the grave monuments, a number have
been reconstructed from the fragments
so as to sufficiently identify them as
marking the graves of kings or their
immediate relations. One of these is
convincingly assigned to Tvrtko II (An-
đelić, 1973; pp. 89-91; 1980; p. 231).
Even without this evidence,
however, it should have been clear to
anyone tempted to base claims on the
story told by von Luschan, that an out-
door, unmarked burial of a figure of
the importance of either Tvrtko would
have been deeply unlikely.
(4) The likelihood of the sword
discovered at Ravna Trešnja being
appropriate for either King Tvrtko
The sword uncovered at Ravna
Trešnja (figo 5) dates very obviously
from the first half of the fourteenth cen-
tury.lts wide, gently down-turned quil-
Ions are of the sort depicted in a number
of Serbian frescoes from that time: at
198
Gračanica, painted around 1320 (Škri-
vanić 1957; p. 46, fig. 1), at Dečani
and Lesnovo, painted about 1348 (ibid;
p. 47, jigs. JO, 14; p. 48, figs. 15, 16;
Pribaković 1954, p. 80, Tabla I-III,
Prilog 1) and in one of the later frescoes
at St. Sophia, Ohrid, painted 1346-50
(Đurić 1975;fig. 67). The scabbard tip
(figo 5) resembles one depicted at
Dečani (ibid; p. 48, figo 16). The sword
was of a utilitarian rather than ceremo-
niai type, having no precious embel-
lishments, and is thus much more likely
to be contemporary with the body than
an heirloom buried with it. Sword
shapes in the later 14th and 15th cen-
turies were quite different, so the sword
provides yet another reason for believ-
ing the burial to be of early 14th century
date rather than of the time of either
King Tvrtko.
(5) The likelihood of the spurs
discovered at Ravna Trešnja being
appropriate for either King Tvrtko
The spurs uncovered at Ravna
Trešnja (as in figo 6a) reinforce the de-
duction made from the sword. They are
rowel spurs (the type which has a star-
shaped wheel, or rowel, to function as
the actual spur), and have the curving
sides usual for the earlier part of the
14th century. Excavations at the two
major Central Bosnian courts of Kra-
ljeva Sutjeska and Bobovac have dem-
onstrated that the usual dating of this
spur-type throughout Europe to before
1350 holds good for medieval Bosnia
(Anđelić 1973; p. 197, n. 75). One such
spur was found at Kraljeva Sutjeska
(figo 6b) (ibid; p. 197), while an exam-
ple ofthe customary later style of 14th-
-15th century spur, having straight rather
than curving sides, was un-covered at
Bobovac (ibid; p. 134). A word is
necessary here about the relative dating
of these two important sites.
Kraljeva Sutjeska and Bobovac,
both located within the same medieval
župa in Central Bosnia (ibid; p. 152),
were both occupied throughout the sec-
ond half of the l4th century. Kraljeva
Sutjeska, however, looks to have been
built and occupied first. It is known to
have been constructed by Stjepan II
Kotromanić (1314-1353), and was in
all probability used by him as a prin-
cipal court throughout his reign (ibid;
p. 156). Bobovac was a strongly forti-
fied castle by the time of its first known
mention in sources of 1449-50 (ibid;
p. 46, n. 36, p. 139), and by 1356 was
used by Stjepan's successor, the young
Ban Tvrtko, as his court. Anđelić
speculates that Tvrtko would have
lacked both the time and the strength
to engage in major building during this
period, when he was involved in a dis-
pute with his brother about the succes-
sion, so that, Anđelić feels, most of the
work at Bobovac must have been done
during the time of Ban Stjepan. Even
so, there is much evidence that Kraljeva
Sutjeska was indeed occupied earlier
than Bobovac, during the first part of
Ban Stjepan's reign. Certainly, it is the
case that amongst the finds from the
two sites, all those which can be dated
through good parallels to the earlier
part of the century, such as the spur
illustrated as figo 6b, come from Kra-
ljeva Sutjeska.
(6) The likelihood of the cos-
turne depicted on the Ravna Trešnja
belt dating to the time of either King
Tvrtko
The wide-cut, full-hanging cos-
turne style worn by the plant-carriers
on the Ravna Trešnja belt (fig. 7a, b,
e) conforms to an Italian style of the
earlier 14th century, and certainly does
resemble in some respects costurne as
painted by Giotto in the first decade of
that century, as originally observed by
von Luschan (1881; p. 113, n. 1).
Giotto' s customary loose-hanging male
costurne resembles the costurne of the
male figures on both Tuzla and Cetina
belts, and his caps tied under the chin
(Supino 1920; Vol. II, plate CLV) -
worn alone, or beneath flat -topped male
headgear in his painting from the first
years of the 14th century, as at the Ba-
silica of S. Francis at Assisi (fig. 17d,
e) - resemble the male headgear shown
on both these belts (figs. 7a; 9a), as
do, however, the similar caps still being
painted in 1321 by Paolo Veneziano
(Zlarnalik 1967; pp. 4, 13, 17). If one
compares Giotto' s female costurne
with the attire of the female figures on
the belts - here exemplified by an en-
larged sketch of one of the leaf carriers
from the Ravna Trešnja example given
by von Luschan (fig. 7e)(1921;p. 661,
Abb. 9) - it is not difficult to parallel
the belt's wide-cut dresses, but there
are interesting differences of detail. The
women in Giotto's work for the Padua
Arena Chapel of 1303-05 wear dresses
of similar wide cut (fig. 17a, b) but
with edges and seam-line~covered by
very prominent decorative bands, and
occasional patches of pseudo-Kufic
199
embroidery on the upper sleeves, as
found on Islamic costume of the same
general date (Dupont, Gnudi 1979; pp.
61, 63).
We need to tum to Italian paint-
ing of a slightly later date, in fact of
the 1320s and 30s, to find women's
costume of exactly the cut and decora-
tion depicted on the von Luschan belt
(fig. 7e). A good example is in a work
now in the Guggenheim collection in
New York (Ladis 1982; p. 22,fig. 79)
painted by the Master of S. Pietro in
Sylvis during the 1320s (fig. 7d). Here
a dress with a short yoke has slim edg-
ing bands only on both sides of the
yoke. The sleeves, which have no deco-
rative panels on the upper arm, and the
loose material hanging from the shoul-
ders rather closely parallel features
shown on the Ravna Trešnja belt.
Whilst discussing this whole
matter of using costume parallels to
date Fingerlin's group of belts and its
relatives, it ought to be said that the
general style of the Ravna Trešnja belt
itself,outlived the style of dress de-
picted on it. The 1330s and 40s was a
period ofrapid change in fashion. Dur-
ing the 1330s, female necklines became
wider towards the shoulders, and waist-
lines became lower, at time being em-
phasized by a belt. The Cleveland belt,
somewhat later than the Ravna Trešnja
example, though close in design, shows
the tighter sleeves for ladies dresses
with strips of cloth hanging from the
elbows, and the shorter tunics for men,
whi,ch became fashionable in the later
1330sandthe 1340s(figs.14-16)(New-
ton 1980; pp. 6-13). These new styles
are well shown in the painting of 1337-
-1340 by Ambrogio Lorenzetti on the
theme of the effects of good govern-
ment, at the Palazzo Publico, Siena,
(fig. 17c) (Dupont, Gnudi 1979; pp.
98-102).
The decorative silver-gilt belts
here under discussion have often been
said to be Venetian, or at least from
elsewhere in north Italy (Bach 1980;
p. 102; Ronald Lightbown, personal

(~
1~ ft' \
.".

1;~'-J1\1~
. \
:\ t>\\
\1
'I
\'
l~;'
'"
t;
\
l/
l" '
a b e d' -e
Fig. 17: - a, b: Female costume in Giotto 's painting, first decade of the 14th century. Frescoes,
Annunciation to St. Anne, Meeting at the Golden Gate, details. Padua, Arena Chapel. - e: Female
costume in Italy in the later 1330s. Fresco, Ambrogio Lorenzetti, The Effects of Good Government,
1337-1340, detail. Siena, Palazzo Pubblico. - d, e: Male costume in Giotto 's painting, Assisi, S.
Francesco, details.

200
communication). The fact that none of Balkan silver engraving (fig. I8a-d) utilizing
stijf leaves.
this type has ever been found there may
be historical accident. However, for
some of them at least, a manufacturing
centre in northern Dalmatia, at some-
where like Zadar or Split, seems to me
a strong possibility. This would account
both for their distribution and for their
Italianate feel, since much of Dalmatia
was at that time in Venetian hands and
Italian masters like Paolo Veneziano
were at work there, providing inspira-
tion and even designs for locally-made
products (Zlamalik 1967; pp. 45-47, 56,
57). The reliquary casket of St. Krše-
van, Zadar, produced in the 1320s (fig.
18a), shows enameling similar to that
on the Cleveland belt, as well as
bunches of foliage with upright, over-
lapping leaves of the sort found on all
the belts (Krleža, Grgić, Grčević 1972;
pp. 59-61, 165, 166). This particular
upright-Ieafstyle survived in the Zadar
manufacturing tradition until at least
1360 (fig. 18d) (Petricioli 1980; p. 76,
no. 80) by which time it had been
mainly replaced in Italy by the more
undulant Bolognese-style foliage de-
sign. 8 The continued use of the upright
bunch of leaves as a design motif in
the Bosnian sphere during the period
of Tvrtko's banate (1353-1377) is well Fig. I8a: Silver and gilt plaque, chasing, en-
graving and enameling. Reliquary casket of
demonstrated by the bowl meda1lion in St. Krševan, 1326, detail. Zadar, Cathedral
a related style and with a Cyri1lic in- treasury.

8 A fascinating chronology of one area of Italian metalworking design, a large group of

eccIesiastical objects preserved in the North Italian diocese ofLucca, indicates that Italian processional
crosses did emphasize upright, only-slightly-curving, foliage on either side of the figures of saints
in the first half of the 14th century (Calderoni Masetti, Carobbi, Gil1otto and Sodini 1986; pp.
J02-J03,jigs. 56, 57; pp. 113, 118,.figs. 64, 69) but that by the latter part ofthat century this aspect
of design had been abandoned in favour of flowers with round centres and stiff petals, and rather
more undulant foliage (ibid; pp. 162-208,jigs. 94-143).

201
scription (fig. 18b) which I have else-
where shown to belong to the sphere
of Tvrtko in the years before he de-
clared himself king (Wenzel 198411985;
pp. 6-9). By the early years of the Bos-
nian Kingdom, after 1377, the taste of
that region had, in my view, changed
somewhat away from the Dalmatian
style, and taken a more individual di-
rection.

(7) The likelihood of the other

major grave finds from Ravna Trešnja
being from the period of either King
Tvrtko
Glass beakers with vertical,
mould-blown ribs and cupped rims are
not infrequently found in Bosnian
graves and habitation sites, and some
of the larger pieces with relatively short
rims, such as one found at Biskup near
Konjic, may indeed date to the end of
the fourteenth century (Vego 1957; pp.
132-134, Tab. 5; Kojić-Wenzel 1967;
p. 80; Anđelić 1973, pp. 129-130).
However, the small, highly delicate,
ribbed beakers with large cupped rims
decorated with applied blue threads
such as the one found at Ravna Trešnja
(fig. 3) seem to have been in common
use in Bosnia in the earlier 14th century.
At Kraljeva Sutjeska over one-hundred
fragments of this kind of glass were
uncovered; at Bobovac, only two. Bo-
bovac was rich in glasses of more bul-
bous body, with applied prints, a type
related to the German "krautstrunk"
glass ofwhich no examples were found
at Kraljeva Sutjeska (Anđelić 1973; pp.
129-132). The reasons for believing
Kraljeva Sutjeska to be the earlier habi-
tation have already been set out above.
Fig. 18b: Silver plaque from the centre of a
bowl, engraved with Bosnian heraldry, 14th cen-
tury. From Kosovo. Beograd. Muzej primenjene
umetnosti (4581).
Thus it seems likely that the Ravna
Trešnja glass, like the sword and the
spurs, points to Ban Stjepan's period
as the most likely date for the burials
there, rather than any later period.
lt is worth mentioning here that
an early 14th century dating for much
of the glass complex at Kraljeva Sut-
jeska is supported by presence there of
one other type of glass, which no one
has ever tried to date later than the early
14th century. Alongside the fragments
of the ribbed beakers with blue threads
found there, were seven fragments of
clear glass with blue and red enameI
decorations on the inside edge d in
creamy white on the outside (Anđelić
1973; pp. 188, 189, 191). This well-
known and characteristic style of glass
painting is generally known as the
"Aldrevandin" style after a famous ex-
ample which has survived complete and
has an inscription mentioning "Magis-

202
ter Aldrevandin".9 There is now a large
literature about this glass-type. It has
sometimes been called Syro-Frankish,
implying Crusader-period manufacture
of the 13th century Near East. lo New
opinions from various experts, how-
ever, prefer to see it as an early style
of Venetian enameled glass, II and in-
terestingly it seems that one of its prac- Fig. ISc: Engraved plaque on agarment fas-
ten er, 14th century, detail. Split. Cathedral
titioners came originally from Zadar. 12 treasury.
Recent excavations in Italy and London
have brought some such glass to light 14th century and, of course, none of it
in contexts much later than would pre- was found at Bobovac.
viously have been thought possible, The finger rings discovered at
namely, from the earlier 14th century, I3 Ravna Trešnja (fig. 4a) are of a type
and the excavation at Kraljeva Sutjeska in use throughout the 14th century (Ra-
in fact falls into this category. However, dojković 1969; T. 1, 104, 107). The
nobody would be prepared to see this buttons (fig. 4b), are of a style likewise
glass dated into the second half of the found in many 14th century Bosnian

9 British Museum, Registry no. 76, 11-4,3. The Magister Aldrevandin glass has white outlines
on the exterior and other colour painted on the interior in the manner of the Kraljeva Sutjeska
fragments. Hugh Tait in Masterpieces ofGlass, Exhibition catalogue, British Museum, London 1968;
pp. 151, 152.
10 Ibid; p. 151; Anita Engle in "Glass Finds at Acre throw New Light on the 'Syro-Frankish'
Group", Readings in Glass History No. l 13/14, Jerusalem 1982; pp. 34-69.
II Tail, op. cit, pp. 151, 152; L. Zecchin, "Un decoratore di vetri a Murano alle fine del
duecento", Journal of Glass Studies XI, Corn ing 1969; pp. 39-42; D. Whitehouse, "Notes on late
medieval glass in Italy", Annales du teme" Congres International d'Etude Historique du Verre,
London-Liverpool 1979, Liege, Association Internationale pour I'Histoire du Verre 1981; pp.
172-173.
12 Bartolomeo of Zara (Zadar: "Bartholameus pinctor, qui fuit fr Jadra'1 was a glass painter
who worked in Venice between 1290 and 1325. It is most probable that the glass he enamelled was
decorated in "Aldrevandin" style, since his repertoire is known to have included "figures and trees"
(L. Zecchin, "Fornaci muranesi fra il 1289 ed il 1290", Journal of Glass Studies XXI/, Corn ing
1970; pp. 82, 83; J. Clark, "Medieval enamelled glasses from London", Medieval Archaeology
XXVII, London 1983 (The Society for Medieval Archaeology); pp. 153-155; A. Gasparetto, "Dalla
realta archaeologica a que/la contemporanea" in Mille anni di arte del vetro a Venezia, Exhibition
catalogue, Palazzo Ducale, Museo Correr, Venezia 1982; p. 18).
\3 Hugh Tait, British Museum, John Clark, Museum of London, personal communications.
Fragments of enamel-painted "Aldrevandin" glass excavated from Foster Lane, London, were
discovered in a pit together with pottery from the first half of the 14th century. Partial inscriptions
included "S BARTOLOMEUS FE(cit)" and another "STERBA", possibly "(magis)TER
BA(rtolomeus)". John Clark has suggested that these inscriptions may relate to the Zadar craftsman
(Clark, op. cit.; p. 155).

203

Fig. 18d: Processional cross from Bibinje, en-
graved and gilded silver on a wooden support,
local metalworking, 1360-1379. Zadar, Perma-
nent exhibition of religious art.
graves, although in this case there is
some evidence that they may only have
been recognised by high fashion in the
third decade ofthat century. Certainly,
in Serbian frescoes, small round but-
tons on the neck-openings of robes are
first depicted on the daughters ofžupan
Brajan at Bela crkva Karan, painted
around 1330 (Kovačević 1953; T. XX;
XXa). Around the same time, western
204
European styles began to be more close
fitting, and the requirements of the new
fashion, such as narrower sleeves with
rows of buttons, do seem to have af-
fected Balkan dress (Newton 1980; p.
100).
To sum up, then, both the sword
and the spurs found in the supposed
Tvrtko grave must date to the first half
of the 14th century (assuming the spurs
in that grave to have been identical, as
von Luschan claimed, with the ones he
illustrated), long before von Luschan's
"King Tvrtko's" supposed death in
1391, let alone the Prior's king's death
in 1443. Among the major finds in the
adjoining graves, the glass beaker deco-
rated with blue threads is most probably
from the earlier 14th century, while the
rings and buttons could be of that date,
or somewhat later.
It can only be concluded, taking
all the above evidence, that the Ravna
Trešnja graveyard and the grave-goods
found there date from the earlier 14th
century, the time of Ban Stjepan II Ko-
tromanić (1314-1353), and the time be-
fore Tuz1a's sharp decline. Von Lu-
schan' s story of the burial of King Tvrt-
ko II (or indeed Tvrtko I) at Ravna
Trešnja is thus a fantasy, constructed,
by him or someone else, out of igno-
rance or guile.
Once one accepts the dating of
the Ravna Trešnja belt to the first half
of the 14th century, the other belts in
the group fall naturally into that period
also. The small style differences be-
tween the examples reflect interest-
ingly the changes in fashion during that
.extremely fashion-conscious period.
 Postscript
The acute scholarship of the late
Pavao Anđelić contributed much to a
clarification of the topography of me-
dieval Bosnia. His industrious explo-
ration of the royallocalities in Central
Bosnia, which involved archive re-
search as well as work in the field,
included not only the excavations of
Kraljeva Sutjeska and Bobovac but also
the sifting out of good evidence from
false in the maze concerning the Ar-
nautovići royal tombs. The royal mau-
soleum church, reduced to mere foun-
dations on a site ravaged by road build-
ing, is at last recognised by its former
name. This church of St. Nicholas (sveti
Nikola) was built by Ban Stjepan II
Kotromanić around 1340 in the Fran-
ciscan monastery at Mile, also called
Mileševo (Anđelić 1980; pp. 238-239).
Historians may well debate for some
time about whether this Mi1eševo was
also the Mileševo where King Tvrtko
I was crowned in 1377. As a descendant
of the Nemanjas, and one who wished
to appear a Serbian as well as Bosnian
ruler, there would have been some rea-
son for his choosing, as is generally
supposed, the Serbian monastery of Mi-
leševo for this event, since it contained
the mausoleum of the Serbian Saint Sa-
va but at the same time was located on
the fringe s of Tvrtko' s newly expanded
Bosnian state (Ćirković 1964; pp. 137-
139; Fine 1975; pp. 43, 106, 192,209).
Even so, Anđelić has made a convinc-
ing case for another view, that the shat-
tered ruin at Arnautovići is the site of
both the coronation and burial uf the
real King Tvrtko L
205
Two Medieval Rings
in the Zavičajni Muzej Trebinje
the Zavičajni Muzej Trebinje,
is in possession of two medieval rings
which are of considerable interest to
anyone seeking to understand the his-
tory of metalwork in the medieval Bos-
nian Kingdom. In addition, the design
of one of them gives rise to fascinating
historical speculations. The purpose of
this article is to present a discussion of
the various aspects of these rings.
One ring, museum inventory
number A 47 is of copper, and was
found by Nurija Ramić in Donji Turani
near Trebinje, and was subsequently
purchased by the museum in 1963; this
is illustrated as figs. la-e, 2a. The other
is a silver gi1t ring excavated in 1968
at Mušići, Domaševo, Ljubomir polje
to the north-west of Trebinje; this was
found under astećak tombstone at the
site of Đurđeva crkva, Mušići (Vego,
II, pp. 56-7, no. 113). Since its deposit
with the Zavičajni Muzej, this ring has
fallen to pieces, and at the time ofwrit-
ing is awaiting reconstruction; it has as
yet no inventory number. Fortunate1y
the ring was drawn in its complete state,
both by Tom Emmert of Stanford Uni-
versity immediately after excavation,
and by Ljubinka Kojić in 1971; I pre-
sent a composite of their drawings and
my own observation of the ring in its
damage d state as figo 7b, in addition to
the photograph (fig. ld).
Both rings might be said to fall
within the tradition of cast metal ring-
making which gained popularity dming
the 13th century and continued for sev-
eral centuries thereafter (Taylor-Scar-
isbrick: 29). However, most European
examp1es of such rings were signets,
and whilst the Domaševo ring conforms
largely to this type, the Donji Turanj
ring differs in that its bezel has an al-
most completely plain top. Whilst this
latter feature on somewhat similar rings
has suggested to some art historians
that they should be classified as unfin-
ished signets, it seems to me that what
in fact we have is an imitation in an
inferior metal of a fashionable 14th cen-
tury ring type in which a gold ring was
set with a precious stone.
The Donji Turani Ring
The copper ring from Donji Tu-
rani is 2.3 cm in diameter, and its oval
bezel measures 1.5 x 0.8 cm. At the
top surface the oval shape of the bezel
207

a become clear that this configuration is
b texture descending onto the shoulders
e
Fig. la-e: Copper ring, Zavičajni Muzej Trebi-
nje A 47, .found in Donji Turani, Trebinje.
Fig. ld: Silver gilt ring, Zavičajni Muzej, Tre-
binje, .found in Mušići, Domaševo, Ljubomirsko
polje, Trebinje region.
208
is modified, as a result of the sculptural
nature of its sides, into a series of star-
like points separated by scallops (fig.
la). This top surface is undecorated
except for eight crescent-shaped inci-
sions just in from the edge, which du-
plicate the outline of the bezel; it will
peculiar to a number of rings from Bos-
nia, and is indeed a major characteristic
of what is now emerging as a medieval
Bosnian metalworking style.
A second notable feature of the
ring is the circular knob at the back of
the hoop (fig. lc), while a third is the
presence of roughly tri angular areas of
from the bezeIon either side (fig. lb).
This texture is a dotted one, composed
of a random scattering of tiny pits.
The coincidence of these three
features seems again to be a charac-
teristically Bosnian design, and is in-
deed found on two rings in my own
collection, one obtained in the Sarajevo
market "Baščaršija", the other obtained
in Mostar; these are illustrated as figs.
2b, e, and will be discussed further in
connection with the individual stylistic
features. It is difficult to give a clear
date for the Donji Turani ring (or in-
deed, the other two), but a number of
features suggest the period 1350-1450
as most likely. The comparatively large
size and weight of the bezel, the lack
of "neck" between the shoulders and
bezel, and the distinctive scalloping are
all features displayed on two rings now
in England. One of these at present in
the Victoria and Albert Museum, Lon-
don, was found in the grave of William
Wytlesey (Taylor-Scarisbrick: 49, no.
297; Oman 1974; 52, no. 435, Pl. 18c)
 o a b

d e

Fig. 2: - a: Copper ring, Zavičajni muzej, Trebinje A 47, Donji Turani, Trebinje; - b: Copper
ring, author's col/ection, from Mostar; - e: Silver ring, author's col/ection, from Sarajevo; ~ d:
Gold ring set with sapphire,found in grave ofArchbishop William Witlesey, Canterbury, died J374,
Victoria and Albert Museum, London, M 191-1975. - e: Gold ring set with peridotfound in Thame,
Oxfordshire, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1940-227.

209

Fig. 3a: A gilt-bronze ring. Italian 15th century.
Victoria and Albert Museum London. 741-1877.
who died, as archbishop of Canterbury,
in 1274, and was buried in his cathedral
(fig. 2d). The other, now in the Ash-
molean Museum, Oxford, was recov-
ered in the Thame hoard (Taylor-
Scarisbrick: 59, na. 435, color Pl. JI),
and is sufficiently similar in both form
and workmanship to the Wytlesey ex-
ample for a common date to be assumed
(fig. 2e). Both these rings, have promi-
nent ridges on their shoulders with flo-
ral sprays to either side; neither has a
back knob. It may be that our Bosnian
rings, which share various features of
these two, date from about the same
time, and are examples of the sort of
cultural assimilation which character-
ized the reign of Tvrtko 1(1353-1391).
On the other hand, various Serbian
rings of the earlier 14th century (influ-
enced in tum, I shall argue, by a Mam-
luk fashion) display the heavy bezel,
lack ofneck and back knob (Radojković
1969; pp. 34, 42. 44, 45, 50), so that
some residual Serbian-style features in
Herzegovina might also have played a
part in the development of this Bosnian
ring shape. At any rate, the latest rings
to exhibit this heavy bezel and lack of
210
neck feature seem to be a group of mid
15th century Papal rings (fig. 3a),
which probably stand at the end of a
conservative tradition (Taylor-Scaris-
brick; pp. 61. 62, nos. 460-463).
If the coincidence of the three
features enumerated, the scalloped
bezel, the back knob and the triangular
areas of pitted texture seems to char-
acterize a peculiarly Bosnian design,
the features individually do of course
appear elsewhere, and in pursuing some
of these ramifications we can perhaps
throw some further light on the influ-
ences which helped form the style we
are discussing.
The way in which the notion of
scalloping to modify the outline of a
basic oval was also much used in the
manufacture of silver bowls in the Bal-
kans in the late medieval period will
be discussed in my forthcoming book
about decorative sources for stećak
decoration, where it will be seen that
links with French metalworking prac-
tice are also implied.
In turning to the back knob fea-
ture, we should observe that our Donji
Turani ring and the Sarajevo and Mo-
star rings in my own collection share
the characteristic of having the circular
knob at the back of the hoop empha-
sized by incised, radiating lines (figs.
lc, 2a-e). I shall later suggest that the
idea of the circle surrounded by radi-
ating lines is best explained by seeing
these rings as humble imitations of a
high-fashion type incorporating a gem-
stone as a back knob, radiating lines
being at that period the conventional
formula for the suggestion of a light
source or an object sparking or twin-
kling (Meiss 1972; BR 1-3, BR 104-5).
 The feature of the Imob at the
back of the ring hoop would seem to
be virtually unknown on rings found
to the north of the Alps (John Cherry,
British Museum, Department of British
and Medieval Antiquities, personal
communication), and its appearance is
usually taken to be an indication of
Islamic influence. However, this is true
only in a very partial sense. The back
knob can be seen on a 5th century Byz-
antine gold ring bearing a coin of the
Emperor Marcian (AD 450-57) pres-
ently in the British Museum (Ward-
Cherry 1981; 47, no. 101). Back knobs
would seem to have died out in the
later Byzantine sphere (no such detail
is found on medieval cast rings from
Corinth; (Davidson 1952; pp. 234-
288), and it has been suggested that the
earlier Romano-Byzantine design was
Fig. 3b: Jar. Mamluk 14th century. Syria. Da-
exported to Central Asia, preserved mascus National Museum A 4547112016.
there for many centuries in rings carved
from solid camelian, and subsequently when back knobs do enter Islamic met-
re-introduced into the Mediterranean alwork, diamond or lozenge shapes are
sphere in the wake of the Mongols, thus the usual form (frequently set against
entering Islamic metal work in the later a hoop of triangular section), and the
13th century (Boardman-Scarisbrick round back Imob is extremely rare. The
1977; p. 86, no 203; Battke 1953; p. Islamic rings on which the round back
99, no. 148). James Allan, the expert Imob does appear are generally of
on Islamic metal work at the Ashmolean Mamluk origin, which at this period
Museum, Oxford, has not found the implies a Syrian or Egyptian rather than
feature on any Islamic ring dating from Persian provenance. I give as an exam-
before that period (James Allan, per- ple a ring dating around 1400 (fig. 3e),
sonal communication), so it would from the Franks collection in the British
seem that its appearance in Bosnian Museum (inventory no. AF 2286, Da/-
and Serbian metal work in the l4th cen- ton 1912; Pl. XXIX, 2286). The oval
tury is an import from the Islamic world bezel of this ring is textured with in-
of a detail then quite new in Islamic cised dots on top and sides, in a way
metalwork. which evokes the dots used as space
In fact, it is possible to go further fillers for geometrical shapes on early
in pin-pointing the source of this influ- l4th century Mamluk ceramics (A til 1981;
ence on Balkan ring design, since even pp. 158. 159,nos. 70. 7l;p.163,no. 73;

211

Fig. 3e: Silver ring, Mamluk circa 1400, purchased Cairo or Beirut, British Museum, AF2286.
Arts ofIslam 1976; p. 234, no. 314). On
the 14th century Syrian ceramic exam-
ple I cite as figo 3b, National Museum,
Damascus no A4547/12016, the dotted
texture is shaded by means of aglaze,
seemingly to imitate low relief. On an-
other 14th century Mamluk ring in the
British Museum (AF 2292, Dalton
1912;' XXIX, 2292), the dotted texture
appears as the ground for some Arabic
letter forms on the bezel (fig. 3d).
This feature of dotted texture on
Mamluk art products of the 14th cen-
tury leads us back to the third stylistic
characteristic of our Bosnian rings, and
suggests a possible answer to an other-
wise obscure problem concerning
their apparent connection with the mid-
15th century Papal rings already men-
tioned.
As I have previously remarked,
a typical feature of the Donji Turani
ring is the presence of triangular areas
Fig. 3d: Silver ring, Mamluk 14th century, purchased Cairo, British Museum AF 2292.
212
@
of pitt ed texture descending from the
bezel onto the shoulders on either side,
and this feature is also found ori the
Sarajevo and Mostar rings, with which
I have compared it (fig. 2a-c). Indeed,
although the silver ring from Sarajevo
has been finished with greater care and
more surface detailing than the other
two (fig. 4), doubtless simply a reflec-
tion of the greater value of its material
and the greater wealth of its intended
owner, certain technical features sug-
gest that the Sarajevo and Donji Turani
rings are the product of the same metal-
working school. Whilst the pitting on
the shoulders of the Mostar ring seems
to have been made with a tool, and has
a certain regularity, the pitting on the
other two varies in size and has a rather
random distribution (figs. lb, 2a-c, 4)
being clearly the result of a chemical
process. James Allan has suggested that
an alien material, such as some form
of salt, was applied to those parts of
the mould where surface imperfections
in the metal were desired. If this is
inde ed the case, it would seem to be a
process confined, as far as the Middle
Ages are concerned, exclusively to
Bosnia, which appears in an unexpect-
edly innavative light.
Having established that this form
of dot texture is a characteristic of Bos-
nian ring manufacture, we naturally
look around to see if anything similar
occurs elsewhere, at roughly the period
under discussion. The only obvious
European parallel is with some of the
group of 15th century Papal rings (rings
worn by Papal emissaries or appoint-
ees, already mentioned). A pnred tex-
ture is inde ed found as a surface-feature
on these, but the texture is not confined Fig. 4: Silver ring, author's collection, Sarajevo,
to triangles as on the Donji Turani ring texture produced by conttolling metal impurities
and its companions, rather it surrounds during casting.
raised areas of plain metal which en1i-
ven the ring hoop (Battke 1953; T.)(JJL anything else (for instance, both are
72, 72a). I illustrate here a gi1t-bronze quite different from the French ring-
ring set with a crystal (flg. 3a), in- matting technique of closely placed cir-
scribed "Episc. Lugdun ", and decorated cles, widespread through Europe by the
with the Virgin and a coat of arms under 15th century). I think it is clear from
a cardinal's hat; the ring is presently in the examples of Mamluk rings and ce-
the Victoria and Albert Museum, Lon- ramics given above that the various
don, (inventary no. 741-1877). These uses of dot texturing both as a filling
PapaI rings belong to the end of the for geometrical space (figs. 3b, e) and
period which we have seen as the most as a ground for lettering (fig. 3d) par-
likely for the Bosnian rings. They do allel the dotting on Bosnian rings on
not, however, seem to relate 10 earlier the one hand, and the Papal rings on
models in the Italian Papal tradition, or the other; it seems to me reasonable to
indeed, French metalworkin~ tradition assume that both manifestations are ex-
at the time of the papal exile (1309- amples of the extremeIy widespread
-1377). Mamluk influence which affected Italy
Thus while the Bosnian and Ital- and the Adriatic regions generally in
ian modes of employing this form of the 14th and 15th centuries. The Mam-
dot texture are not identical, they stand luk influence in Italy went far beyond
closer to each other than either does to the above-mentioned rings, of course.

213
In fact, the literal adoption of Mamluk
models was much more widespread in
Italy than has been hitherto realized.
Whole decorative areas, often includ-
ing coherent Arabic writing, were cop-
ied into manuscript illuminations and
paintings from metalwork and textile
models which can often be precisely
identified. For example, the Milan Vis-
conti Hours, started in 1388, includes
in its decorative borders titles used by
Mamluk sultans, a fact which seems so
far to have evaded commentators on
the manuscript (Meiss; 1972). These
lettering motifs have been identified
and translated for me by James Allan.
This absorption of Mamluk ob-
jects by the north Italian court was, no
doubt, parallel to some extent in other
Adriatic areas. There is every reason
to believe, for instance, that the Kosača
family from Bosnia-Herzegovina
owned an amount of Mamluk inI aid
metalwork. Their inventory lists for the
year 1406 (Stojanović II; 333) and 1413
(ibid; 351) mention the deposit of items
described as možul. This mysterious
word in all probability derives from the
Mesopotamian metalworking center
Mosul, where bronze objects inI aid
with silver and gold were produced in
the l3th century. When production
ceased there, the style was continued
in Egypt and Syria by the Mamluks,
and the name of the original center
seems to have become synonymous
with the product, wherever the product
was actually made, rather as in English
the word "china" indicates porcelain,
irrespective of origin.
It is important to remember when
considering Islamic influence on Bal-
kan art products that the Mamluk style
214
had features quite distinct from the
Seljuq art carried into the Balkans by
the conquering Ottomans. The Egypto-
Syrian Mamluks were not themselves
conquered by the Ottomans until 1517
(A til 1981; 18), and only after that did
the two streams of influence mix. Thus
it is easy to discem extensive Seljuq-
Ottoman influence in the art of Serbia,
particularly after Kosovo, whilst Mam-
luk style seems to have exerted much
more influence on the art of the Bosnian
state. Nonetheless, it is true that the
Mamluk influence was also felt in Ser-
bia in the time prior to the Bosnian
Kingdom, doubtless being transmitted
via Herzegovina and Kotor, and this
may explain the round back knob fea-
ture which is often found in earlier 14th
century Serbian rings, where it is com-
bined with the simple Byzantine style
already characteristic of Serbian art.
To return now to our Donji Tu-
rani ring, we can say that in all prob-
ability it represents a style in which
features from the design of Mamluk
rings imported into the Dubrovnik hin-
terlands (the round back knob and the
triangular areas of pitting) were com-
bined with features derived from the
western European cast metal ring fash-
ion mentioned at the beginning of this
article. It is of particular interest that
the three rings which l have so far dis-
cussed, all found in areas covered by
the medieval Bosnian sphere, share the
characteristic of an undecorated bezel
top. This is, in the context of the Bal-
kans, a most unusual feature since nor-
mally, if any decoration is added to the
simple cast shape, it is applied princi-
pally to the bezel top. It seems
 Fig. 5: Gold ring set with two rubies, private collection, Istanbul.
unrealistic to regard all three rings as
unfinished signets.
I should like at this point to men-
tion a fourth ring which seems to me
to throw some light on the subject. This
ring (fig. 5) was purchased in Geneva,
is now in a private collection in Istan-
bul, and is of unknown provenance.
The ring is of gold, and its bezel is
topped by a ruby in a scalloped collar,
the shape of which is strongly reminis-
cent of the bezels of our three Bosnian
examples. Like these latter, the gold
ring has triangular areas of pitting ex-
tending onto the shoulders, and a round
back knob. As is usual for gold rings,
much more care has been spent in its
finishing than is the case with the silver
and base metal counterparts, but the
family resemblance is quite unmistak-
able, and it seems highly likely that all
four rings originated in the same area.
Amongst the decorative detail on the
gold ring is a palmette-trefoil design
with extended points which are remi-
niscent of 14th century Serbian eccle-
siastical decorative art, which would
be understandable if the ring had a Her-
215
zegovlman provenance. Further, one
trefoil has its third leaf in the shape of
a hook, a feature it shares with a group
of Herzegovinian stećci which exhibit
what I have called the Vranjevo selo
style, after a typical example from Vra-
njevo selo (Benac 1953; p. 67, T. II,
III; Wenzel 1965; e, 2; eIx, 13; ex, 7)
now removed to the courtyard of the Ze-
maljski Muzej, Sarajevo. This style be-
longs to the middle of the 14th century.
If one looks at the three Bosnian
rings we have been discussing together
with the Istanbul ring mentioned above,
it is easy to see that the explanation of
the undecorated bezel tops of the for-
mer is simply that they are imitations
in inferior materials, presumably for
popular consumption, of a type of gem-
set ring of elaborate workmanship, well
represented by the Istanbul example.
Perhaps even more striking is the fact
that the Istanbul ring has a small cabo-
chon ruby set in its back knob, and it
would seem obvious that a desire to
suggest this feature its the explanation
of the back knobs with radiating lines
on the Bosnian examples.
Having established the features
these various rings have in common,
one naturally wonders about a more
precise production locale for them, and
in this respect it is worth noticing that
19th century wooden distaffs and clay
pipes from the region around Mostar
and Imotski progressing north of the
Neretva towards Duvno and Split pre-
serve in their design (fig. 6) echoes of

Fig. 6: - a: Pipe. earthenware. Zelovo near Split. Etnogrqfski Muzej. Zagreb 10083; - b: Pipe.
earthenware. Duvno. Etnografski Muzej Zagreb. 309; - e: Distaff, maple. Gornji Mamići, Lištica,
Mostar, Etnogrqfsk;i Muzej Zagreb, 4. J2. J867

216
scallop decoration as on the rings (dis-
taffs: Etnografski Muzej, Zagreb 21261
from Gornji Mamići, Lištica, Mostar,
and 1101 A from Imotski; pipes: Et-
nografski Muzej Zagreb 309 from Du-
vno, 10083 from Split), so it seems not
impossible that Trg Drijeva, the market
center located near the Neretva conflu-
ence with its north-running tributary
the Trebižat, could have been one cen-
ter of production.
The Domaševo Ring
The Domaševo ring was discov-
ered during the 1968 season of the joint
expedition by Stanford University,
California with the Smithsonian Insti-
tution, and by the Zemaljski muzej, Sa-
rajevo, conducted in the Trebišnjica
river valley between Trebinje and Bi-
leća. Excavations, which remain un-
published, were carried out beneath

Fig. 7a: Stećak tombstone, Mušići, Domaševo, J4th century, beneath which the ring (tig. 7b) was
found.

217
 Fig. 7b: Silver gilt ring, Mušići,
several important tombstones in Lju-
bomirpolje (art historian: Marian Wen-
zel, London; archeologist: Vukosava
Atanacković-Salčić, Mostar), and the
ring in question was recovered from
beneath a stećak at Mušići, "Đurđeva
crkva", Domaševo, which is illustrated
as figo 7a. Two male skeletons were
found in the grave, one of an adolescent,
the other of a man about 40, the latter
buried below the former. The ring was
on the left hand of the older skeleton.
An inscription on the north-west end
of the stone reads, "'ll' Pa,n;ocaBa Hb
CHHOMb EpaKoMb" (Vego II; pp. 56-7,
no. 113: "with (his) son Branko" which
is taken to mean "Radosava with (his)
son Branko". It would seem, therefore,
that the ring belonged to someone
called Radosava.
The ring is silver-gilt (figs. ld,
7b), cast and engraved; the diameter
of its hoop is 2 cm, and its circular
bezel (l.7 cm in diameter) carries a
shield on which is a letter-form. The
gold has largely worn from the surface,
218
Domaševo, Ljubomirsko polje, Zavičajni Muzej, Trebinje.
but remains intact in some ofthe inci sed
areas. The incised letter-form on the
shield contains grayenamel, laid over
the gilt.
Obviously some factor which
firmly dated the stećak would be useful
in giving us a latest date for the ring;
in fact there is no definite evidence, so
we must use suggestive features ofboth
the ring and the stećak to provide a
rough date. The stećak belongs to what
I have called the Vranjevo selo style.
The stones I have placed in this group
appear in greatest concentration in the
area around Vranjevo selo and have
many features of carving in common;
most exhibit the border oftrefoils with
one leaf hooked and lively, delicately
carved figures, which can be seen both
on the example of this style removed
from Vranjevo selo to the Zemaljski
muzej, Sarajevo courtyard, as men-
tioned before, and on the Domaševo
example under discussion (fig. 7a).
None of them have bases of any sort.
This last feature is most distinctive,
since virtually all other stećci with a
similar degree of elaboration either
have integral bases, or are placed on a
separate slab. When the stone at Do-
maševo was removed for excavation,
it proved to have been placed on a pre-
pared layer of small stones. We can say
without doubt that the stećci in this
group date from the mid- or later 14th
century, but none of them have any
inscription which gives a more specific
date.
The ring has features which sug-
gest a mid-14th century background.
Its ridge d hoop is in three places raised
up into a flat boss with straight sides
(figo 7b), and is obviously close to the
arrangement of the Mamluk ring, Brit-
ish Museum AF 2292, already men-
tioned (figo 3d). The two rings also
share the characteristic that the shoul-
ders end abruptly in a high, flat bezel,
but whilst the bezel of the Mamluk ring
is hexagonal, the Domaševo ring has
the circular bezel typical of Serbian and
Byzantine design. lt should be remem-
bered that until 1377 the Travunia re-
gion had not yet been lost by Serbia to
Bosnia. Another l4th century Serbian
detail on the Domaševo ring is the
wind-blown acanthus design on the
shoulders (figo 7b). This rather resern-
bles some carving on the north portal
of Dečani (Maksimović 1971; T. 181),
completed by Fra Vita of Kotor around
1335 (ibid; 99). I shall be arguing in
my forth coming book that the Dečani
style had some influence on Bosnian
art in the early years of the reign of
Tvrtko I.
We now need to go beyond gen-
eral style features of both stećak and
ring, and to explore the implications of
some decorative details. Whilst the
Domaševo stećak is not, unlike many
Vranjevo selo stećci, decorated with a
shield, the paired birds such as appear
on its north-west end below the inscrip-
tion (figo 7a) may have some heraldic
significance since they appear on a
number of stećci of this group in jux-
taposition with a shield (figo 8; Wenzel
1965; LXIII 1-5). The most typical ar-
rangement of obvious heraldry on Vra-
njeva selo style stećci consists of a
shield decorated with a dexter bend,
above and below which are respectively
a crescent and rosette; this would be
regarded as incomplete heraldry in the
strict sense (Zmajić 1971; p. 47), since
it lacks a heIm. Behind the shield, again
in the typical arrangement, is a long,
straight sword with horizontal quillons.
On stećci from Topolo, Neum region,
Zborna Gomila near Avtovac, "Kulin-
sko" by Ravno, Popovo polje and Zvi-
rići, Ljubuški (figo 8a-d), as well as on
another stećak from Domaševo (figo
8t), a pair ofbirds appears flanking the
sword hilt. At Trebijovi, Trebinje re-
gion (figo 8e), there are two pairs of
such birds. lt is clear that these group-
ings of motifs on a shield have some
heraldic significance, and I shall argue
that when birds occur here, they are
part of the heraldic significanee rather
than, as has been suggested, the souls
of the deceased of birds which moum
(Benac 1953; p. 78). However, these
groupings of motifs do not correspond
with the known insignia of any local
family, and their geographical distribu-
tion accords with no territorial division
held by one single noble family during
219
 Stećak tombstones with Vranjevo selo style hera/dry and birds.

a b e d e f

Fig. 8: - a: Topolo, Neum; - b: Zborna Gomila, Avatovac; - e: Ravno, "Kulinsko", Popovo polje;
- d: Zvirići, Ljubuški; - e: Trebijovi, ''Kudeljin kamen", Trebinje; - f: Mušići, DomQŠevo, Ljubomir.

the conceivable time bracket for these
monuments. We ought, therefore, to
look for some larger feudal arrange-
ment which might be represented in
this way. Initially we must set aside
the Domaševo stećak and confine our-
selves to those stećci of the Vranjevo
selo group which exhibit the shield with
bend dexter, crescent and rosette,
whether or not these are accompanied
by other possibly heraldic motifs.
Perhaps the most suggestive
starting point here is the actual geo-
graphical distribution of these Vranje-
vo selo style heraldic tombstones. They
are found to both sides of the Neretva
river (fig. 8g), in an arrangement which,
if the decoration does have heraldic im-
plications, must be conceived as a cul-
tural unity. It seems that a likely time
for such a unity to have existed was
between 1326 and 1350-1359, since be-
fore and for many years after these
dates the families to either side of the
Neretva owed their allegiance to dif-
ferent overlords. In 1326 Stjepan II
Kotromanić swept down the Dalmatian
hinterland consolidating his position on
both sides of the Neretva, adding the
hereditary holdings of the Serbs to the
south of the Neretva to the area to its
north which he had acquired from the
Šubići shortly before (Ćirković 1964;
pp. 88-91). He centered his activity
around the ancient court of Nemanja's
brother Miroslav at Ston, eliminating
local opposition in the case of the Bra-
nivojevići family, and neutralizing it in
the case of knez Nikola, actual descen-
dant of Miroslav, by giving him his
sister as wife (Benac 1953; p. 80). At
this period Nikola controlled land
stretching from Ston east to Popovo,
and Stjepan II Kotromanić held, through
his vassals, land stretching through
Nevesinje to the north-east (fig. 8g).
Dubrovnik was under the impression,
indeed, that he would soon capture the
land belonging to the Serbian noble Vi-
tomir, who controlled the areas around
Trebinje and Konavle (Ćirković 1965;
p. 91), a clear indicator that Kotromanić
had adherents and sympathizers in that
region too. The situation remained un-
changed until 1350, since the Serbian
rulers did nothing more practical to

220
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ERBIA 1350-1377
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1967: p. 6). t w b Vojislav VOJ'
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{ibid; pp. 126-12 .

221
place of this stećak type in the devel-
opment of the stećak phenomenon in-
dicates firmly the earlier period.
The following assumptions may
now be made:
l) During this period, various
noble families in the area would have
supported the cause of the Bosnian ba-
nate (i. e., Stjepan II Kotromanić and
his successor, Tvrtko);
2) That members of such fami-
lies are likely persons to be buried be-
neath the elaborate stećci in the area.
It is clear that a definite heraJdic
link exists between the stećci under dis-
cussion; and the heraldry does not, so
far as we know, belong to any individ-
ual family. These facts taken with the
above assumptions can lead to a third
assumption:
3) The heraldry might well rep-
resent a pro-Bosnian banate confeder-
acy in the area.
Although this is a field thick with
controversy, some slight evidence does
exist which would link the heraldry
with the Bosnian banate. Before going
any further, however, it must be made
clear that it is not implied that the crea-
tion of the stećci in question must fall
within the period 1326-59, simply that
the link between the various people bur-
ied beneath them which give the her-
aldry significance for them must have
been formed during that period.
A certain degree of support for
the association of the heraldic arrange-
ment on the Vranjevo selo stećci with
the Bosnian banate can be found in the
much-disputed arms books which were
made from the late 16th century on-
wards and which were meant to give
222
the impression that they relayed infor-
mation dating from before the Turkish
conquest. The books have to be treated
with extreme caution. It is clear that
most of them were made with the in-
tention of supporting claims to land or
petitions for ennoblement with evi-
dence of noble ancestry. What has not
been clear is whether they were from
the outset pure inventions, or whether
they were based in part on genuine ma-
terial. The earliest discussions of these
books were by writers of the Austro-
Hungarian period, who favored the
view that they were largely fraudulent
(Asboth 1880; pp. 455-6). It seems
likely, however, that not entirely cred-
itable motive s were behind this view
since, all other factors apart, the pres-
ence of crosses on so many of the arms
did not sort well with the view of the
noble families ofthe Bosnian Kingdom
which the Austro-Hungarians were
proposing, namely, that they adhered
to a pervasive form of dualistic heresy
which was an established state religion,
and which would have involved abhor-
rence of the cross. This vision of a du-
alistic Bosnian state church stupidly
called, in view of the dates involved,
"Bogomil", has bedeviled scientific
work on stećci for 100 years. Ljubinka
Kojić and I have argued elsewhere
(Wenzel-Kojić 1981; pp. 209-211) that
the Austro-Hungarian view ofBosnia's
past was apolitically motivated con-
struct designed to counter the pan-
Slavic aspirations of the 19th century
by emphasizing Bosnia's uniqueness,
in the heightening of which they ap-
parently felt that disregard for truth and
suppression of evidence were well jus-
tified.
More recently A. Solovjev wrote
several times on the arms books (So-
lovjev 1933 and 1954) and his opinions
have been influential. He succeeded in
establishing that the original of the
books was created at the end of the
16th century for a member of the
Ohmučević family of Slano. His view
was that some of the information they
contained must be judged correct, as
coinciding with evidence from other
sources, but that a great part was pure
invention (Solovjev 1933; pp. 99,101).
More recently still it has been discov-
ered that a number of the families pre-
viously unidentified in the arms books
did in fact exist (Traljić 1951; pp. 184-
-185), and it is true that often when the
books can be checked from an authentic
source, they prove substantially cor-
rect. So although it would be unwise
to make any deductions on the basis of
arms book illustrations alone, a certain
cautious use can be made of them when
assembling an array of evidence. They
are most likely to be right on such mat-
ters as which elements appear on a
shield; for crests and supporting figures
they may be less trustworthy. There is
certainly a tendency in them to extend
one lI:rrangement of arms over several
families. This last feature, however, is
unlikely to be a problem in respect to
arms given as belonging to the Bosnian
state.
This point is made because
whilst the books give arms for both
Bosnia and Illyria which predomi-
nantly feature the crescent and rosette,
they also give rather similar arms for
a family "Bosnić". The existence of the
family at least for the 16th century has
been confirmed (Solovjev 1933; p. 97)
but the accuracy of the arms has not as
yet. The Bosnić arms bear, in addition
to the crescent and rosette, a bend dex-
ter which separates them, and which
we have noted on our Vranjevo selo
style heraldry (fig. 9a).
Writers on the arms books have
varied in their opinions as to the authen-
ticity of the crescent and rosette arms
of Bosnia (fig. 9b); Asboth, repre-
senting the mainstream Austro-Hun-
garian view, concluded that crescents
and rosettes could only have reached
Bosnia after the Turkish con quest, and
therefore dismissed the arms (Asboth,
1890; pp. 455, 456). In fact, crescents
and rosettes appear on some of the ear-
liest datable decorated stećci, which
pre-date the conquest by at least a hun-
dred years. Solovjev, whilst he did not
mention this, pointed out that the cres-
cent and rosette were elements of a
long-standing Illyrian tradition, and
was inclined to accept the authenticity
of the Bosnian arms, citing the parallel
of the tombstone of Queen Katharine,
the last queen of Bosnia, who died in
Rome in 1478 (Solovjev 1933; p. 101;
Asboth 1890; p. 97). On this the queen
appears flanked by two coats of arms
(fig. 9c), one being the known arms of
her Kosača family, the other, an exam-
ple of the newly fashionable quartered
arms which includes amongst other ele-
ments a central motif consisting of cres-
cent and rosette above an arm with up-
raised sword. Whilst Solovjev, always
a keen proponent of the Bogornil the-
223
 {tBOSN1(:,~
Fig. 9a: Fojnica arms book, arms of Bosnić
family.
ory, wished to read crescents on stećci
as having some mystic significance
concerned with the rebirth of the soul
(Solovjev op. cit; p. JOJ), even he ad-
mitted that where they were combined
with rosettes and appearing on shields,
some heraldic meaning was inescap-
able.
It is worth noticing that the cres-
cent and rosette frequently appear on
Hungarian 13th and 14th century coins
destined for the banate ofSlavonia (tig.
lOa; ibid; p. lOJ). The banate of Bosnia
lay to the south of Slavonia and was
always distinct from it, but there is
some possibility that the use of crescent
and rosette for Bosnia during the ba-
nates of Stj epan II Kotromanić and Tvr-
tko derived from an Hungarian connec-
tion also. There is certainly no dispute
about Stjepan II Kotromanić's use of
224
~BOSNAE~
Fig. 9b: Fojnica arms book, .first ha?f 17th cen-
tury, arms of Bosnia.
the rosette and star as heraldic motifs;
several of his coins show a heIm sur-
mounted by a large rosette, in a style
seemingly borrowed from his Serbian
relations, sometimes surmounting a
shield marked with a large star (tig.
lOb; Anđelić 1980; p. 242). It is much
harder to establish that Stjepan II Ko-
tromanić used the crescent in connec-
tion with the rosette or star, on evidence
of material lihked directly to him. The
only possible evidence would be a ver-
sion ofhis 'seal illustrated by Tha1l6czy,
(tig. lOe; 1914: p. 273), on which the
mounted ruler is seen with tri angular
shield with bend dexter, above and be-
low which are marking s which it is
possible to read as a crescent and rosette
respectively. Nevertheless, when one
links together all this rather fragmen-
tary evidence, the strong possibility
emerges that the shield with the bend
Fig. 9c: Grave slab of Queen Katarina Vukčić Kosača (1424-1478), last queen of Bosnia, Rome,
Franciscan church Aracoeli, detail.
dexter with crescent and rosette does
represent the anns of the Bosnian ba-
nate at the time of Stjepan II Kotro-
manić, and perhaps Tvrtko; and cer-
tainly nothing else would explain the
repeated appearance of this group on
the stećci ofVranjevo selo style, given
their locations. We should not omit to
mention that Pavao Anđelić has stated
that there is no clear evidence for a
coat of anns of the Bosnian banate at
this period going beyond the bend dex-
ter or the rosette (Anđelić 1970; pp. 15,
96, 99; 1980; p. 242), but it has to be
said that he has worked mainly on the
evidence of seals and coins, and has
not sufficiently investigated relevant
evidence from stećci, especially with
regard to distribution of motifs.
The various facts and conjec-
tures so far mentioned give us no more
than a reasonable date bracket for the
Vranjevo selo style stećci, and there-
fore for our Domaševo stećak; this evi-
dence, it will be seen, accords well with
the rough mid-14th century date sug-
gested for the ring, on general stylistic
grounds. lt is worth mentioning another
useful date indicator for the Vranjevo
selo stećci; the details of the costumes
of the numerous carved figures, where
these costumes are distinctive of a rec-
ognizable fashion, for example, short
tunics for men and "comette" hairstyles
for women, could place the earliest
stones soon after 1340 (Newton 1980;
pp. 3-5, 86-7, 96).
A thorough survey of the stećci
of Herzegovina has revealed that as
well as the group in what I have de-
scribed as the Vranjevo selo style, the
execution of which is quite sophisti-
cated, there exists a body of stones of
greatIy inferior workmanship which
have much of their iconography, and
which have the appearance of being
225

a
Fig.l0: - a: coin of the banate ofSlavonia, late
13th century, private collection Zagreb; - b: coin
of S(jepan II Kotromanić (1314-1353).
either crude copies of them, or a con-
tinuation of their style at a much lower
level of expertise. It seems highly prob-
able, therefore, that the sophisticated
stones were the work of a carver or
carvers imported into the region be-
cause of special skill, perhaps by an
influential patron, whose style was later
taken up by local workers. In view of
this, I would like to put forward very
tentatively the suggestion that some of
these Vranjevo selo stećci, at least those
Fig.l0c: Seal. wax impression, Stjepan II Kotro-
manić.
226
with crescent and rosette heraldry, were
made at the behest of one or more of
the Kotromanići to glorify the graves
of those adherents who had shifted their
al1egiance away from Serbia to Stjepan
Il Kotromanić, and make a good im-
pression on still-living waverers.
Some further speculations are
possible which would relate these pos-
sibilities about the Vranjevo selo stećci
to a rather puzzling feature about the
ring found beneath the Domaševo
stećak, but before pursuing thes~ we
must return to the matter of the paired
birds flanking a sword which appear
on a number of these monuments (tig.
Sa-f). If, following our method with
the shield with bend, crescent and ro-
sette, we look elsewhere for the con-
junction of paired birds with a sword
in an heraldic context, we have an ob-
vious Bosnian parallel in coins minted
by one of the bans of Bosnia in the
14th century. Dimitrijević feels fairly
certain that the coins in question were
minted by Stjepan II Kotromanić soon
after 1322 (Dimitrijević 1966; p. 117,
figs. 5, 6), although he mentions the
views of previous writers who have at-
tributed the coins to his father, Stjepan l
Kotromanić. On the obverse of these
coins (tig. ll) Bosnia's ruler is depicted
holding upraised a straight sword with
horizontal quillons: he stands between
two profile birds which look inwards.
Although the composition of a figure
between birds here seems to stem from
gothic-style coins minted in Serbia by
King Milutin before 1299 (ibid; p. 116)
it could well have continued into the
14th century, and was perhaps felt to
be appropriate for some reason to vas-

Fig. 11: Silver coin, Stjepan II Kotromanić of
Bosnia, circa J322.
sals of Hungary. This latter suggestion
reflects the fact that birds appear not
only on Bosnian coins of the period,
but also on coins minted 1325-1343 for
Mikac Mihajlović, ban of Slavonia,
who was of course an Hungarian vassal
(ibid; p. 190). lt should be borne in mind
that Stjepan II Kotromanić was firmly
depend ant on Hungary at the beginning
of his reign. Be all that as it may, the
link between these Bosnian coins and
the typical Vranjevo selo stećak com-
position including paired birds, sword
and what is possibly a version of the
arms of the Bosnian banate seems quite
clear.
lt is undeniable that the shield
with bend, crescent and rosette in front
of a sword which appears on many of
the Vranjevo selo group stećci has he-
raldic significance, whether or not I am
correct in my suggestion of what its
significance might be. I think it follows
that where the birds appear as support
for the shield and sword, they too, in
all probability, have an heraldic signifi-
cance. Whether the shield and sword
without the birds is an incomplete form,
or whether the birds are arefinement
which change the significance of the
shield, we cannot on present informa-
tion say. Whether the birds convey any
heraldic implications when divorced
from the shield and sword, as on our
Domaševo stone, is something also on
which no firm opinions can be given,
although it seems possible. If the con-
jecture that the form with the shield
and sword may be the badge of some
sort of pro-Bosnian confederacy from
the years 1326-50 be for the moment
accepted, one possibility might be that
the birds without the shield preserve
the memory of such a movement, but
on a monument made at a slightly later
date, when the carving of the full form
had become politically inadvisable. It
is especially important to stress that
this is only a conjectured possibility,
because the carvers themselves would
seem not to have had any particular
allegiance, and certainly executed work
at other sites (e.g. Radimlja, Benac
1950; T. XXVI-XXVII, no. 93), in areas
the pro-Serbian position of whose in-
habitants can hardly be doubted. That
a stećak belongs to the Vranjevo selo
group is, therefore, in itself, no indica-
tor of the political stance of whoever
was buri ed beneath it. We should per-
haps mention that another stone at the
Domaševo site, quite likely executed
by the same carver as the stećak we
are discussing, does have the shield,
sword and the birds; but as one could
choose to emphasize either the impli-
227
cation of common carver(s), or the im-
plication of the different iconography,
the fact does not, in the absence of
precise dates of the two stones, help us
much. It is, of course, overwhelmingly
likely that the two stones mark the
graves of people who were related,
given all we now know about the burial
habits of the area and the period.
We do know that Stjepan II Ko-
tromanić was anxious to obtain the sup-
port of the lesser nobility in Herze-
govina, and to some extent succeeded;
for example, we find Poznan Purčić,
who held land around Nevesinje under
the Serbs, went over to Bosnia in 1326
(Ćirković 1964,· p. 90), and indeed there
are several stećci, in the Vranjevo selo
style, with what I have argued is Bosnia
heraldry around Nevesinje. Dubrov-
nik's expectation that Stjepan would an-
nex Travunia, already mentioned,
seems to confirm his influence there.
Certainly the rough dating obtained for
the Vranjevo selo stećci on stylistic
grounds, makes it likely that the erec-
tion of many of them coincides with
the deaths of early Kotromanić sup-
porters from the 1320s and 30s, given
the average human life span of that
period.
So we can bear in mind, when
turning back to consider the Domaševo
ring, the possibility that the stećak un-
der which it was found might be that
of a pro-Bosnian noble who died some-
time in the middle of the 14th century,
and at any rate before Tvrtko as king
finally took over the Travunia region.
Whether or not Radosava's son died or
was killed at the same time or some-
what later is immaterial, as it is not
228
absolutely clear that the inscription is
of the same date as the main carving.
We can now look again at the
ring (figs. ld, 7b, l2a), and take up an
obvious puzzle in connection with it.
As we mentioned before, the ring bears
a letter on a shield, on the top surface
of its bezel. Comparison with letter
shapes on various seals and documents
from its approximate period suggests
that the letter is in all probability a T
(fig. 12b), although it is just possible
that it is an M (fig. 12e). But there is
no reason to suppose the skeleton on
which the ring was found is that of
anyone other then the Radosava named
on the stone. There is a remote possi-
bility the man in question used two
names, a personal name and a family
name for instance, and that whilst one
name was on the stećak, the ring initial
stands for the other, but this does not
accord with the known practice of the
time, and is extremely unlikely.
We have said that the ring con-
forms to the signet type; if it was in
fact used as a seal ring, our puzzle re-
mains insoluble, as it does not seem
very likely that any man would be bur-
ied with someone else's seal (although
there is evidence that people were on
occasion allowed to carry their over-
land's seal to do business on their behalf:
Anđelić 1970; p. 85). However, the fact
that the bezel was originally all over
silver gilt with the enameI in the initial
indicates the likelihood, although it
does not conclusively prove, that the
ring was not intended as a functional
seal, for which a bezel of simple metal
(whether precious or base) was the most
suitable and much more usual material.
Unfortunately, the letter inci sed on the
bezel, whether it be a T or an M, is
symmetrical, so one cannot deduce
from it whether the bezel was meant
to be viewed directly or to form a re-
versed impression.
If the ring was intended simply
as an item of adornment rather than a
functional seal, it might of course have
been originally the property of a rela-
tion of Radosava's, whose initial was
T (or M), and thus have come to Ra-
dosava by inheritance. Another possi-
bility is that the ring is a personal token
given to Radosava by someone whose
initial was T (or M). In this connection
I should like to present the suggestion
that the initial is indeed aT, and that
the ring was a token of Tvrtko, in the
days of his banate (i, e., before he be-
came King Tvrtko I in 1377). I present
this suggestion, as one of several pos-
sibilities, not out of she er caprice, but
because there are several interesting
pointers in that direction.
It should be said at once that An-
đelić seems to imply that there is no
evidence that Tvrtko ever used an initial
T in any heraldic context, and of course
if this is true, my suggestion would
have little to comm end it. It would cer-
tainly seem to hold for the period after
Tvrtko became king, when he anyway
preferred to use the name Stephan
which he had adopted. Unfortunately
graphic evidence of only two of Tvr-
tko's seals survives. From the period of
his banate we have only the impression
of a medium-sized seal, although we
know he also had a ring seal, and the
existence of a great seal can be conjec-
tured. From the period ofTvrtko's king-
ship, impressions of small and medium
seals, together with a ring seal survive,
and the existence of a great seal is well
documented (Anđelić 1970;pp.17-25).
Certainly none of these includes an in-
itial T, but of course one would not
expect that on the kingdom seals, for
the reason given above, and the one
banate seal which has survived is large
enough to include an inscription in
which Tvrtko's name appears twice full
length (ibid; p. 18).
Anđelić does not however men-
tion that several coins in use during the
period of Tvrtko's banate have coun-
termarkings which include, amongst
other things, a single letter T (Dimitri-
jević 1963; pp. 96, 145, 148). Most of
these are Serbian coins minted for use
in Serbia's western provinces, though
some are Bosnian coins from the banate
of Stjepan II Kotromanić. The counter-
marked T appears in arectangle (fig.
12d). That the coins relate to the period
before Tvrtko became king seems cer-
tain from the fact that none of these
countermarked Serbian coins was
minted after the time of Dušan (1331-
1355). Interestingly, in the context of
what we have suggested might be Bos-
nian heraldry, another Bosnian coun-
termark on existing Serbian coins takes
the form of a bird in profile within a
rectangle (figs. 12e, t). Dimitrijević
who published all these coins claimed
that the marks produced on the other
side of the coin with the bird counter-
mark, by the overstamping process can
be read as C. T., the C being on its
back beneath the T, extended this read-
ing to the other countermark, which it
is difficult in my view to see as anything
229
 a

d e

g h

Fig. 12: - a: Detail, Mušići, Domaševo ring, Zavičajni Muzej, Trebinje; - b: Detail, seal of ban
Pavao Šubić between 1299 and 1312, phrase 'et Bosne' and letter T from inscription on the silver
coffin of St. Simeon, Zadar, 1380. Krleža-Grčević; - e: Letter Mfrom the silver coffin of St. Simeon,
Zadar; - d, e: Kotromanić countermarks on Serbian and Bosnian money circulated in Hum when
it was regained after Dušan's 1350 invasion: Dimitrijević, 1963. - f: Countermarked Bosnian dinar
of Stjepan JJ Kotromanić, mark of a bird; - g: Small seal of King Tvrtko 1, December 2, 1382, wax
impression: Anđelić, 1970; - h: Detail from seal of Tvrtko JJ Tvrtković, March 2, 1433; Anđelić,
1980; - j: Babovac, tympanum over palace gateway, detail, reconstruction P. Anđelić, 1973;
- k: Babovac, grave slab of King Tomaš (1443-1461): Anđelić, 1973.

230
other than a single T, and made a
number of rather unlikely deductions
on this basis, concluding with the pos-
sibility that the word contramarcare
may be thus abbreviated. The dating of
the coins to the time ofTvrtko's banate
at any rate seems sound, and I think
there is little doubt therefore, that we
do have an example of the use of a
single T to indicate Tvrtko, as well as
another example ofa bird in connection
with Bosnian symbolism.
If we accept then that Tvrtko as
ban can be represented by a single T,
it is suggestive to compare the circular
bezel of the Domaševo ring (figs. ld,
7b), which has what is in all probability
a single T on a shield within an inner
circle concentric with the outer edge
of the bezel top, and the small seal of
Tvrtko as king (fig. 12g; Anđelić 1970;
T. IV), which is a circle of exactly the
same size as the ring bezel (l, 7 cm.)
and also contains a shield of exactly
the same shape within a smaller con-
centric circle, though in this case the
shield does not have a T. We can further
note that, if a T of this shape on a
three-cornered shield did have some
currency as representing Tvrtko during
the period ofhis banate, this might have
provided a model for the arrangement
found on carvings relating to his suc-
cessors Kings Tvrtko II and Tomaš
(figs. 12h, j, k).
This suggestion of connecting
the Domaševo ring with Tvrtko is pre-
sented as no more than a conjectured
possibility, although I have tried to
show that its likely date and what we
know of the political situation in the
Hum - Travunia region at that date
would provide a reasonable back-
ground for such a connection. It may
of course be that the ring has nothing
to do with Tvrtko, and was simply one
which passed to Radosava from some-
one whose initial was T (or even M).
I think, though, that the examples
brought forward in connection with the
Tvrtko possibility would indicate that
even if this were so, the ring would
have been an object made in imitation
of some arti fact, ring, seal or whatever,
connected with the Bosnian ruler. All
we can definitely say for now is that
we have a fine 14th century ring show-
ing a degree of hitherto unidentified
Mamluk influence from the grave of
an otherwise unknown member of the
lesser nobility. It is quite possible that
archive material might yet be uncov-
ered which will further identify Rado-
sava and shed more light on the puzzle.
Meanwhile, the possibilities out-
lined above are offered merely to ex-
pose some of the fascinating ramifica-
tions of individual objects which be-
come available when we go beyond
seeing them in isolation, as in this in-
stance we have linked the at first sight
divergent style of the ring and the ste-
ćak beneath which it was found.
ln conclusion, l should say that
my study of the rings which has formed
the subject of this article is part of a
larger study which has established be~
yond any doubt a specifically Mamluk
influence on much pre~conquest Bal~
kan art. That this is something rather
new is a reflection of the fact that ex-
perts in medieval western art and ex~
perts in medieval Islamic art are gen-
erally and understandably rather igno~
231
rant of each other's fields. There has
been a tendency in the study of Balkan
art to ascribe the style of any object
which does not fit with known western-
European or Byzantine models to gen-
eral Islamic influence and to see the
Ottoman Turks as sole carriers of such
232
influence. In my own case much has
become clear since I began to collabo-
rate with Islamic experts at the Univer-
sity of Oxford, and I hope that similar
collaborations will continue to enlarge
this area of study.
A Bosnian Kingdom
Metalworking Tradition

The medieval Bosnian state derived considerable prosperity from the exploitation
ofsilver mines, and its wealthier inhabitants are known to have enjoyed use ofluxury silver
drinking bowls. It is suggested that such bowls had been man~racturedfor Bosnian usage
in a recognizable Bosnian Kingdom style, here analyzed for the first time. The style as
described is not confined to drinking bowls, but can be traced in architecture, tombstone
design and manuscript illustration. Whilst using design elements from Hungary, France,
Italy, Byzantium and Islamic North Africa, Bosnian style combines them in a unique way.
Somefacets ofthis Bosnian style have been previously isolated as "Herzegovinian style" in
studies ~rpost-Ottoman metalwork which, however, ignore their pre-conquest antecedents.
Infact, it is here shown that certain basic design elements ~rBosnian Kingdom metalwork-
ing style derive from high fashion European design of the time of Stjepan IIKotromanić.
Once introduced to the Bosnian court, possibly on drinking bowls used to seal feudal
contracts, ·such design elements became a permanent part ~rBosnian design, distinguishing
it from Serbian and Dalmatian sty/es.
In listing prominent examples of Bosnian style silver bowls, the wrong dating of
some of them has been put to right.

t he intention of this paper is

to show that a unity exists between a
number of decorated silver and silver-
gitt bowls, presently in various muse-
ums in Yugoslavia and beyond, which
is strong enough to suggest that they
form part of an unrecognized special
tradition within the totality of South
Slav metalworking. I have come to feel
that the bowls in question have a com-
mon origin in the Bosnian sphere in
the period of a hundred years or so
before the Turkish conquest. Since a
number of the items in question are
currently dated by various authorities
to the post-conquest period and for that
reason are usually simply described as
"Serbian" work, it will be necessary to
stress important parallels with known
material of the pre-conquest period
which I feel have been overlooked by
authors who have relied on less exact
parallels with later objects to support
their dating. Although many people
living in the Bosnian Kingdom thought
of themselves as Serb, their material

233
culture did not (in the pre-conquest ti-
me) connect strongly with that pro-
duced in more purely Serbian Balkan
lands.
Much confusion in style attribu-
tion in respect to these bowls can be
traced, then, to the combination of an
over-generous use of the tenn "Serbian"
and too loose a concept of "gothic".
The fonner term has been used to in-
clude products of both Dubrovnik (Ra-
dojković-Milovanović 1981; p. 41) and
the medieval Bosnian state, the art
products of which are at times mingled
with those of medieval and later Serbia
in metalwork surveys with a strong Ser-
bian orientation (Radojković 1966a;
pp. 30-36). My own observation leads
me to believe that whilst in late medie-
val Serbian metal work the occasional
gothic element is mixed with a Byzan-
tine traditionalism, in what I want to
demonstrate is Bosnian Kingdom work
the Byzantine element is almost en-
tirely lacking (a somewhat similar view
adumbrated by Bojana Radojković in
her 1966a publication,p. 32, is not car-
ried over into her later work, although
it is not specifically refuted).
It is my view in asserting that
items of the type of decorative metal-
work under discussion cannot usually
be assigned to manufacturing centres
on stylistic grounds, since if lacking
personal inscription they exhibit noth-
ing beyond the traits of "international
gothic", several recent writers have
been far too pessimistic; I hope that
some of my reasons for greater opti-
mism will emerge here.
Medieval metalwork ofDubrov-
nik manufacture has already received
234
detailed consideration from a point of
view quite different from that outlined
above (Fisković 1949; pp. 191-215)
and I think it is now possible, using
parallels from Bosnian architectural re-
lief and stećak decoration, to define a
metalwork style for the Bosnian King-
dom which differs from both Dubrov-
nik and Serbian-type work. An inter-
esting contribution by Muhamed Kara-
mehmedović on post-Kingdom Bosnian
metalworking has stressed its connec-
tion with a little-understood pre-conquest
tradition (Karamehmedović 1980; pp.
84-85), and it is possible that further
research will spread more light on a
whole aspect of regional creativity in
a region renowned for little beyond
tombstone art.
We can now tum to examination
of a number of artifacts.
The Kosovo Print
I have suggested elsewhere
(Wenzel 1982; p. 64) that there is some
indication that, in the medieval Bosnian
state, members of the nobility were on
occasion rewarded for faithful service
to higher authority by a gift of some
personalized precious object such as an
heraldic ring, and the right to incorpo-
rate certain heraldic motifs on family
tombstones. I would now add that deco-
rated silver bowls were perhaps also
given in this way; some features of sev-
eral of the bowls I shall be discussing
suggest the likelihood of this, and if
the presumption is well founded it pro-
vides some explanation for the un-
doubted stylistic links which exist be-
tween a number of these bowls and
some Bosnian tombstones. Since this
function for decorated silver bowls
might well form a background for the
entire ensuing discussion, I should like
first to examine an artifact which is
suggestive of this function, and which
I feel can be sensibly dated to as early
a period as the time of Tvrtko I (1353-
1391). It is a silver plaquette about Scm.
in diameter which was found at Ko-
sovo. On it an inscription surrounds a
heraldic representation (fig. la) (Bel-
grade, Muzej Primenjene umetnosti
4581; Radojković 1969;p. 228. T. 162).
Bojana Radojković, having suggested
that the item might be a medallion
either from a bowl or a belt buckle,
continues her discussion on the assum-
ption that it is from the latter; She claims
that the heraldry represented corre-
sponds with the arms of the Balšić fam-
ily from Zeta, and suggests a mid-15th
century date (ibid; pp. 199, 228). All this
can be successfully disputed.
Fig. la: Circular medallion. silver engraved.
Diameter 50 mm. Belgrade. Muzej primenjene
umetnosti (4581). from Kosovo.
Taking first the purpose of this
item, it must be said that it is much
more likely to be the central feature of
a now lost bowl, than part of a belt
buckle: There seem no surviving Bal-
kan belt buckles from any likely period
which carry a round heraldic medallion,
and it is far from clear that the literary
sources Radojković mentions imply
that such once existed. On the other
hand, drinking bowls do exist from the
14th century and later which have sty-
listically related medallions. These are
called "print" in English and in the ter-
minology of French medieval metal-
working, "bau/on" (Lightbown 1978;
p. 21). More significantly, the inscrip-
tion on the plaquette has a formula in-
volving enjoyment linked with obliga-
tion, which is qui te typical of drinking-
bowl inscriptions, as we shall see. Ra-
dojković does not mention the import
of the inscription, or suggest why it
might be appropriate to a belt.
As can be seen from the illustra-
tion (tig. la), the arms represented con-
sist of a rampant wolf as crest, paws
elevated in the air and facing right (a
reversal of the normal heraldic direc-
tion, as would appear on a seal matrix),
then a heIm with veil and a shield with
bend dexter. Since all surviving Balšić
wolf crests lack front paws, and involve
a shield charged with a second wolfs
head, Radojković has to take the her-
aldry on our plaquette to be an other-
wise unknown variant in order to make
the connection she desires with the
Balšić family. In my view the fact that
there is no evidence that the Balšići
ever carried a shield charged with a
single bend (Marić 1956; T. XXI, p.
235
19; T. XX1!, p. 1; Dimitrijević 1975;
T. VII, pp. 19, 20), greatly outweighs
the general arguments offered by Ra-
dojković concerning the small size of
the basic stock of motifs shared by all
European heraldry of the late Middle
Ages (Radojković 1966a; p. 34). Inci-
dentally, in offering as another variant
of known Balšić heraldry the crest
which appears on a ring in the Muzej
primenjene umetnosti, Beograd (tig. lb)
inventory no. 4949 (Radojković 1969;
p. 199, sl. 113; Radojković, Milo-
vanović 1981; p. 18, no. 5) Radojković
is relying on another wrong attribution,
Fig. lc: Tombstone, Zabrđe, Kreševo region,
1405-1420, west end. Length 240 cm., width
110 cm., height 120 cm.

Elsewhere, Radojković has of-

fered reinforcement for her Balšić at-
tribution of this plaquette by mention-
ing a well-known belt in the Hermitage,
Leningrad (tig. ld) (Radojković 1969;

Fig. lb: Ring, cast gold, chased, engraved. Hei-

ght 24 mm., width 22 mm. Belgrade, Muzej pri-
menjene umetnosti {4949}, found near Janjevo.

since as I shall show in a forthcoming

book, this ring can be much more se-
curely tie d to a central Bosnian family,
probably the Pribinići, whose usage of
this precise crest is attested on a family Fig. ld: Embroidered belt band, Leningrad,
tombstonel (tig. lc). Hermitage, acquired in Istanbul.

l Ćiro Truhelka (1914; p. 236) suggested an alternative, non-Pribinić candidate (Knez Radoje
Dragosalić, died circa 1405) to fill the identity ofthe "Radoje veliki knez bosanski", buried by his
son Radić (Radić Radojević, died 1420) at Zabrđe, Kreševo (Vego IV, no. 251), but more recent
writers have opted for Radoje Radosalić Pribinić 1392-1408 (Bešlagić 1967; p. 97; Anđelić 1980;
p. 223) except Gordana Tomović (1974; p. 100), who mentions both possibilities.

236
p. 199; 1966a.p. 34. citingL. Pavlović.
"Prilog proučavanju srpskog srednjo-
vekovnog dvorskog veza. pojas sevas-
tokratora Branka". Neki spomenici kul-
ture II. Smederevo 1963; str. 6. sl. 5)
which has a similar wolf crest motif
embroidered onto its fabric, and which
also bears a name which she and others
have read as "Branko". Radojković has
rej ected (undoubtedly correctly, as con-
firmed by Dobrila Stojanović 1971; p.
31) an earlier suggestion that the belt
should be associated with Branko
Mladenović, father of Vuk Branković
(Radojković 1996a; p. 34), but goes on
to assert that it can only be associated
with the Balšić family by making again
the erroneous parallel between the wolf
type depicted on the belt and the wolfs
head without paws which is always
found on Balšić coinage. In fact, it is
not at all clear that the name on the
belt is not "Braiko" rather than
"Branko" (from the photograph in Sto-
janović 1971; p. 32. figo 2) and indeed,
if one were looking for a candidate for
ownership, one could well suggest Braj-
ko Pribinić 1353-1392 (Anđelić 1980;
p. 223. n. 46. 47), of whom more will
be said below; the spelling "Braiko"
for "Brajko" is attested on a stećak in-
scription from Svitava, Hutovo region,
Herzegovina (Vego I; p. 48. no. 30).
However the point here is not to estab-
lish ownership of the Hermitage belt,
but to make clear that, contrary to what
Radojković suggests, it cannot be
strongly linked to the Balšić family. It
therefore provides no support for her
attempt to connect the Kosovo
plaquette with that family.
If we are unable to accept Ra-
dojković's interpretations ofthe various
features of this Kosovo plaquette we
must look to see whether they provide
other clues which we can accept. In my
view this plaquette recalls certain fea-
tures of Dalmatian and West Bosnian
metalwork of the mid-14th century.
The two large, fanlike leaves which
flank the heraldic motif are in the same
style as those which flank several fron-
tal portrait busts on a decorated garment
fastener now in the Cathedral treasury
at Split (fig. 2a), which is also made
Fig. 2a: Garment.fastener. silver. engraving
and openwork. detail. Split. Cathedral treasury.
of engraved silver (Radojković 1966a,
fig. 45). Radojković has dated this to the
end of the 14th century, but hairstyles
and costumes are more appropriate to
the 1340s (Newton 1980; pp. 3, 71, 79),
a period also right for the metal working
details. Somewhat similar leaves are
found together with standing figures on
a belt buckle and tongue in silver gilt
and enamei which, with numerous belt
appliques was found under a large
stećak in the graveyard of Sveti Spas,
Cetina (fig. 2b) (Gunjača 1955; p. 233.
figo 14). Parts of another belt very close
2'37
 :·
I~ .. "~I
"''\:

"-

Fig. 2c: Seal of Ban Stjepan II Kotromanić. dark

brown wax with red wax coating on field. Dia-
meter of seal. 65 mm. diameter ofprint. 50 mm.
Dubrovnik. Arhiv.

2e), and subsequently by Tvrtko I dur-

ing the years of his banate 1353-1377,
(Anđelić 1970; pp. 13-18, nos. 4, 5, 6)
and again by the latter's son, King
Fig. 2b: Belt appliques. cast silver. openwork. Stjepan Tvrtko II Tvrtković in 1405
engraved, gilded. Width: 12 mm; lengths vary. (ibid; p. 41, no. 17), whilst the wolf
Split. Muzej hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika. crest was used by the Bosnian noble
excavated at Sveti Spas. Cetina.
family buried at Zabrđe, Tarčin, now
generally taken to be the Pribinići (fig.
in type were found at Stara Bila, Trav-
le). One interesting wolf crest ring (fig.
nik (Kovačević-Kojić 1978; p. 307),
2d), found in the royal vaults at Ar-
and might point to a west Bosnian
nautovići, is thought to have belonged
workshop. Both belts can be dated
to a Pribinić retainer of Tvrtko l who
around 1330 from details of the cos- was buried with his master (Anđelić
tumes which the figures wear.
Turning to the heraldry, there is
no doubt that the wolf crest with ele-
vated paws and the shield with single
bend dexter are both important motifs
in Bosnian medieval heraldry. We can-
not at the moment say without doubt
that anyone person used both motifs
at the same time, but the shield with a
single bend dexter was carried by Ban Fig. 2d: Ring. cast silver. engraved. Diameter
Stjepan II Kotromanić 1314-1353, (fig. 23 mm. Sarajevo. Zemaljski muzej.

238
1980: p. 223). The shield on this ring
is charged with a large rosette, which
is a known shield motif of Ban Stjepan
II Kotromanić (fig. 2e), (ibid; p. 242),
Fig. 2e: Coin of Ban Stjepan IIKotromanić,
after Anđelić.
who was perhaps also buried in this
vault (a possibility which I accept, al-
though Anđelić has recently turned
against it (ibid; pp. 230-232). There is
here the indication of a faint possibility
that this wolf crest was simply yet an-
other Kotromanić heraldic variant, but
if this is not the case (and the evidence
is too slight to firmly establish this con-
clusion), it would seem that the her-
aldry of Bosnian rulers and Bosnian
retainers may have been to some extent
interchangeable (as in Wenzel 1982; pp.
62-68). Evidence from stećci shows that
this was certainly the case at a later
period, since there cannot possibly be
a member of the Kosača family buried
under every stećak bearing shields with
the Kosača multiple bend (Wenzel 1965;
T. LX, pp. 12-25, T. XC, pp. 10, 15).
If, as seems likely, the heraldry
displayed on what, in view of the fore-
going, we shall call the Kosovo bowl
meda1lion, can be associated with the
Bosnian nobility at the period of Tvr-
tko I's banate, then the possibility arises
that the bowl to which it was once at-
tached was given by Tvrtko to some
follower, as an incentive to or award
for military service. This speculation
is encouraged by the inscription itself
(fig. la). The Cyrillic letters of the in-
scription are:
which could be translated as:
My lord, whoever want to en-
joy themselves must all defend (or
care for, br(a)ni or br(i)ni) the land.
Are you a man!
The end of the inscription (fig.
la) is separated from the beginning by
a sort of cryptogram, which comprises
four versions of the letter T, two right-
side up and two inverted, one pair of
each above the other pair in inverse
order. The right-hand pair functions as
a cross to initiate the inscription, as
customary, whilst the upper left-hand
T provides the monogram signature to
terminate the inscription. lt is certain
that the letter T was used as a mono-
gram by King Tvrtko II (Anđelić
1970; pp. 43-46, nos. 19-21), but l
have suggested elsewhere the prob-
ability that it was also used by Tvrtko
l during his banate (Wenzel 1982; pp.
71, 72). Finally, it should be said that
the letter shapes of this inscription are
close to those of 14th century Bosnian
ecclesiastical writing; in particular, the
Z, K and H closely resemble those let-
ters in the Divoš Gospel of circa 1330
(Đorđić 1971, figo 187).
To sum up the foregoing, I think
we must say that Bojana Radojković's
239
suggestions regarding the dating, pro-
venance and function of this piece
should be rejected. The overwhelming
likelihood is that we are here deal ing
with part of a bowl made for a member
of the Bosnian nobility in the middle
ofthe 14th century. In addition, we can
suggest as an interesting possibility that
the bowl was given and received in the
context of a bond of loyalty.
The Sanko Bowl
We should look now at an im-
portant silver bowl, about the date and
provenance ofwhich there is wide agree-
ment; this is a silver-gilt bowl, 17.6 cm.
in diameter, with repousse and chi seled
decoration (figs. 3a, b, Sa), which is
now in the Cloisters Collection of the
Metropolitan Museum of New York,
inv. no 47-102-44 (Rorimer 1948; pp.
248-249). The arguments put forward
by Bojana Radojković to connect this
bowl with an important courtier of Ban
Tvrtko, Kaznac Sanko Miltenović, first
mentioned 1335, died between July
1370 and July 1372 (Mijušković 1961;
pp. 22-30) can be accepted as entirely
sensible (Radojković 1966b; pp. 53-60).
They may be additionally supported by
the observation that one letter "d" of
the inscription (A) surprisingly resem-
bles another letter shape (~) current in
both Cyrillic and Glagolitic alphabets
with the non-Slavic sound "th", exem-
plified by the Greek letter theta (.eo).
A similar letter shape is used for "d"
in the tomb stone inscription of Knez
Vladislav Nikolić (died after 1367), a
contemporary and close neighbor of
240
Sanko Miltenović, who was buri ed on
family land at Vranjevo Selo, Ston (Be-
nac 1953; pp. 68-69; Vego 1960-61;
pp. 268-270; Vego I 1962; p. 42, no.
24). These two diversions from stan-
dard Cyrillic, close both geographically
and in time, obviously suggest a local
and seemingly short-lived script variant
affecting both texts. This in turn lends
further support to the identification of
the original owner of the Cloisters bowl
as Sanko Miltenović of Hum, who lived
in a period of transition of that land
from Serbia to Bosnia.
The inscription on the Sanko
bowl (Radojković 1966b; p. 53, figs.
3-7) compares interestingly with the
one we have already discussed on the
Kosovo print, although considerably
longer. It reads:
"'l'bMf~'i1~iiH.dTroA'"I\'ICth'lY;W4
f-Na~DrAI~Tt,..r NO Hn'R&·J(" ..IS... •
OO IlI!'.CBJH No NEPI II: ~ H6YHrH1tb
After an innovation of the Holy
Trinity, the reader is informed of the
ownership of the cup (sija čaša Sina-
kova), and the hope is expressed that
whoever drinks from it may be glad-
dened by God, and may not forget the
poor. It will be seen that we have once
again the formula of the attainment of
a desirable state linked to the obligation
to perform some task, perhaps in this
case the distribution of aIms. It is clear
that this bowl also once had a separate
medallion or print attached to its centre,
but this has not survived with the bow!.
This is of course a great pity, since a
print for this bowl could have added to
our currently rather scanty knowledge
of Bosnian heraldry.
 If the Sanko bowl is unhelpful
about Bosnian heraldry, it is clearly va-
luable to any attempt to establish cri-
teria for a late medieval Bosnian style,
since it is agreed to be Bosnian, and of
relatively early date. I hope to be able
to show that a number of other bowls
not usually thought Bosnian and as-
cribed to much later dates have much
stronger paral1els with this Sanko bowl

Fig. 3: Two views of the Sanko bowl. Silver. repousse engraved. Diameter 17.6 cm. New York,
Metropolitan Museum of Art. the Cloisters Collection. 1947 (47.101.42). Museum photo.

241
than with the later material which has
been used for the currently accepted
dating. It is of course often claimed
that decorative metalwork from this
area is produced in such a conservative
tradition that much which seems super-
ficially medieval is in fact much later
(in some versions of the argument,
"must" in fact be much later). I have
come to feel to the contrary, that many
of these items are most probably as
early as they first seem, both because
details of costurne and heraldry seem
authentic to the earlier period in a way
which would be most unlikely for late
objects in a long tradition deriving ul-
timately from the 14th century, and be-
cause features which have been claimed
as uncharacteristic of the earlier period,
and therefore used to disqualify items
from earlier dating, can in fact be found
on items indubitably of the earlier date.
There is then real promise in the pos-
sibility of observing some style criteria
for work from Bosnia at a time when,
as the archives tell us (Han 1972; pp.
163, 164) it became a cultural force in
its own right, in contrast to Serbia,
which at around the same period be-
came an Ottoman vassal.
We can now proceed to look at
the Sanko bowl in some detail. To any-
one familiar with European medieval
metalwork, the most striking aspect of
the Sanko bowl is that it appears to
present a somewhat rustic version of
the French bowl tradition. This is quite
possibly why it was originally publish-
ed by James Rorimer, one-time director
of the Metropolitan Museum, as 14th
century Swiss, in spite of its obvious
Cyrillie inscription (Rorimer 1948; p.
249). The type of French bowl it rather
242
resembles was made during the first
half of the 14th century, rather than the
second half when our Sanko was in his
prime. The most typical feature of
French secular bowls of this earlier per-
iod is some kind of geometric compo-
sition which surrounds a central ar-
rangement of vine leaves, which itself
encloses a separately manufactured and
applied enamelled print. Some histori-
cal documentation about this type of
bowl as used in France appears in an
excellent book by Ronald Lightbown
(1978). .
An understanding of the chro-
nology of 14th century French secular
metalwork depends in a large degree
on a group of objects discovered during
the demolition of an old house in Rou-
en, which is known as the Rouen or
Gaillon Treasure. Coins which were
part of the find date to the period of
Philippe VI, King of France between
1328 and 1350. Amongst the objects
found were a number of silver and
parcel-gilt bowls with central enameI
prints, of the type described as "hanap",
a broad, shallow-type of bowl used for
drinking. Typical of this group is one
with a Montpellier hallmark, now in
the Victoria and Albert Museum, no.
106-1865, (fig. 4a), which accords well
in its appearance with descriptions in
French sources dating from the first
half of the fourteenth century, which
incidentally give us some terminology
for the elements of this decorative style.
The print of this bowl is surrounded
with chase d decoration formed of stems
from which leaves spring; these stems
are called in the sources, "nervures "
(ibid; p. 76, Pl. V1b). A popular variant
of this ornament depicts vine leaves
Fig. 48: Bowl (hanap) from the Rouen Treasure.
Silver, repousse, engraved, parcel-gilt. Mont-
pellier, l4th century (before 1355). Diameter
18.4 cm, height 4 cm. London. Victoria and
Albert Museum (106-1865).
(ibid; p. 77; p l. VIa, b) and is called
in the sources "vignete" or "a vignets".
These tenns came into use in French
sources at the beginning of the 14th
century; by 1370 they seemed to have
fallen out of use, and this corresponds
to the observation of a new stylistic
complexity in French metalwork after
about 1350, which gradually ousted the
decorative style to which the tenninol-
ogy refers (ibid; p. 77).
The Sanko bowl displays this
type of nervure decoration. It also has
in common with a number of the Rouen
bowls the use a large, simple geomet-
rical fonn to occupy much of the middle
ground between the central feature and
the generally plain band along the in-
side edge; a comparison of the Sanko
bowl with a Montpellier bowl from the
Rouen Treasure now in the Hennitage,
Leningrad (fig. 4b) will illustrate this
point (ibid; Pl. IXb). These geometrical
fonns are made to stand out clearly by
Fig. 4b: Bowl (hanap).from the Rouen Treasure.
Silver, repousse, engraved, parcel-gilt. Mont-
pellier, l4th century (before 1355). Diameter
20.5 cm. Len ingrad, Herrnitage (Basilewsky
Collection).
means of contrast between plain areas
of undecorated silver and elaborately
textured design areas in which repousse
elements are surrounded by ring-
matting (small hamrnered circ1es in
close proximity). In much the same
way, the plain letters of the inscription
on the underside stand out from a gro-
und texture composed of zigzags and
gouging (fig. 3a).
Clusters of raised circ1es on the
Sanko bowl are parallel ed on another
bowl from the Rouen Treasure in the
Victoria and Albert Museum 107-1865,
(fig. 4c) (Lightbown 1978, Pl. VIa).
Although the Sanko bowl also
has non-French design features which
we shall examine in a moment, and
which confinn the south-west Bosnian
State, Sanko's hereditary territory, as
the most likely place for its manufac-
ture, we should just note here that
historical events from that region in the
243

Fig. 4c: Bowl (hanap)from the Rouen Treasure.
Silver, repousse, engraved, pareel-gilt. Early to
mid-l4th century. Diameter 20.9 cm, height 5em.
earlier 14th century might well explain
the out-moded French flavour of its
overall design, a quality tenacious1y
preserved in a number of other metal-
work items which I shall propose are
of Bosnian manufacture, and which
date from this period on through the
15th century. In 1326 the Bosnian Ban
Stjepan II Kotromanić carried out a
military drive into Serbian Hum, the
region in which Sanko's family held
land. Stjepan centred his activity
around Ston, a territory held by the Ni-
kolić i family whom we have mentioned
as neighbors of Sanko, and who were
relatives by marriage to the Ban. At the
time of this first Bosnian attempt to
win over west Serbia, Stjepan was vas-
2 This object has usually been taken to be the product of a Paris workshop, but Laszlo Gerevich
has argued that, although very French, it might have been made in Hungary to conform with popu\ar
French style; cithcr way, thc taste for this style at Charles Robert's court is confirmed (Gerevich
1971; pp. 61. 62).
244
sal to the Hungarian King Charles
Robert (1308-1342) of the house of An-
jou in Naples, with whom he was on
very good terms. At King Charles
Robert's court hanap bowls decorated
with enameI prints and nervures quite
probably represented the peak ofmetal-
working fashion; certainly his queen,
Elizabeth Piast, favoured metalwork in
French taste, to judge from the elabo-
rate metal and enameI folding shrine
or house altar which was made for her
personal use, and which survives in the
Metropolitan Museum, New York
(Freeman, M: "A Shrine for a Queen",
The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bul-
letin 6, 1963; pp. 327-339i,
Ifwe now look at the Sanko bowl
with a view to noting its major differ-
ences from its French counterparts to
see if these can be parallel ed more lo-
cally, three things particularly strike us.
Firstly, in place of the simple band of
plain silver around the inside edge
which the French bowls exhibit, the San-
ko bowl has a scalloped plain area made
by extending the rim band downwards
into eighteen linked semi-ellipses (fig.
3). Secondly, the three semi-circular
areas defined by the superposition of a
triangle on a trefoil in the basic geo-
metric design contain three winged
beasts; a gryphon, a dragon and a
crouching grotesque with human head,
from whose bodies sprout rings on
stems executed in the same manner as
the foliage of some of the nervure deco- the 13th and 14th centuries, and indeed
ration (fig. 5a). Thirdly, we can observe we have already seen dragons on the
a disinclination to leave the large, solid belt appliques from Sveti Spas, Cetina,
areas of the geometrical design com- where there is also a grotesque (fig.
pletely undecorated; they are scattered 2b), (Gunjača 1955; p. 233. figo 14).
with small rings quite widely spaced. More distinctive are the rings on stems
The idea of a series of joined which grow from the bodies of all three
figures on the Sanko bowl, a feature
which cannot be precisely paralleled
(figs. 3b, 5a). Rings on stems repre-
senting foliage, however, are to be found
in Dalmatian metalwork of the 14th
century, where they are used as border
decoration. The early 14th century reli-
quary of St. Krševan in Zadar Cathedral
(fig. 5c) has a framing border of such
Fig. 5a: Sanko bowl, rim detail. rings where, interestingly, the points at
which their stems spring from the main
branch are defined by naturalistic
semi-ellipses as edging is to be found, growth marks formed by two small lines
in one form or another, on a number
across the branch, exactly as on the
of the bowls which I shall later claim
Sanko bowl nervures (Krleža. Grgić.
on other grounds to be of Bosnian
Grčević 1972; pp. 59. 62. 162-166), a
manufacture. The idea may, of course,
feature not found on the nervures of
be fresh invention by local crafismen,
but it is worth mentioning that it may
have its sources in Egypt, where it has
a long precedent in Islamic pottery de-
sign (fig. 5b), (11th-12th century, Fa-
timi d period: Arts of Islam: p. 222, no.
276; p. 390. no. 658; 15th century,
Mamluk period: A til 1981; p. 192. no.
98). Unfortunately there is no way of
checking the probability that the pres-
ence of this idea on Fatimid pottery
reflects its employment on Fatimid me-
talwork, since virtually none has sur-
vived.
Although no surviving French
bowls known to me have figures such
Fig. 5b: Bowl, ceramic, lustre decoration on an
as the dragons and grotesques on the
opaque white glaze. Egypt, Fatimidperiod, II th
Sanko bowl, these images were ex- century. Diametar 27.5 cm. Cairo, Museum of
tremely common throughout Europe in Islamic Art (13478).

245
Fig. 5c: Reliquary casket of St. Krševan, detail.
Wood covered by silver-gift app/ique, ename-
/ing. Zadar, .first half of the l4th century.
Dimensions, 28 x 17 x 17 cm.

any French bowls. It seem s likely,

therefore, that the rings on stems which Fig. 5d: Plaque, pierced bronze, chance find
grow from the creatures on the Sanko from Grahovo, Crna Gora.
bowl are simply representing foliage,
features which reflect the design of the
and foliage growing from dragons and
French hanap of the first half of the
grotesques is a common enough feature
14th century with some details which
ofthe decorative arts ofthe gothic period,
are not characteristic of the French
as again on the Cetina belt (fig. 2b).
bowls, but may represent the contribu-
The sprink1ing of small, well- tion of a more local tradition.
separated circ1es over a space of ab-
stract design area which we have ob-
served on the Sanko bowl is a formula
which was used by craftsmen making
Orthodox ecc1esiastical items in the west
Serbian sphere prior to the formation
of the Bosnian Kingdom. A surviving
example is a pierced metal plate from
an early medieval composite object,
perhaps an icon lamp, found at Gra-
hovo, which is now Crna Gora, but
which once belonged to Herzegovina
(fig. 5d), (Parović-Pešikan 1980; p. 58,
n. 118, T. XXn b.) Scattered dots are
also on initial edgings of the Miroslav
Evangel (fig. 5e), Beograd, Narodni mu-
zej, inv. br. 1536, f. 98 r, (Radojčić
1950).
To sum up, then, our discussion
Fig. 5e: Initial letter, paint on vel/um, Miroslav
of the design of the Sanko bowl, we Evangel: Herzegovina, late 12th century. Bel-
may say that it combines some basic grade, Narodni muzej (J 536), f 98 r.

246
 The Stobi and
Gogo~i-Mehedinti Bowls
The next two bowls to be dis-
cussed are conveniently taken together
since they are very similar in size, shape
and design. Both are silver gilt bowls,
oval in shape, and measuring around
18 x 10 cm. Their decoration includes
nervures and other embellishments
which we have seen to be part of the
French hanap tradition, but they also
display features which we saw as char-
acteristic of the Sanko bowl and which
lie outside the Rouen Treasure bowl
type. We have already said that such a
stylistic combination might have devel-
oped during the period of Tvrtko l
(1353-1391), and the dating to that
period for the two bowls discussed here
can be supported by observing related
decorative material on stećak tomb-
stones of known date. One of these
bowls was found at Stobi, Macedonia
(figs. 6, 7a), together with a quantity
of 14th century coin s, the latest and
most numerous being of the reign of
King Vukašin (1366-1371). The other
(fig. 7e) was found at Gogo~i Mehed-
inti near the Iron Gates in Rumania
(Theodoreseu 1974; pp. 332-333, figo
45a,b). This bowl was discovered along
with 232 Bulgarian coins of King Stra-
cimir of Vidin (ruled 1360-1396), whose
daughter Doroteja married Tvrtko I in
1374 (Ćirković 1964; p. 138).
It seems likely that the Gogo~i­
Mehedinti bowl was deposited in the
earth when Stracimir's small kingdom
between Bulgaria and Rumania fell to
the Turks in 1396; in the literature, the
date of the bowl's manufacture has
been taken to be that of the coins with
which it was found. 3 On the other hand,
the Stobi bowl has been thought by
several authorities to be dated much
later than this. In the catalogue to the
exhibition Mastelpieces of Serbian
Goldsmiths ' Work, sent to London by
the Muzej primenjene umetnosti, Bel-

Fig. 6: Bowl. silver gilt. found in Stobi Baptistery. side view. Repausse. engraved. Rim dimensions.
18.6 x JO.2 cm. Belgrade. Narodni muzej (323).

3 Biirciicilii, "Tezaurul medieval dela Gogo~i-Mehedinti". Cronica numismaticii si arheologicii

XIV, nos. 113-114, Bucaresti 1939: pp. 126-127, 132, T. Xl.

247
Fig. 78: Bowlfrom Stobi, silver-gilt, repousse engraved, silver central print with traces of blue
and brown enamei. Rim dimensions, 18.6 x 10.2 cm. Print diameter 2.9 cm. Belgrade, Narodni
muzej (323).

grade in 1981, Dušan Milovanović To play Devil's advocate for a

dates the Stobi bowl to around 1490 moment, we might say that the best
(Radojković, Milovanović 1981; p. 31, argument for a late 15th century date
cat. 39). In this he follows Bojana Ra- for the Stobi bowl is not advanced by
dojković (1977; p. 89, figo 67), who Radojković or Milovanović: this is that
allows a Bosnian or Herzegovinian ori- the central medallion, which contains
gin for the Stobi bowl, but around that traces of blue and brown enamei (de-
late date, i.e., after the fall of the Bos- spite Radojković, Milovanović 1981; p.
nian Kingdom. Neither of the two pub- 31 which gives niello as the additional
lications mentions the undoubted par- material), exhibits a profile portrait bust
allel of the Gogo~i-Mehedinti bowl, al- (fig. 7b) (Han 1960-61; pp. 53, 54,fig.
though attention has been drawn to the
similarity by Verena Han (1964; p.
113), and inde ed possibly by Radoj-
ković herself in her earlier publication
of 1962, where she cited a bowl''found
in Rumania" in the course of a discus-
sion on the Stobi bowl which she at
that time dated to circa 1380. Her feel-
ing then was that the Rumanian bowl
and the Stobi bowl were probably work
of the same master (Radojković 1962;
p.38). Fig. 7b: Stobi bowl, portrait bust on print, detail.

248
5), and such profile portraits did not
gain wide popularity until the middle
of the 15th century (Jones 1979; pp 7,
28). However, close examination of the
details of the collar and Germanic hair-
style of the figure portrayed leads me
to conclude, in the light of all we know
about dress and hair fashions through-
out the period, that the medallion must
date to around 1420. In both Hungary
and Germany during the latter part of
King Sigismund's period (ruled 1387-
-1437) long hair styles for men were
the fashion, although hair was being
worn short in Italy at the same time.
Hairstyles similar to the one shown on
the Stobi medallion can be observed
on three ivory saddles preserved in Bu-
dapest, which were probably made for
members of Sigismund's Dragon Or-
der, which was founded in 1408, (fig.
7c), (Gerevich 1971; p. 96, Pls.
LXXX1/, LXXXlII,jigs. 213, 214). Until
at least 1425 people who wore their
hair that way could also have been
Fig. 7c: Two carved bone saddles, details. First
half of the 15th century. Budapest, Magyar
Nemzeti Muzeum (55.3118, 55.3119).
4 It is perhaps worth mentioning here the 1350 Dubrovnik fol1ar coin which has a profile portrait
bust and is undoubtedly an imitation of some classical model (Jones 1979; p. 7, figo 4a).
wearing aloose surcoat, which was
common throughout Europe (fig. 7d)
(as KaufJmann 1979; p. 77). This style
of coat fell in gentle folds from a fur
Fig. 7d: Manal de Sas, Saxon painter working
in Valencia around 1400, Altar-piece ~f St.
George from Valencia. detail; the enchanter is
executed. Valencia, circa 1410-1420. London,
VictOria and Albert Museum (1217-1864).
or roll binding at the base of the neck,
and this can be seen on the Stobi me-
dalli on, which shows the style as it is
depicted between 1410 and 1420. Rep-
resentations from the later 1420s and
1430s tend to show a high internal col-
lar being worn with this neckline, while
the previous gentle folds tend to be-
come rather rigid pleats (Geoffrey Squ-
ire, Sothebys, London, personal com-
munication). The evidence of the me-
dalli on, then, points to a date around
or a little before 1420 for the Stobi
print, with its bowl perhaps earlier but
after the coinage date of 13 71. I feel
we must see the medallion as a precur-
sor for the mid 15th century taste for
portrait busts. 4
249
Fig. 7e: Bowl.from Gogo'§i-Mehedinti. silver-gilt, repousse, engraved. Rim dimensions. 19.3 x 11.3cm.
Bucuresti. Muzeul de istorie al Republicii Socialiste Romania din Bucuresti.
Although the Gogo~i-Mehedinti
bowl also shows a profile bust (upside-
down in tig. 7e), it is obviously not a
portrait, and does not contribute any-
thing helpful towards the dating of the
object, which is probably best left at
late l4th century.
In plan, the Stobi and Gogo~i­
-Mehedinti bowls are not regular e1lip-
ses, their rims being worked into twelve
fairly shallow scallops, which are left
undecorated; thus the richly decorated
interiors seem drawn into points be-
tween the scallops. In both cases the
framework of the inner decoration
within this field consists of two flat-
tened e1lipses (in fact, the shapes have
more or less parallel sides and semi-
circular ends), one inside the other, with
a circle at either end just touching the
inner e1lipse and interrupting the outer
one. In both cases the ellipse is edged
with raised beading, rather of the sort
which edges the concentric circles on
250
the early 14th century French bowls
(tig. 4). The outer e1lipses take the form
of nervures, those of the Gogo~i bowl
sprouting outwardly directed semicir-
cular stems as well as foliage within
them; the nervure treatment is also ex-
tended to the inner e1lipse of the Gogo~i
bowl, and forms the basis of the deco-
ration within the circular areas.
Although these two bowls are so
similar in many respects, and indeed
in terms of their basic formal arrange-
ments almost identical, they show radi-
cally different approaches to the deco-
ration of their various space areas. The
Stobi bowl here relates more closely to
the Sanko bowl and the French exam-
ples we have discussed in preserving
the notion of a circular enamel print,
and adapting the nervures convention
to fill out the rest of the central ellipse
with two large leaves springing from
the circle surrounding the print; the
space between the inner and outer
raised ellipses is filled with clusters of
circles much like the ones we have ob-
served on the French examples. Circu-
lar areas at either end of the central
ellipse are occupied by single beasts in
heraldic-looking postures. The Gogo~i­
Mehedinti bowl has rather similar ele-
ments in a somewhat different arrange-
ment. This time the small circle sprout-
ing leaves, nervure-type, is represented
inside the larger circles to either end
of the central ellipse, and inside this
again are found the clusters of very
small circles. On this bowl, the beasts
are found in the central area, where
they take form of two quite non heral-
dic grotesque creatures who face each
other and fill out the entire area of the
smaller ellipse; the bowl has no enamei
print. It seems most likely that these
two different approaches to the filling
out of one formal structure represent
not two different periods or two differ-
ent manufacturing local es, but the pro-
duction on the one hand of a bowl per-
sonalized to a specific owner, by the
inclusion of the portrait and perhaps
some heraldry associated with him, and
on the other hand a bowl in which the
metalworker's, or perhaps the de-
signer's own fantasy has been given
much greater rein. My feeling in fact
is that the two bowls must have been
made in the same area and at much the
same time. From what has been said
above it will be obvious that this places
them both in the period around 1380-
-1420; we must now turn to a discussion
of the manufacturing locale.
As was mentioned above, Boja-
na Radojković has suggested Bosnian
manufacture for the Stobi bowl, al-
though at a late date, because she feels
that certain decorative features are ch a-
racteristic of Kotor metalwork of the
late l5th century (Radojković 1979; p.
89), and l shall return to this matter
later. There are several other features
which can now be discussed which are
suggestive of a Bosnian origin for the
two bowls; these are the oval shape and
lobed edging which can be paralleled
from carving on two interesting tomb-
stones at Turmenti, south of Trebinje,
Herzegovina (fig. 8), as well as from
(in reverse) the bezels of a number of
medieval Bosnian rings (fig. 7f, g); and
the design structure comprising an el-
lipse flanked by two circles which is
found in the Syro-Egyptian Mamluk art
which l have argued elsewhere affected
Bosnia in the period before the Turkish
conquest (Wenzel 1982; pp. 57, 58).
To take the latter point first, it
can be said that the use of the ellipse
(or rectangle with rounded ends)
flanked by two circles as a design
framework became very common on
later medieval Mamluk wares; promi-
nent on l5th century Egyptian carpets
where earlier examples do not survive,
it is also locatable in later l4th century
Egyptian Koran decoration (A til 1981;
p. 40, no. 6) and metal inlay (London,
Victoria and Albert Museum, cat. no.
569-1897). The influence of this Mam-
luk art was widespread; it registers par-
ticularly strongly in Venetian art of this
period, presumably because of Veni-
ce's trading links with North Africa,
and on North Italian art in general. Ma-
mluk influence was also felt in Bosnia,
although in different ways; I have sug-
gested (1982; p. 58) that the hitherto
251
mysterious word "možul", mentioned
in the early 15th century inventories of
the possessions of the family of Sandalj
Hranić Kosača on deposit in Dubrov-
nik, derives from the name "Mosul",
the centre for production of inlaid metal
objects in the 13th century, and refers
to Mamluk inlaid metalwork of the type
which can carry the ellipse-between-
circles motif. Another more tangible
result ofMamluk design affecting Bos-
nian taste may be seen in a charac-
teristic finger-ring design from the 14th
century, where a round back-knob (a
Mamluk feature) was added to a char-
acteristic Bosnian ring-type, which has
been found in a distribution from Sara-
jevo to Trebinje, and which had the
special feature of a basically oval bezel
modified by hollow scal10ped edging
(figs. 7f, g). An exactly provenanced
example from Gornji Turani, Trebinje,
is now in the Zavičajni Muzej in Tre-
binje (Wenzel 1982; pp. 47, 48, sl. 1a-
-ej.
These Bosnian rings are of fur-
ther interest to us because of their close
aesthetic similarity with the bowls
(figs. 7a, e). The bezels of the rings are
Fig. 7g: Ringfrom Mostar, cast copper, en-
graved, Height 27 mm, width 24 mm, Bezel,
18 x 13 mm, Author 's collection,
drawn into a series of points by the
modifying action of the scallops on the
basically oval raised sections while the
scallops of the bowls, projecting out-
wards rather than inwards, modify the
richly decorated interiors in a precisely
similar way. It is interesting that whilst
scalloped bezels are found on western
European rings of the late medieval
period (Wenzel 1982; pp, 48-50, figo
2d, e), the only surviving examples
show the scalloping applied to basically
circular bezels, in contrast to the oval
bezel rings characteristic of Bosnia. It
seems possible that a similar situation
might have existed in respect to bowls;
none of the surviving French bowls ex-
hibits scalloping, but the French no-
menclature already mentioned has a term
"godet" for bowls of irregular shape,
which might have been applied to such
bowls (Lightbown 1978; pp. 22, 23).

O
;j~"
. .....
The effect of these "godets" was said
.~;.
o
'~
-o
"
•
to be "flower-like", which does suggest
',.\
scalloped modifications to a basically
circular shape.5 Finally, although I pre-
Fig. 7f: Ring from Sarajevo, cast, silver, en-
graved, Height 22 mm, width 23 mm, Bezel viously suggested that the scalloped-
17 x 12 mm. Author 's collection. shaped decorative band on the inside

5 There does exist a six lobed, tall drinking cup of French manufacture from the earlier 14th
century which would probably satisfy the description "godet". This silver-gilt item in Orlel College,
Oxford (Lightbown 1978; pp. 22, 23, Pls. XIX, AX) known as the "Founder's Cup", has certain
features in common with a six-lobed and six-sided cup preserved in the Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum,
Budapest, inv. 1898.30 Miiveszet 1. Lajos kiraly karaban 1342-1382; pp. 308, 309, item no, 163, T.
49, 163). Neither is oval in plan.

252
Fig. 8: Tombstone, Tunnenti, Trebirije region, Crkva sv. Gospođe, south wall, secondary position.
Dimensions, 100 x 54 cm. Dimensions o/"lobed hollow, 16.50 x 9.75 cm.
rim of the Sanko bowl might reflect
the influence of North African pottery
design, it is of course likely that the
taste for scalloped decoration exempli-
fied by the rings and the two bowls I
have been discussing here was respon-
sible for its adoption.
It is fortunate that representa-
tions of ovallobed bowls of the type
under discussion are to be found on
two tombstones at Turmenti, Trebinje
region, since these large slabs are not
very portable, and were undoubtedly
carved in the area where they are now
found. The two slabs are built into the
walls of the village church, and the carved
surfaces now visible were undoubtedly
originally the top surfaces of the slabs
(Wenzel 1965, T. LXXV, ll; T. LXX11l,
9). As well as a hollowed-out area in
the shape of a lobed oval bowl, each
slab bears decoration of the very wide-
spread trefoil border type, which cor-
responds to the type of nervure work
on the bowls. One ofthese tombstones
(fig. 8), the one with the animal and
the cross, can be dated roughly if, as I
believe, the carver or group of carvers
responsible also worked at Trsteno, Du-
brovnik region, where there are two
stones of workmanship so similar in
detail as to make common authorship
virtually certain. One of these stones
at Trsteno includes in its decoration a
short-lived shield shape dated by Đur­
đica Petrović (1976: pp. 98, 209, fig.
1) to the end of the 14th century, or
the very early 15th. This confirms that
the lobed, oval bowl shape was known
in the south-west part of the Bosnian
Kingdom, and at about the date we have
proposed for the Stobi and Gogo~i Me-
hedinti bowls; the period of King Tvrt-
ko l, or shortly after.
253
 Kotor as
a Metalworking Centre
Bojana Radojković has seen the
influence of Kotor craftsmen on the
design of the Stobi bowl, although at
a date when Kotor was under the con-
trol of Venice. Whilst I am unsure of
her date of circa 1490 for the Stobi
bowl, and have suggested a date nearer
1420 as being also realistic, I do feel
there are factors which link Kotor to
the bowl tradition presented by the
Stobi and Gogo~i-Mehedinti items. It
will therefore be appropriate to mention
here the evidence for Kotormetalwork-
ing during the period when the town
fonned part of the Bosnian Kingdom.
Kotor, which had been an independent
town in the earlier part of the 14th cen-
tury with a prosperity comparable to
that of Dubrovnik, found itself in de-
cline by the second half of the 14th
century (Ćirković et al. 1979; p. 23)
and in 1370 or 1371 placed itself under
the protection of Hungary (ibid; p. 28).
It was obtained for Bosnia in 1385
when King Tvrtko I suggested to the
Hungarian Queen Elizabeth, his cousin,
that he would like it as a gift, since it
had once belonged to his Nemanjan
forbears (Šišić 1902; pp. 31, 32; Ćir­
ković 1964;p.152). Itisunclearwhether
the town remained for a while under
Bosnian jurisdiction following
Tvrtko's death in 1391 (Ćirković 1964;
p. 371, n. 9.). There are indications that
Bosnian ownership of Kotor remained
enforceable into the first decade of the
15th century (Ćirković et al. 1970; pp.
87, 97).
254
By the time Tvrtko obtained Ko-
tor for Bosnia the town had been long
renowned for the manufacture of silver
vessels, and as early as 1352 control
stamps had been required for Kotor sil-
verwork (Fisković 1949; p. 146).
Whether or not this practice was waived
during the period when Kotor was part
of the Bosnian Kingdom is not known,
although Bosnia was always rather cas-
ual about such matters (Šakota 1981;
p. 74). Be that as it may, it is unlikely
that Tvrtko would have lost time in
making use of Kotor's metalworking
facilities to organize the production of
metal items from the raw materials of
his Bosnian silver mines. Also, doubt-
less Kotor goldsmiths would have been
employed inland. According to Ivan
Bach and Bojana Radojković (1956; p.
14) one family of goldsmiths, the De-
sislavići, a member of which was active
in Kotor as early as 1319, move d to
Herzegovina and became attached to
the court of Stjepan Vukčić Kosača,
and later still settled in Sarajevo, where
they were pursuing their trade into the
16th century. lt is likely that during the
period of Tvrtko, Kotor goldsmiths
would have been adept in producing
items in both the established "coastal"
style, or in the apparently distinct "Bos-
nian" style, ofwhich the archives about
this time are beginning to speak; it is
also likely that Kotor craftsmen con-
tinued to make items in the Bosnian
style, which was fashionable for some
time after the Bosnian rule there ceased.
An inventory of the possession of one
Nicholas Archilupus of Kotor in 1445
includes silver cups made ad modo Bo-
xinese (Han 1972; p. 164, n. 31),
although we do not know whether these
cups were made in Kotor itself.
The motif on the Stobi bowl
which Bojana Radojković specifically
links with Kotor is that of the leaves
(she calls them oak leaves) branching
from a wreath; in fact the nervures dis-
cussed above. This she claims to be
typical of the Kotor craftsmen of the
late 15th century, which implies that a
number of paral1els exist in Kotor work
of that date, although the only example
she gives in her 1977 work (p. 89, figo
67a) is a repousse silver embellishment
to a re1iquary in Kotor Cathedral (fig.
9a); on this basis the Stobi bowl is
attributed to "an unknown workshop in
old Herzegovina or Bosnia, obviously
under Kotor influence" (Radojković
1977; p. 89), whilst Dušan Milovanović
ascribes it to "a Kotor craftsman work-
ing in the interior" (Radojković, Milo-
vanović 1981; p. 31, cat. no. 39). ln
fact it should now be obvious that the
Kotor repousse far more closely dup1i-
cates the arrangements inside the cir-
cular areas of the Gogo;;i bowl, con-
cerning which Radojković avoids dis-
cussion. l have already suggested a date
for the Gogo;;i bowl as early or earlier
than my date for the Stobi bowl, and
have mentioned that it has been as-
cribed to the end of the 14th century.
Fig. 9a: Repousse silver applique from a reli-
quary. detail. Kotor. Cathedral treasury.
It will be remembered that both the
Stobi and Gogo;;i bowls contained
coins dating to the middle and later
14th centuries, and it would be an un-
li1<ely coincidence indeed to find two
bowls from the very end of the 15th
century buried with such early coins,
which would have to be accepted if one
accepted Radojković 's style criteria for
her dating, and ascription to Kotor in-
fluence, of the Stobi bowl.
However, as I have shown above,
this motif on the Gogo;;i-Mehedinti
bowl (fig. 7e) reproduces the standard
arrangement on early 14th century
French bowls (figs. 4a-c) by adapting
the convention found on those of sur-
rounding an enamei with nervures into
its repousse-only technique. I feel that
the likelihood is that this formula ap-
pears in Kotor metalwork, as on Ra-
dojković's example (fig. 9a), as the re-
sult of the influence of Bosnian taste
on that town; that is, the opposite situ-
ation to the one proposed by Radoj-
ković.
There is one aspect ofthe Gogo;;i
bowl's decoration, however, which
might well demonstrate Kotor influ-
ence on Bosnian work at a time well
before the period of Bosnian control of
the town. Within the row of outwardly-
directed semicircles formed by the ner-
vures of the bowl' s outer e1lipse, we
find a kind of wind-blown foliage with
channels running the length of the
leaves, and with the leaf clusters bent
in one direction (fig. 9b). This leaf style
is characteristic of southern Dalmatian
stonecarving in the 14th century. Ex-
amples survive on the Kotor cibo,rium
at Sv. Tripun Cathedral, carved in the
255
Fig. 9b: Silver-gilt howl from Gogo~j Mehe-
din ti. rim detail.
1360s (Maksimović 1971; p. 88, fig.
149), on a 14th century carving from
Stari Bar (fig. 9c), (ibid; fig. 130) and
at Dečani (fig. 9d), where the carving
was executed between 1327 and 1335,
and signed by the builder Fra Vita of
Kotor (ibid; p. 181, fig. 181). On the
Kotor repousse of the late 15th century
cited by Radojković (fig. 9a), this style
of wind-blown, channeled leaves can
still be seen; they form the space areas
in which the Bosnian-style nervures ap-
pear.
Fig. 9c: Stone reli~frrom Stari Bar. 14th century.
detail.
The Temska Bowl
There is one more oval, lobed
bowl which ought to be included in this
discussion, since although it differs in
a number of respects from the two
bowls just discussed, it cannot be more
closely paral1eled from any other
source. The bowl in question (figs. 10,
256
Fig. 9d: Stone relieffrom Dečani north portal.
1327-1335. detail.
Ua, e), (Belgrade, Etnografski muzej
no. 19473), was purchased in Temska,
Pirot, in 1956 (Han 1964;p.111), along
with an isolated medallion (fig. Ub)
(Etnografski muzej no. 19475), almost
certainly from another bowl (Han
1960161; pp. 45-55). The medal1ion at-
tached to the bowl shows a ramp ant
beast (lion or panther) with upraised
tail (fig. Ua), whilst the separate me-
dal1ion has a betrothed couple sur-
rounded by an inscription. The shape of
the separate medallion is very much
the same as that of the bowl medallion,
and it is highly likely that the former
was attached to a bowl of the same oval
shape. Indeed, although the separate
medallion lacks any trace of the enameI
found on the bowl medallion, details
of the working, especially the spiral
formula used for depicting eyes, which
is highly unusual, suggests that both
pieces were products of the same work-
shop or even of the same hand. We
Fig. 10: BOlVlfrom Temska, Pirot region. Silver repausse, cast and enamei print. Oval shape, lobed,
with !obed/oot. Rim dimensions, 21.5 x 13.3 cm. Foot dimensions: 7.5 x 5.5 cm; height of/oat:
2.5 cm. Belgrade, Etnografski muzej (19473), inventary no. ofprint: (I9474).

shall attach some importance to this,
since details of costume and lettering
on the separate medallion are more use-
ful than anything about the bow! or its
medallion for suggesting a date for the
bow!.
The bowl itself differs from the
Stobi and Gogo~i-Mehedinti bowls in
that whilst on them the scalloping is
confined to the areas nearest their rims,
leaving large areas for rich repousse
decoration, the Temska bowl is more

Fig. l1b: Oval medallion from Temska, silver,

Fig. Ila: Oval medallion, silver, engraved, gray engraved;formerly central print on a howl. Di-
enameI. Central print on the oval, lobed how l mensions, 6.8 x 3.9 cm, thickness l mm. Bel-
(rom Temska, Pirot. Dimensions, 6.8 x 4.5 cm. grade, Etnografski muzej (19475).

257
 Fig. 11c: Ovallobed b01Vlfrom Temska, Pirot, Silver repousse. Belgrade, Etnografski muzej
(19473, 19474).
truly shell-like, in that the scalloping
is carried down right to the base, so
that the central medallion provides the
only interior decoration. The bowl is
divided by the scalloping into eighteen
segments, and it differs further from
the two previous examples in having a
base, itself an inverted, lobed oval.
Various dates have been suggested for
this object by different authorities. De-
sanka Milošević (personal communi-
cation) suggests the end of the 14th
century, as does Verena Han in the
work mentioned above. On the other
hand, Bojana Radojković (1966a; p.
35) and (1981; p. 38, no. 60 with Milo-
vanovic) proposes 1520-1530. Radoj-
ković's argument (1966a) is somewhat
as follows: the object gives a "superfi-
cial" impression ofbeing from the 14th
258
century but can in fact be more real is-
tic ally compared with German 10bed
cups of the 16th century. In his study
of German cups of the Luneburg Treas-
ure now in the Berlin Kunstgewerbe
Museum M Creutz (1909; p. 297) has
presented an analysis of the lobing tech-
nique which draws a distinction be-
tween 14th and 16th century methods,
in the light of which the Temska cup
can only be seen as belonging to the
latter period; the panther medallion of
the Temska cup bears a very close re-
lation with the lion medallion on the
Ivan cup in Zagreb, Muzej za umjetnost
i obrt, 10373 (fig. 15a) (Radojković
1966a;fig. 4 J), which Radojković dates
for stylistic reasons well into the 16th
century; and she seeks further parallels
for these two medallions on vessels of
known date, and mentions specifically
the Smederevo incense boat of 1523
(Beograd, Muzej Srpske pravoslavne
crkve, ibid; fig. 40), and a cup from
Skopje where the medallion represents
peacocks (Skoplje, Etnografski muzej,
ibid; figo 44). Radojković makes no
mention in connection with the Temska
cup of the separate medallion pur-
chased with it, despite the extreme
similarity of their workmanship, and
the fact that the shape they share is
otherwise unknown in Balkan medaI-
lions.
In reply to these arguments, one
must say that the 16th century German
lobed cups, none of which is of oval
shape, are quite unlike the Temska
bowl, and the comparison is unillumi-
nating; that since Creutz 's analysis con-
cerns only vessels of western European
manufacture, its conclusions have no
automatic relevance for material from
the Balkan, of which Creutz had little
knowledge; that the comparison of the
Temska meda1lion with that on the Ivan
cup (tig. 15) is superficial indeed, since
the workmanship is quite dissimilar (in-
cidental1y, when I recently examined
the Ivan cup, its medallion showed no
traces whatever of the blue enameI
which Radojković claims as on of its
chief characteristics, although I do not
know whether Radojković's descrip-
tion is mistaken, or whether enamei
once present has been removed); and
that the Smederevo and Skoplje ob-
jects, quoted as having medallions re-
sembling the two last, display such ob-
vious Ottoman characteristics of the
Abraham of Kutahja type, which was
indeed widespread in the 16th century
Balkans, as to be no help whatever in
locating pieces which completely lack
these characteristics. If on the other
hand we tum to the separate Temska
medallion, we must acknowledge that
it has far more in common with the
bowl's medallion than any of the com-
parative pieces cited by Radojković.
and that neither the combination oflet-
ter shapes of its inscription nor the cos-
tumes of its figures could conceivably
date from the 16th century.
We have already mentioned two
of the factors which are responsible for
the impression of close similarity be-
tween, and probably common author-
ship for, the Temska bowl's medallion
and the separate medallion; their other-
wise unparal1eled shape and the un-
usual eye formula employed. We
should now mention a third factor; the
form of the background texture, which
is a zigzag patterning made by rocking
an engraving tool from side to side.
This form of patterning is not unknown
as foundation for enameI apart from its
use as such on the bowl medallion, and
perhaps for this reason, Verena Han
has suggested that the separate medaI-
lion may be unfinished, in the sense of
having been prepared for enamei which
was never applied (Han 1960161; p.
45). This need not however be the case,
as the form to texture is also found
without anyenameJ in Russia in the
l3th century, in Germany, France and
England in the 14th and 15th century,
and more widely still after that. An ex-
ample from the late 14th century is the
golden cup of the kings of France and
259

Fig. lld: Royal Gold Cup ofthe kings ofFrance
and England, detail. London, British Museum,
French, circa 1390.
England (tig. ltd) (Lightbown 1978;
p. 81, Pl. LXVIIlj, where this type of
patteming is used to decorate the stem.
Ifwe look at the separate medal-
tion for clues as to date and provenance
there are several things which we can
say. The letter shapes are of a type
found in Bosnian epigraphy throughout
the 14th century (Tomović 1974, na.
50; pp. 1349-1363, na. 76; pp. 1383-
-1391, na. 94; pp. 1405-1420), and some
of them are types which, particularly
in combination, disappeared after the
early 15th century: the soft sign "'b",
for instance, becomes rare. As a group
these letters could not belong to the
l5th century. Verena Han has linked
the costurne sty1es with examp1es in
both western gothic and Serbian art of
the 14th and early 15th centuries. The
text of the inscription is as follows:
+;\C.E&O H N\~ YHNH Yd1W~nrnr
trro:lN V ...
260
Voin, perhaps the affianced
youth, made the cup, or had it made,
for the priest Stan če. Verena Han is
rightly rather circumspect in drawing
conclusions about the provenance of
the object from the inscription, but notes
that the formula "a se" is extremeJy
common in Bosnia-Herzegovinian
tomb stone epigraphy of the 14th and
15th centuries, whilst found only rarely
in Serbian contexts; that the name Voin
is occasionally found in Serbian me-
dieval sources; and that the name Stan-
če is traceable in 14th and 15th century
Bosnian sources, although most com-
mon in Macedonia (Han 1960161; p.
52). Taking these facts together with
style parallels in certain Bosnian mini-
atures, Han concludes tentatively that
Bosnian manufacture is most likely, but
that Serbian or Macedonian manufac-
ture in conformity with Bosnian taste
is also a possibility (ibid; p. 54), and
that the date would be in the later 14th
or early 15th century.
I think however that some clari-
fication of the position can be afforded
by further reference to the zigzag back-
ground technique. Maria Sakata, who
has made an exhaustive study ofmetal-
work items preserved in Serbian mon-
astery collections, has concluded that
this type of texture is not found on
items of Serbian manufacture before
the 16th century (personal communi-
cation). This would seem to rule out
the possibility that the Temska medal-
lion and the lost bowl to which it was
once attached represent a Serbian style,
since their date cannot be as late as
that. A possible exception to the above
generalization is the so-called "Dušan
plate"; however, see note 8. It is also
clear that this type of texture was not
characteristic of Dalmatian metalwork
of the late medieval period, but it can
be observed on the reliquary arm of St.
Asel at Nin, donated between 1303 and
1311 by Pavao Šubić, ruler of north
Bosnia at that period (Krleža, Grgić,
Grčević 72; pp. 63-67, cat. no. 24, 166,
167), although it here embellishes fig-
ures rather than serving as a back-
ground. Traces of the same patterning
joins other forms of texture behind let-
ters round the top ofthe Zadar reliquary
casket of St. Krševan, dating from the
first half of the 14th century (ibid; p.
59); we have already seen it serving as
a background for the inscription on the
slight1y later Sanko bowl, which is
widely accepted as Bosnian (fig. 3a).
lt is perhaps worth mentioning
that whilst this zigzag technique in Bos-
nian goldsmithery may be a reflection
of the widespread influence ofHungar-
ian culture on that area in the 14th cen-
tury, I have not yet observed its use in
Hungarian metalwork of the period. On
the other hand, while the technique
seems to have been generally avoided
by Dalmatian metalworkers, there were
certainly foreign goldsmiths active in
Dubrovnik in the later Middle Ages,
and it is conceivable that apprentices
from the interior might have learned
the technique from one of these, and
later practiced it in their own work-
shops. An example of the possibility
of this sort of thing is given by Fisković
(1949; p. 168), where he mentions the
German goldsmith Gugljelmo, who
joined the workshop of the Dubrovnik
goldsmith Radoje, who we know did
accept apprentices from the interior
(ibid; p. 165). This Gugljelmo was the
creator of the reliquary for the head of
St. Laurence which is now in Dub-
rovnik Cathedral, which he made, pre-
sumably in Radoje's workshop, in 1349,
utilizing the zig-zag texture technique.
To sum up this discussion of
Temska bow!, I can say that Bojana
Radojković's reason for dating the ob-
ject to the 16th century do not really
stand up to examination,6 and in
refusing to discuss the separate medal-
lion in conjunction with the bowl she
neglects a most valuable piece of evi-
dence. My observation indicates links
between the bowl and the meda11ion
which are so strong that we must take
common origin as a high probability.
The medallion can be dated rather
firmly to the second half of the 14th
or, at latest, the early 15th century, and
there are indications of origin within

6 For the sake of completeness, we should add that Radojković (J 966a; p. 35) mentions as
further reinforcement of her late dating of the Temska cup, another cup which she says shares the
same design conception, though dating from later still; this she describes as a l7th century cup with
a Dubrovnik control stamp preserved in the Akademija znanosti i umjetnosti (ibid; p. 35, n. J 63),
although she does not identify it very closely. I am puzzled by this, since the only eup with a
Dubrovnik control stamp preserved at the Akademija znanosti i umjetnosti (Zagreb) of which I have
any knowledge is that which was published by Fisković (1949; p. 193,ji.g. 6.) and which was dated
by him to the 15th century. Having recently examined this cup, feel that its date can be no later than
Fisković 's suggestion.

261
the Bosnian sphere. I therefore con-
clude that the instinet of the various
writers who have dated the bowl to the
later 14th century has been in all prob-
ability correct. If my suggestion of a
Bosnian origin is also correct, then we
have a further example of the taste for
scalloping which I have mentioned in
connection with the bowls discussed
earlier. Although Radojković is almost
certainly wrong in her contention that
no connection can be made between
the designs of the Temska and Stobi
bowls (J966a; p. 35), she is certainly
right to observe that there is a real dif-
ference. In my view, this is best ex-
plained by seeing the Temska cup (figs.
10, Hc) as a late representative of a
tradition within the Slavic sphere for
the lobed, oval shape, which may in
itself have pre-disposed metalworkers
to an acceptance of the French type of
bowl design, and provide the back-
ground for its modification into the oval
shape. If all this is true, the Temska
bowl may inde ed be a little earlier than
the Stobi and Gogo~i bowls (figs. 7a,
7e). It remains to add that one British
expert has suggested as the probable
background for such a Slavic tradition
the lobed design of certain Sogdian ves-
sels, which from Central Asia also af-
fected both Byzantine and Chinese
bowl design (Julian Raby, personal com-
munication. For Sogdian examples, see
Marshak 1971; p. 112, nos. 11, 31).

Fig. J 2: Howl with heraldie print. Silver repousse. gilded. Diameter J 6.7 cm, height 4 cm. Findplace
unknown. Belgrade. Muzej primenjene umetnosti (2689). Victoria and Albert Museum photo.
metalll'ork department.

262
 A Herzegovinian
"Godet"?
If we were right to associate the
term "godet" in the French sources with
lobed bowls of basically round plan,
then we have an example which can
probably be linked with the Bosnia-
-Herzegovinian sphere of the earlier
15th century. This is a silver-gilt item
in the Muzej primenjene umetnosti,
_~~.l)
Belgrade, inventory 2689 (fig. 12),
which has been discussed by Bojana Fig. 13b: Tombstone. tall chest from Ljublje-
Radojković (1972173; pp. 30-32, figo nica, Stolac region. West end.
13) and which was exhibited in London
in 1981 (Radojković, Milovanović 1981; stećci, to be discussed in my forth-
p. 30, cat. 38). Inside a repousse hexa- coming book. Three bends dexter on
foil at the base of this bowl is a round the shield form a favorite Herzegovina
silver medallion showing a heIm with blazon (fig. 13b) which was used by
a fleur-de-lis cres t, f1anked by rosettes the two major families in the region,
within spirais which grow out of the the Kosača to the east (fig. 13e) and
helm's drapery (fig. l3a); and beneath the Vlatkovići to the west (figs. l3d,
this configuration a notched shield; e)(Anđelić 1970; pp. 66-68,75,78-81).
such shields were definitely used in The Kosača crest was a lion, but it is
Herzegovina in the first half of the 15th possible that the crest on this medallion
century on the evidence of datable relates to one of the numerous
Vlatkovići, whose crests are not docu-
mented until the later 15th century. Be

Fig. Ba: Heraldie print/rom alobed. silver-gitt

bowl. Engraved silver. niello. Diameter 2.9 cm. Fig.13c: Seal ofHerceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača,
Belgrade. Muzej primenjene umetnosti (2689). circa 1448-1465. After Anđelić, 1970.

263
Fig. 13d: Seal of Ivaniš Vlatković, Vojvoda of
Hum, circa 1488. After Anđelić.
that as it may, the frequency with which
the shield with three bends is found in
15th century Herzegovina, in contrast
with its absence so far as we know from
Serbia at that period does suggest a
Herzegovinian origin for this bowl,
which we would date to the first half
of the 15th century, the hard edged spi-
raIs in a heraldic context and wide-
sweeping heIm drapery being widely
paralleled on artifacts of that period.
Incidentally, the zigzag texture dis-
cussed in connection with the Temska
bowl and medallion was used here to
give key to niello, most of which has
now disappeared.
Both Radojković and Milovano-
vić suggest a late 14th or early 15th
century date for this object, and claim
it to be typical of Serbian goldsmithery
of that period. Milovanović (p. 30), hav-
ing commented correctly on the wide-
spread occurrence ofbowls of this gen-
eral pattern (i. e. with hexafoil or oc-
tofoil central flower), adds "in Serbia
the central medallion usually bears a
heraldic sign or bird". To my know-
ledge there is only one example with
a bird in this type of geometrical shape
for the period under discussion, and the
provenance of this is far from certain,
and the one other bowl where such a
264
Fig. 13e: Seal of Augustin Vlatković, Vojvoda
of Hum, 1488. After Anđelić.
shape contains heraldry which can be
dated to our period, can also be strongly
linked with pre-conquest Herzegovina,
as I shall show later in this paper (fig.
ISa). It would seem, then, that Milo-
vanović is dealing with this bowl as a
Serbian artifact by assigning it to a cate-
gory which does not exist.
We can conclude this section of
our paper by noting that there is some
evidence that a variant of this bowl
shape, with fewer and larger lobes, was
current in Hungary in the later medieval
period (see note 5), and the unique six-
-lobed silver-gilt bowl with handie (Ra-
dojković, Milovanović 1981; p. 29, cat.
no. 35, Muzej grada Beograda 2016),
may well reflect that background. On
the other hand, there existed in Hungary
in the 1890s in the Budapest Museum
of Decorative Arts a most interesting
twelve-Iobed bowl, of which the Vic-
toria and Albert Museum, London ob-
tained an electrotype (fig. 14) (under
the impression that it was of English
manufacture!). To judge from the elec-
trotype, this silver-gilt bowl was in all
probability of Bosnian origin; its cen-
tral print was missing, but the familiar
nervure work surrounded the place re-
served for it, and the animal and foliate
cross-in-ring decoration of the area be-
Fig. 14: Electrotype copy of a bowl, the original in repousse, decorated with rabbi/s, dogs, and
branched motifs. silver gilt. Copied in the late 19th century from the collection of a Budapest
museum. Diameter 19.5 cm, height 5 cm. London, Victoria and Albert Museum (51.1886.62).
Museum photo.

tween the base and the scallops was
strongly reminiscent of various aspects
of Bosnia-Herzegovinian tombstone
decoration. However, I am unaware of
the current location of this bowl, so
further discussion is not possible.
(Author 's note, 1998: The origi-
nal bowl is now located and on view
in Budapest.)
A Further French Style
Model
There is another early 14th cen-
tury French bowl type whose design is
reflected in varying degrees, along with
elements of the previously mentioned
type, in three important bowls which I
shall argue can be connected with the
Herzegovina of the period of the Bos-
nian Kingdom, although again two of
them have elsewhere been given much
later dates. The model is exemplified
in two bowls from the Rouen Treasure,
one now in the Musee de Cluny, Paris
(Lightbown 1978, Pl. IXa), the other in
the Hermitage (fig. 16a), (ibid; Xb),
and has as one of its chief features a
type of arcaded structure, in which col-
umns radiating outwards from the cen-
tral medallion like spokes of a wheel
are joined at their tops by arches. In
the Hermitage example shown (fig.
16a) it is the base of the bowl which
is treated in this way, and on each col-
umn, groups of raised circle s represent
capitals and bases. This feature is es-
pecially noted since it tends to be re-
tained on what we argue are derivatives
of this bow! type, even when the divi-
sions to which it is appended are no
longer obviously architectural.

265
 The Ivan Cup
The structure of the central por-
tion of the Rouen bowl with which we
have exemp1ified the type (fig. 16a) is
reflected on the bowl in the Muzej za
umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, which is
known as the Ivan cup (fig. 15), inv.
no. MUO 10373. This is a silver gi1t
bowl which carries two inscriptions.
The first of these appears on the central
medallion and surrounds the represen-
tation of a lion passant. It reads:
The second inscription is in a
band concentric with the first, but sepa-
rated from it by a band of plain metal.
This inscription reads:
Ir1oVtH\f\4fl'ćCl'JoaHRrtl~nr}fAelIl
RBL'Jslr
The rest of the interior of the
bowl is divided into ten areas by a quasi-
architectural system which rather re-
sembles the central area of the French
model, and each of these areas is oc-
cupied by a creature. Some of these
creatures are paired, so that for in-
stance, two lions confront each other,
as do two dragons; various birds and
gryphons complete the menagerie. The
space dividers are not quite columns
as they are on the Rouen bowl, but
retain c1usters of circ1es as their bases
(the middle one hollow) in a way remi-
niscent of the latter. At their "capital"
ends the space dividers have pairs of
leaves or leaf-like shapes, and all the
dividers exhibit a twisted-rope type
decoration 7 (fig. 15b).
The import of the inscription
seems to be that the bowl belongs to
Ivan, that God should help whoever
from it, and be near Ivan (the inscription
is obscure, and its precise meaning is
not agreed, but it can be said that the
elimination of God from the inner in-
scription in the version offered by Vla-
dimir Mošin, and recorded in the Mu-
seum's notes on the item, depends on
the mistaken reading as a soft sign of

7 It is interesting to speculate as to whether this motif of a vertical "twisted rope" with a pair
of leaves at the top and a ring at the bottom, when it appears on the north and south sides of the
stele-like tombstone of Gost Milutin at Humsko. (fig.16b, c) Foča, flanking the figure ofthe deceased
holding a book on the east side (Vego III; p. 52. no. 190), could be a rustic derivation from a type
of bowl decoration in which saints holding books appear under arches. A number of such bowls
survive from a later period (fig.16e, 1); the earliest of these might date from 1515 (Šakota 1981; p.
78), but it is of course possible that such bowls were being made in the 15th century, from which
the tombstone dates. It is worth noting that at one time bowls of this type were thought to be
characteristic of the mid-17th century, and to have originated with the style of one particular goldsmith
in Čiprovac (Radojković 1966a; p. 148. sl. 190). The discovery of examples dating to the 16th
century made a revision of this view necessary (Šakala 1981; pp. 78.80). Since we know that the
arch formula appears on European bowls much earlier than this, it is not inconceivable that the
decoration of the Milutin stele, which is otherwise hard to explain (the usual explanation, that we
are being shown a belt of Manichee or Bogomil character is cvidently preposterous), might be
explained in this way. The precise date of the Milutin stele is still a matter of dispute, and will be
discussed at length in my fortbcoming book on stećci, but must fall within the first half of the 15th century.

266
 a.

b.

Fig. 15: Two views of the Ivan cup. Silver-gilt, repousse, engraved. In the centre a silver print,
cast and engraved. Diameter 14.8 cm, height 3.8 cm. Zagreb, Muzej za umjetnost i obrt
(MOU 10373). Purchasedfrom an inhabitant of Međurječje, Ćačak.

267
Fig. 16a: Bowl (hanap) from the Rouen treasure.
Silver. repousse. engraved, parcel-gilt. First half
ofthe 14th century. Diameter 20 cm. Leningrad,
Herrnitage (Basilewsky Collection).
what is certainly a B by clear analogy
with comparable letter forms else-
where.)
Who, then, was the Ivan who
owned this cup? Bojana Radojković
(1966a; p. 130) feels that the bowl must
be dated to the 16th century on stylistic
grounds, claiming that although its gen-
eral arrangement accords well enough
with earlier models (she mentions es-
Fig. 16b: Grave stelefrom Humsko, Foča, south
and north sides. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej. Pre-
sent height 181 cm, original height in situ. 254
cm. Width these sides. 38 cm, width east
and west sides, circa 50 cm.
268
Fig. 16c: Grave stele. Humsko, Foča. Effigy of
Gost Milutin. east side. and motifs which flank
him on the adjoining south and north sides.
15th century.
pecially the stylization of the animals,
which she links with "Bosnian cups of
the 70s of the 14th century, especially
the Sanko cup", she doesn't say which
other bowls fall into the category). Cer-
tain details, especially the arcades, be-
tray 16th century handiwork. Feeling
that the cup must have been in owner-
ship of one of the important historical
personage of 16th century Herzego-
vina, to which area she links the bow1
on stylistic grounds, she puts forward
as a likely candidate Vojvoda Ivan Ba-
nj anin, who, with his wife and sons,
was mentioned as donor of the Church
of the Archangel Michael in Petrovići
in 1605, and gives this attribution a
sembiance offirmness by claiming that
the inscription does in fact mention a
"vojvoda" Ivan, which as we have seen
is not the case. In fact, the owner is
named in the inscription as "Iv'(an)
Car"; the "Iv'" is clearly a shortening
of the "Ivan" mentioned in the other
Fig. 16d: Bowl. Silver. repousse, engraved. Dia- Fig.16e: Bowl. Silver, repousse, engraved. par-
meter /6.2 cm. Fojnica. Muzej samostana. ce/-gilt. In the center an image of St. Nicholas
worked on the base. no print. Diameter 15. 7 cm,
height 4 cm. Detail. Excavated at the monastery
part of the inscription, and we should of Banja. Priboj. Dated 1596/97. Banja mona-
. stery treasury (7/J).
be awake to the possibility that the
"Car" is also a short form of a longer
name. and characteristic rf (n) of mid 15th
century Herzegovinian stećak lettering
In my view, the dating of this
(Tomović 1974; pp. 118, 119). The
bowl to the late 16th century is difficult
open-topped I: (v), on the other hand,
to accept. The letter forms employed
can be seen on a seal oflvan Crnojević,
in the inscription are totally charac-
Lord of Zeta 1464-5 to 1490 (Ćirković
teristic of the mid 15th century. The
1970; p. 288, sl. 9). The letter forms
letters are qui te dissimilar, for example,
of the inscription on the main body of
to those of the inscription of the 1523 the bowl are more elongated, but cer-
Smederevo incense boat which, as we tain of them are also characteristic of
mentioned earlier, Radojković groups Crnojević-related inscriptions; for in-
with the Ivan cup in an attempt to sup- stance, the "d" like a small, elevated
port a late dating for the Temska bowl, triangle with supporting legs is found
or the lettering on the late 16th century on Ivan Crnojević's donor inscription
Banja monastery finds (Šakota 1981; of 1483-1484 at CetiI1ie monastery
pp. 41. 47, 52, 79, 98, 99, 101). The (ibid; p. 499, fig. 95; Tomović 1974;
Ivan letter forms do, on the other hand,
accord well with standard mid 15th cen-
tury Bosnian tombstone epigraphy, and
the closely related epigraphy from Zeta
(Tomović 1974; p. 17). The letters of
the inscription on the central medal1ion
are more squat, hence more "Bosnian
looking" (Đorđević 1971; p. 133) than
those of the inscription on the main
Fig.16f: Bowl. silver, repousse. engraved. Dia-
body of the bowl. They have, for ex- meter 15 cm. Dated 1574. Detai/. Budapest,
ample, the double "c" form ee for "k" Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum.

269
p. 120). The singular forked "a" with
serif or bulb at the base ofthe left fork
~ is on the tomb inscription to Ivan
Crnojević's mother dated 1464-1965
(Tomović 1974. no. 118) (fig.17a) and
on a donor inscription relating to Her-
ceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača dating 1454
(ibid; no. 116).
Fig. 17a: Detail o/figo 17c.
I feel that for the purposes of
dating this bowl, the evidence of the
letter shapes must be given more weight
than the lack of a precise parallel for
the arcading amongst the anyway not
very numerous surviving bowls con-
clusively dated to the 15th century. We
would also add that the creatures on
the Sanka bowl (fig. 3b) appear beneath
stylized ogee arches even closer to the
French model than the plainer arch
shapes of the Ivan cup, although be-
cause of the geometry of the Sanka
270
bowl, there are of course no supporting
columns.
If we look for an historical per-
sonage bearing the name "Ivan" around
the middle and later 15th century, we
have an obvious candidate in Ivan
Crnojević, whom we have already men-
tioned, in connection with the letter
shapes, as Lord of Zeta between 1464-5
to 1490. Obviously he can only be put
forward rather tentatively, but some
support for his candidature may be af-
forded by the rather enigmatic "Car"
which follows the short form of the
name Ivan on the bowl's inscription.
Since there is no Czar Ivan at any period
possible fol' the manufacture of the cup,
we cannot read the "Car" as simply
denoting an emperor, and it does seem
likely that it must be a shortened ver-
sion of someone's name, for when
names are shortened at this period, it
is the first few letters that are given.
Unfortunately, amongst the recorded
variants of the Crnojević name acces-
sible to me, there is none which begins
"Car", but it does not seem inconceiv-
able (given the rather casual attitude to
spelling which prevailed at that period)
that the name might have been so short-
ened. Certainly, on the printed page
frames of an ecclesiastical book pro-
duced around 1494 at the Cetinje print-
ing house of Ivan's son Đurađ (Lord
of Zeta or Crna Gora from 1490 to
1496), (fig. 17b), we can see the name
Đurađ Crnojević reduced to a few let-
ters, after a similarly reduced formula
for "blagoverni gospodin" (Ćirković­
Ljubinković. Milošević and Tatić-Du­
rović 1969; p. 71. cat. no. 91; Ćirković
et al. 1970; pp. 384-385, fig. 28, 30;
pp. 398, 496-497, fig. 102-104).8
This piece of printing is also in-
teresting because some of the creatures
which appear amongst its leaf scrolls
Fig. 17b: Book page. printed at Cetinje. Crna
Gora. in the printing establishment of Đurađ
Crnojević. Oktoih petoglasnik. 1494.
are duplicated in similar poses on the
Ivan bowl. The design of this printed
page is derived from a popular type of
15th century Italian manuscript deco-
ration called "white-vine" (bianchi gi-
rari), and the feature of putti supporting
family arms seen between the two low-
er evangelist symbols is also a standard
feature of Italian manuscript fronti s-
pieces (Alexander 1977; p. 12, fig. V,
Pl. 5, '23, 25). It is further the case with
these manuscript frontispieces that
other motifs, such as animals and birds,
which appear are nearly always em-
blems specifically meaningful to a
courtly patron, and refer to knightly
orders, family connections and so on,
and thus far, the fact that the Ivan cup
decoration duplicates a number of the
cre~tures of the printed page frame,
which is so obviously made under the
influence of Italian manuscript fronti s-
pieces, would support a Crnojević at-
tribution for the cup. A problem arises
in connection with the double-headed
eagle, since it is clear that this was the
principal heraldic motif of Ivan Crno-
jević as well as of his son Đurađ, and
it does not appear on the cup where

8 lt might here be worth drawing attention to a bowl. not otherwise discussed in this paper since
it belongs to different design tradition. which has in the past given rise to problems of identification.
lt is the object often called "Dušan's plate" Narodni muzej, Beograd 2001 (Radojković 1962; p. 39.
figo X). It bears the inscription "Stephan's cr' u hriste blaver' ni". and has as almost its sole decoration
the double headed eagle. The "cr'" has generally been read as "car", and some connection made
with Czar (car) Dušan (1346-1355). Bojana RadojkoviĆ has noted (1966a; p. 33) that its style
suggests manufacture at a period somewhat after that of Dušan, and has suggested that it must be
connected with his memory, adding that since his name is given the form "Stepan", the bowl is
probably of coastal manufacture and that the bowl's style is appropriate to Kotor. It could however
be suggested that the Stepan in question be identified with Stefan Crnojević (1426-1464/5), the
father of Ivan, the "Cr'" being a short form of the name "Crnojević". We do not know for certain
that this Stepan used the double-headed eagle as his heraldic motif, but it was certainly used by his
son and grandson.

271
instead, a lion occupies the centre of
the medallion. However, the circum-
stances of Ivan's life were such that it
remains possible to claim the bowl for
him and at the same time explain both
the lion, and the bowl's rather "Bos-
nian" appearance, which has been re-
marked upon by Bojana Radojković.
Ivan spent more than ten years of his
early life at the court of Herceg Stjepan
Vukčić Kosača, to which he was sent
by his father as a hostage around 1441
(Ćirković et al. 1970; p. 196), and in
1469 he married the Herceg's daughter
Mara. Kosača cultural influence in fact
affected him throughout his life; this is
clear in his choice of design for the
tombstones ofhis parents at Kom Island
on Lake Skadar (figs. 17a, e). These
follow a type of tombstone pattern ing
characteristic of the Nikšić-Vilusi-Tre-
binje regions, and exhibit peculiarly Fig. 17c: Grave slab, Kom monastery, Lake
stylized rings on bands; the Kosača Skadar, erected by Ivan Crnojević to his mother,
Mara, 1464-1465.
were certainly the dominant cultural
force in that region (ibid; pp. 472-475, Although this suggestion ofIvan
496-497). I have previously mentioned Crnojević as the bowl's original owner
in connection with the Kosovo medaI- can only be made tentatively, it accords
lion that there is some evidence of Bos- better with the bowl's style features,
nian lords presenting their own heraldry from which incidentally Ottoman ele-
to their vassals, and that, perhaps be- ments are completely lacking, than the
cause there was a ritual drinking cere- suggestion of the very late 16th century
mony to cement fealty, such heraldry Vojvoda Ivan Banjanin, the other so-far
is apparent on the medallions of drink- suggested candidate. It should also be
ing bowls. There is reason to believe said that 'Bojana Radojković (1966a;
that the Kosača regarded the lion as pp. 130-131) has supported her 16th
their heraldic beast (Anđelić 1970; pp. century dating of the Ivan cup by claim-
72, 73). It can be suggested that the ing that the working ofthe animals cor-
bow} under discussion might have been responds closely to that on three other
given to Ivan Crnojević as a mark of cups; the cup of Metropolitan Viktor
his connection with the Kosača family. at Dečani, dated by inscription 1593,

272
and two cups which she ascribes to "the
sphere of Dubrovnik goldsmithery",
and dates to the 16th century - one,
from Savina monastery, she so dates
by implication; elsewhere (1960161; p.
12) she calls it 15th century. One can
only say in reply that, leaving aside the
facts that the Dečani cup contains many
Ottoman elements, so conspicuously
}acking on the Ivan item, and that the
other two cups are much too arbitrarily
dated to be very helpful, the differences
in the animal stylization are much more
striking than the (very slight) similari-
ties.
Fig. 18a: Bowl, silver repousse. engraved. attached print. Private collection oJZurab ekotov, USSR.
The Čkotov and
Hennitage Bowls
There is second bowl in this
group, which owes its basic design to
the radiating arcade idea, which I wish
to argue was the property of a promi-
nent Herzegovinian of the second half
of the fifteenth century. As with the
Ivan cup, it has been dated elsewhere
to a later period but lacks any trace of
Ottoman influence in its design. This
bowl, now in Russia, (fig. 18a) was
published in 1971 as in private owner-
ship (Postnikova-Loseva 1971; pp. 73,
74, fig. 6), and again in 1972/1973 as
273

Fig. 18b: Bowl, silver-gilt, repousse, .found in
kurgan no. 30, Belerečanski region, Kuban area,
the northern Caucasus. l5th century. Leningrad,
Hermitage (477).
in the collection of Zurab Čkotov (Ra-
dojković 197211973;pp. 28, 31,fig.11).
Postnikova-Loseva 's original sugges-
tion was that the bowl was Dubrovnik
work of the 15th century; Bojana Ra-
dojković, on the other hand, felt that
Dubrovnik was disqualified because of
the lack of control stamp and the pres-
ence of a Cyri1lic monogram on the
attached medallion, and dated the bowl
to the 16th or even 17th century (ibid;
p. 28). She felt that the composition
was too crowded and disorderly to be
15th century workmanship, motifs be-
ing "thickened", and ''just thrown on
the surface". Whilst Radojković 's ob-
servation that the lack of control stamp
excludes the possibility of the bowl's
being Dubrovnik work may be ac-
cepted, her further statement that the
Cyrillic monogram shows that it cannot
be coastal work cannot be accepted. It
simply is not true that anything made
274
in Dalmatia would necessarily use
Latin letters; it would depend entirely
on the patron for whom the object was
made. Dubrovnik, after all, had its own
style of Cyri1lic (Đorđić 1971; p. 149),
and any coastal town which had deal-
ings with the interior would certainly
be a possible source for Cyri1lic letters.
The characteristics of the decorative
style, which lead Radojković to assign
the bowl to a 16th or 17th century work-
shop of the Serbian interior (although
she cites no similar known Serbian
work of that period for comparison)
seem to me to reflect the influence of
a very distinct mid-15th century Italian
style.
The aesthetic of Italo-French
15th century naturalism, which I see as
a design influence on this bowl, was
contemporary with but different from
the ebullient Dalmatian sculptural re-
liefs of Juraj Dalmatinac and his school,
and made itself felt on carved wood
items and metal vessels (Lightbown
1978; pp. 82, 101-103, Pl. XVJ) and
equally in manuscript illumination
(figs. 19a, b) (Alexander 1977,fig. VI,
Fig. 19a: Liberale da Verona, initial letter.
Siena. Libreria Piccolomini. Graduale 28. 12,
Saint Martin,.f. 1011'., soon after the middle
l5th century.
VII. xv; Pls. 19, 20, 21). The style had
an element of the surreal, which is ap-
parent in the distortion of plant forms
when used as design frames, and is pre-
figure d in the extraordinary combina-
tions of architecture and foliage intro-
duced by the Lombard miniaturist and
sculptor Giovanni dei Grassi (died
1395) in the book of hours he illumi-
nated for Giangaleazzo Visconti
(Meiss, Kirsch 1972: BR 3, BR 48v, BR
9Ov, BR J08v, BR 145, etc), and devel-
oped by his various successors. An
initial letter (fig. 19a) from a mid 15th
century Italian manuscript (Siena, Li-
breria Piccolomini, Graduale 28, 12,
Saint Martin,f JOlv; Alexander 1977,
Fig. xv) shows just the type of very
crowded composition and fluidity be- Fig. 19c: Annunciation miniature, Hval manu-
tween plant forms and architectural script. Bosnia 1403.
forms which are so prominent features
of the Čkotov bow\. We can observe
the earlier phase of this Italian stylistic ration in the 15th century, and was
development already at work as an in- doubtless also carried to the Balkans.
fluence in Bosnia in the H val manu- Some evidence of the style affecting
script of 1403 (Bologna, BibI. univ. ms. even architectural design in the interior
3575 B,f 14v; Đurić 1957; pp. 39-51, can be seen on a bifora window sur-
figo 8); the Annunciation miniature of round at Castle Travnik, deep into Bos-
folio 13v has a good example of archi- nia (fig. 19d), (Anđelić 1973; p. 214),
tecture merging into plant forms (fig. where a medal-like profile portrait
19c). within· a ring (which reminds us that
This late gothic "surrealist" style
certainly affected French hanap deco-

Fig. 19b: Giorgio d'Alemagna, border decora-

tion, Bible o/Borso d'Este. Modena, Biblioteca
Estense, VGo 12 (Lat. 422-23), Vol. I.! 212r, Fig. 19d: Bifora window surround. Castle
mid-15th century. Travnik, 15th century.

275
the Dubrovnik medallist Pavko Antoni-
jević, who engaged in building and for-
tification design as well as golds-
mithery, and who worked as an assis-
tant to the sculptor Donatello in Italy
before returning to his native city, is
just the sort of figure through whom
this style might have been transmitted
from Italy to the Balkans) is flanked
by two plant forms surmounted by pod
or flower clusters. These plant forms
have their lowest leaves· curling up-
wards, rather than downwards, very
much as on the Čkotov bowl. The Trav-
nik carving is dated to about 1450 by
the short hairstyle and inner and outer
collar arrangement on the profile por-
trait which is, incidentally, suggestive
of a medal ofFederigo da Montefeltro,
(fig. Ige) which the above mentioned
Pavko Antonijević made in Italy in
1450, under his Italian name of Paolo
d' Antonio da Ragusa (Fisković 1949;
pp. 172-174). The Travnik work is not
particularly distinguished, and gives
the impression of being the work of a
local carver following a design supplied
by a more sophisticated artist.
Fig. 1ge: Pavko Antonijević or Paolo d 'Antonio
da Ragusa, bronze medal representing Federigo
da Montefeltro. 1450.
276
The basic composition ofthe Čko­
tov bowl (fig. ISa) in fact accords with
what we have previously discussed as
characteristics ofpre-conquest Bosnian
metalworking. A striking feature is its
strong geometrical design articulated
by areas of plain silver. Interestingly,
there are three petal-type shapes: a cin-
quefoil on the central medallion, which
is bounded by a circular wreath with
some nervure treatment; a hexafoil
which occupies the space between this
wreath and the circle defining the base
area; and an octofoil which takes up
the remaining space, i. e. the side wall
of the bowl. Directed outwards from
the base ring and inwards from the up-
per rim of the bowl are a series ofplain
scallops of the sort which featured so
prominentlyon the Sanko bowl already
discussed. On the other hand, the "ar-
caded" tradition is also strongly repre-
sented on the bowl, in the unmistakable
ogee shapes within the lobes of the vari-
ous multifoils. Although the derivation
from the arcaded style is very clear, the
representation of its elements is much
less "architectural" than is the case with
the Ivan cup; this is especially true of
the decoration of the side walls, where
the columns and arche s have become
very plantlike, in the way we have seen
to be characteristic of the Italian deco-
rative manner we have suggested as an
additional influence on the maker of
this bowl.
The insides of the various
"arches", and the spandrels which they
form with their bounding circles, are
decorated with an assortment of ebul-
liently worked motifs. The interior of
the medallion 's cinquefoil is taken up
with an explicit crossbow motiff1anked
by the Cyrillic letters BX (VB), and
tiny radiating forms occupy the span-
drels. The wreath surrounding the cen-
tral print has springing from it two large
leaves, which occupy two lobes of the
hexafoil, and a number of rings on
stems. Of the remaining lobes of the
hexafoil, three are occupied by rosettes
made of large raised circle s (such
circles also appear in the spandrels) and
the sixth lobe, the one immediately
above the central medallion when this
is viewed for reading the letters, is
occupied by a dog with a collar. The
lobes of the outer octofoil are occupied
alternately by fantastic plant forms and
more collared dogs, some in contorted
postures.
We have, it is hoped, already es-
tablished that this mixture oftraditional
geometry and fantastic decoration is a
possible style for a Herzegovinian
workshop of the mid- or later 15th cen-
tury. We should therefore now tum our
attention to the matter of the bowl's
ownership. Since there is no other sur-
viving bowl with such a preponderance
of dogs, and since a dog is placed im-
mediately above the personalizing cen-
tral medallion, it is reasonable to as-
sume that, if we can find someone with
the initials VH whose heraldic reper-
toire includes both a crossbow and a
collared dog, we shall have a likely
candidate.
There is an obvious suggestion
in the person of the prominent Herze-
govinian Vlach, Vojvoda Vukić Hra-
bren (died after August 1496; Hrabak
1956; pp. 35, 36). In his period, the
type of crossbow shown on the medal-
lion, which includes a version of the
cranking-mechanism for drawing the
string, known in English as "crick" and
in French as "cranequin", was being
made obsolete by the introduction of
firearms (this in itself, whilst not con-
clusive evidence of date, should make
us cautious of seeing the bowl as a late
16th or 17th century product). Vukić
Hrabren' s tombstone, a tall cross erec-
ted in the high mountains of Visočica
at Prokletnica (Vego III; p. 44, no. 176)
carries a motif of similar shape to the
bow on the bowl medallion. Visiting the
site in 1980, I found the stone too worn
to be able to state with certainty that
what is depicted is a crossbow, but this
does seem the most likely interpretation
of the shape which is clearly visible,
and which furthermore appears under
an ogee just as the bow on the bowl
does. As to the dogs, the evidence again
is suggestive, though not conclusive.
Isolated dogs, that is, not forming part
of hunting scenes, do appear on several
stećci within Hrabreni-Miloradovići
hereditary territory at Gornje Bare and
Gvozno, Kalinovik (Wenzel 1965, T
LXXIII, 1, 3, 4); further evidence con-
necting the territory with this family
will be presented in my forthcoming
book. Again, collared dogs are given
on "Hrabrenović-Miloradović" coats of
arms, both as crest and shield emblem,
in heraldic sources from after the Turk-
ish conquest (Bogićević 1952; p. 143;
Solovjev 1933; T. X 97). These sources
have to be treated with some caution
as the motives of their compilers were
not always of the pure st. However, as
knowledge from other sources in-
creases, they are being seen to be more
277
reliable than was once thought, espe-
cially in respect to the better-known
families.
As a result of all this, we can
say that Vojvoda Vukić Hrabren seems
the best candidate amongst Herzego-
vinian historical personages for the ori-
ginalowner of the Čkotov bowl. As
with previous items, though, we feel
that the bowl can be fairly conclusively
dated from its style characteristics, de-
spite the fact that the suggestion for
ownership must remain tentative. It is
Fig. 199: Tombstone, tall chestfrom Radimlja,
perhaps worth adding that later genera- Stolac, west end, detail.
tions of the Hrabreni-Mi1oradovići
emigrated to Russia, and from there
ration full-length figures, presumably
sent gifts ofmetalwork to the Orthodox
of the deceased, with a bow of much
Church in Herzegovina (Bogićević
simpIer style above their left shoulders,
1952; p. 154). This perhaps shows an
and above the other, near their raised
appreciation of metalwork, which
and enlarged right hands, hollowed out
would explain the careful preservation
circles, which might well represent
of our bowl, if it did indeed belong to
bowls (figs. 19f, g). This matter is men-
Vukić Hrabren. It is also interesting
tioned only brief1y here, since many
that other Hrabreni-Miloradovići tomb-
different interpretations have been
stones of the second half of the 15th
given for these circles, and the matter
century, at the famous Radimlja ne-
will be discussed at some length in my
cropolis, have as their principal deco-
forthcoming book on stećak decora-
tion; meanwhile, it is worth recalling
that as early as 1950, A. Benac sug-
gested that these circles, appearing on
the tombstones of vojvodas, might have
been a specific mark of that status
(Benac 1950; p. 31).
The final bowl to be discussed
in this group (fig. 18b) has many simi-
larities with the previous bowl. Of sil-
ver gilt, it was excavated from a kurgan
burial in the Belerečanski region of the
Fig. 19f: Tombstone, tall chestfrom Radimlja,
Stolac, west end. Vojvoda effigyfrom the Hra- North Caucasus and is now in the Her-
bren-Miloradovićfamily, later l51h century. mitage, Leningrad, no. 477 (Postnik-

278
ova-Loseva J971; p. 72. fig. 5; Ra-
dojković J972173; pp. 23. 24. fig. J).
Bojana Radojković. discussing this
bowl and the previous one together,
notes that they have many similarities,
but feels that whilst this Herrnitage
bowl can be dated to the 15th century,
the greater extravagance of the deco-
ration of the Čkotov bowl must mean
that it is substantially later. ln my view
she is correct in her dating of the Her-
mitage bowl. I have given above my
reasons for dating the Čkotov bowl to
the 15th century also, and would con-
clude that the greater extravagance of
the latter' s decoration (which seems to
me to be accompanied by a superior
technical skill, insofar as one can make
such judgements from photographs) is
simply an indication of a greater meas-
ure of influence from contemporary Ital-
ian work. The points of correspondence
between the two works are numerous:
in both examples the decoration of the
base area consists of a hexafoil pattern
with internal decorations around a
wreathed central medallion; in both this
is in tum surrounded by an octofoiI
pattern, the internal decoration of
whose lobes alternates creatures and
plant forms; and both exhibit shallow
versions of the Sanko bowl-type scal-
loping around the rim. Unfortunately,
the central print is missing from the
Hermitage bowl, so we have no means
of know ing whether it was once per-
sonalized to its owner.
The differences between the two
bowls seem to be more of treatment
than of style. For example, the nervure
treatment is more complete, each of the
lobes of the hexafoil decoration con-
taining a plant form which sprouts from
the wreath once surrounding the centr~l
print; the decorated areas in the lobes
of the octofoil are separated by bands
of plain silver, whereas on the Čkotov
bowl, a narrow band of decoration is
in most instances worked between the
lobes down to the ring of outwardly
turne d scallops; and as a result of this
latter feature, the Hermitage bowl ar-
cading does seem somewhat more "ar-
chitectural" than that on the Čkotov
bowl, additional emphasis to the archi-
tectural conception being given on the
former by the echo ing of the three leaf
groups from the hexafoil's spandrels
as pendants from the spandrels of the
octafoil. The plant forms on the Her-
mitage bow1, being s1ightly less fantas-
tic and Italianate than those on the Čko­
tov bowl, resemble even more closely
those on the Travnik window surround
already discussed (fig. 19d). Perhaps
the most striking difference between
the two bowls is that where the Her-
mitage example is obviously worked
to a formula, so that, for instance, each
outer spandrel contains a double pal-
mette ending in the three-leafed pen-
dant already mentioned and each lobe
of the hexafoil contains a rather similar
plant form springing from the wreath,
on the Čkotov bowl these ideas appear
just once or twice, and the remaining
corresponding areas are filled, or
treated, quite differently. This differ-
ence, although it certainly implies a
greater exuberance on the part of the
Čkotov craftsman, does not imply a sig-
nificantly later date for his work.
279
 Most of the Balkan silver bowls
in museums throughout the world date
from the 16th century or later; of the
exceptions, those discussed in this
paper (all except one of which I believe
to date from the 14th and 15th centu-
ries) can be connected with the Bosnia-
Herzegovinian sphere and carry fea-
tures which seem not to appear on Ser-
bian metalwork in the period before the
Turkish conquest. Many of the later
bowls, however (twelve of which, in-
cidentally, are in the Victoria and Al-
bert Museum, London, unashamedly
bearing the label "Russian" at the date
of writing) carry on the "arcaded" struc-
ture in one form or another. As well as
the rather severe example s where the
arcades are filled with saints (fig. 16e),
(Šakota 1981; pp. 76-81) or occasion-
ally with beasts (figs. 16d, 16t), (Kara-
mehmedović 1980; pp. 30, 31, figo 4)
there are a number with less restrained,
more sinuous arcades reminiscent of
those on the Čkotov and Hermitage
bowls, the style of which remains rec-
ognizable despite numerous Ottoman
and even 18th century baroque addi-
tions. In discussions of post-conquest
"Serbian" metalwork, this is often de-
scribed as a Herzegovinian style, with
the implication that it burst into being
there under combined Ottoman and
Dalmatian stimulus during the period
immediately after the conquest, when
Herzegovina was a politic ally undis-
turbed backwater, and repository of Old
Serbian tradition, enjoying a fruitful
calm, whilst the brunt of Turkish mili-
tary activity was directed north, against
still-unconquered areas (Radojković
280
1966a; pp. 55-57, 61,91,92). We hope
to have shown, as a result of this dis-
cussion, that this style had antecedents
in the pre-conquest period, when Her-
zegovina was part ofthe Bosnian King-
dom, and indeed, was a facet of a dis-
tinct Bosnian Kingdom style, drawing
on influences from France, Italy and
Hungary, and traceable in metalwork,
architecture, tombstone design and
manuscript i1lumination.
A Bowl in Zagreb
All the metalwork items so far
discussed in this paper have previously
appeared in the literature, some many
times. The last bowl I want to mention
has not, so far as I know, been pre-
viously published. It is in the collection
of the Akademija znanosti i umjetnosti,
Zagreb, and I was recently able to ex-
amine it there along with the bowl bear-
ing a Dubrovnik control stamp which
I have already briefly mentioned (see
note 6). Thanks are due to the authori-
ties at the Academy for their kindness
and cooperation in making these bowls
available for study.
The bowl under discussion (fig.
20) is again of "hanap" shape, and its
centre bulges upwards, rather in the
manner of those undecorated metal
bowls ofthe same size which are shown
hur1ed to the ground in the third episode
ofBoticelli' s "Wedding ofNastagio de-
gli Onesti", painted in 1483 and now
in the Prado, Madrid (fig. 21a). The
diameter of the bowl is 13.3 cm, and
its height, 3.2 cm. The inside of the
bowl was once gilded, though little of
 a.

C.

Fig. 20: Bowl, silver gilt, repDusse, engraved. Diameter J3.3 cm, height 3.2 cm. Zagreb, Akademija
znanosti i umjetnosti; three views.

this now remains. In its decoration, the
bowl continues some elements of the
Čkotov and Hermitage bowl style, but
combines them with obvious north Dal-
matian elements and some new Italian
features. Its particular blend of deco-
ration suggests that it may have been
made by a craftsman in Hungarian con-
trolled Bosnia, perhaps inland from
Zadar around Livno, shortly before that
territory fell to Ottoman occupation. At
that period (i. e., the very late 15th or

281

Fig. 21a: Panel painting/or a cassone, detail.
Boticelli, Wedding o/Nastagio degli Onesti, third
episode, 1483. Madrid, Prado.
early 16th century), Turkish motifs
were already beginning to combine
with the traditional patterning in the
occupied Balkans.
The working of the side wall of
the bowl recalls the Čkotov and Her-
mitage bowls in that it is treated as an
arcade of ten arches, partially filled
with two types of design used alter-
nately; an interesting difference is that
one type of design, a tight, fish-scale
pattern, fins only the lower halves of
the arches it occupies leaving the upper
portions quite plain, whilst the other
design type, which is an undulating
plant form including heart-shaped ele-
ments, occupies a larger amount of its
arch spaces, and it is completely sur-
rounded with ring-matting. The base
area of the bowl has a treatment rather
different from the other arcaded bowls
here discussed. There is no second ar-
caded or geometric form and there is
no central print; instead the base is oc-
cupied by a large free design featuring
a deer with large antlers standing out
from a textured ground of ring-matting,
and beneath the deer and curving up in
front of it, a row of the same plant
forms with heart-shaped elements
282
which occupy half of the arcades on
the bowl wall (figs. 20a, b).
Another feature of the bowl
which distinguishes it from the others
we have discussed is that although its
essential decoration has been worked
from beneath and engraved from above
as usual, a degree of extra decoration
has been added to the outside and un-
derneath of the bow!. On the bottom
of the bowl, engraved lines greatly
strengthen the shape of the deer, and
these seem to have been filled with a
niello-like substance (fig. 20e). It
should perhaps be said that the idea of
making the outside of a bowl as inter-
esting to look at as the inside is often
taken up on the later Ottoman bowls,
but achieved by different means; gen-
erally an extra piece of decorated metal
was added to the bottom (Raby 1982;
p. 22, fig. 5).
Three design components which
can be traced elsewhere contribute to
the decoration of this bowl: the arcad-
ing itselfwhich we have already argued
is observable in middle and later 15th
century Bosnian work, although it has
a longer history; the heart-shaped leaf
patterning which seems to originate in
early 15th century Zadar metalwork-
ing; and the characteristic fish-scale
motif, which here is probably copied
from maiolica of Faenza made from
1470 to 1500, although its origin is in
China.
The degree to which the bowl's
arcading corresponds with that of the
earlier bowls has already been men-
tioned, although we should add that the
scallop border is also present in residual
form on our Zagreb bowl, surrounding

Fig. 2Ib: Reliquary arm of St. Donatus, 1414,
detail, silver-gilt repousse. Zadar, Cathedral
treasury.
the base area; it is more irregular than
the previous examples, the lobes vary-
ing in shape and size, The heart-shaped
foliage motif is doubtless a transforma-
tion of the well-known Bolognese style
of manuscript foliage; the earliest sur-
viving example of its metalwork styli-
zation seems to be on the reliquary arm
of St. Donatus of 1414 in the Treasury
of Zadar Cathedral (Krleža, Grčić, Gr-
čević 1972; p. 92). This reliquary arm
(:fig. 21b) was manufactured in Zadar
and donated by Anton Marušić, chap-
Iain of the fraternity of St. James. On
both the reliquary arm and the Zagreb
bowl this motif appears, as a plain silver
area against a background of ring-
matting, and doesn 't have any internal
delineation. The origin of the fish-scale
pattern is the so-called "breaking-
wave" in 14th century Chinese porce-
Iain (Carswe1l1982; p. 83, Pls. 75-77).
Of the various "breaking-wave" deriva-
tives in the western and Islamic
spheres, the versions on 16th and 17th
century Iznik pottery retain many of
the features of the original, whilst the
Italian versions found in Faenzan
maiolica of the period are greatly si-
mplified fish-scale patterning divorced
from the other elements of their Chi-
nese context. In some Faenza plates
commissioned by the King of Hungary
between 1480 and 1500, of which frag-
ments have been excavated from Buda
castle (Gerevich 1971, PI. CXXXL 340,
341, 343), there are circular bands of
fish-scale decoration (:fig. 21e). lt is
undoubtedly from these Faenza models
that the craftsmen who made our Zag-
reb bowl have taken the pattern; the
use of segments of the pattern within
Fig. 2 t e: Maiolica plate commissioned Jor the
King of Hungary, 1480-1500. RestoredJrom
Jragments. Budapest, Buda Castle Museum.
283
arche s is perhaps a specifically Balkan
compromise.
The bowl is much harder to date
conclusively than any of the others we
have discussed. It obviously cannot be
earlier than the end of the 15th century
because of its peculiar conjunction of
design elements, and the period of the
end of the 15th and beginning of the
16th century is the most likely for the
origin of its decorative style. Whether
this actual example was made then or
perhaps a little later (it could, for in-
stance, have been made by a craftsman
who emigrated from the Livno region
and practice d somewhere north where
the pattern, free from Turkish influ-
ence, was carried on) is something we
would not wish to be dogmatic about.
Nonetheless, since if our bowl had been
made later than the 16th century, either
around Livno or further north, the
craftsman would have been subject to
Turkish (on the one hand) or baroque
(on the other) influences and in fact
there is no trace of either in the bowl's
design, we can have some degree of
confidence in a late 15th or 16th century
dating. Certainly, comparable forms of
arcading and fish-scale decoration
within them can be found on Ottoman
metalwork, but in all probability as an
example of Bosnian influence; I have
not been able to find any truly compa-
rable heart-shaped plant forms in that
repertoire (Feher, Ko'§ay 1966; Kara-
mehmedović 1980).
That there was a massive min-
gling of styles in Balkan metalworking
after the Ottoman conquest is well
known, and has been much commented
upon. What I wish to suggest is that a
284
distinct Bosnian Kingdom metalwork-
ing style had been evolved before the
conquest, and this has not been widely
recognized. Since the cultural unity of
Bosnia and Herzegovina in the days of
the Bosnian Kingdom is also largely
unrecognized (with the exception of
Bosnian Church manuscripts and the
stećak phenomena), writers who have
allowed a contribution for Herzegovin-
ian motifs in the formulation of later
Ottoman design have failed to realize
their Bosnian Kingdom origin; indeed
they have sometimes claimed that Sara-
jevo metalworking after the conquest
made an entirely fresh start with wholly
Ottoman material; that no link with pre-
vious Bosnian metalworking was main-
tained. This latter notion has been
shown to be erroneous by Muhamed
Karamehmedović (1980; pp. 66-85).
Another opinion sometimes maintained
is that where there was no racial or
religious unity, there could be no cul-
tural unity sufficiently strong to pro-
duce anything distinctive; thus, though
it could not be denied that there was a
Bosnian Kingdom and that there was
a Bosnian Church, it was felt that since
there was no "Bosnian nation", there
could be no Bosnian style in a racial
or religious sense. One can only say
that the facts seem to prove otherwise;
nor incidentally, can one so lightly dis-
regard the implications of the multi-
ethic, multi-religious stećak phenome-
non.
Obviously a major factor that has
led to the neglect of the Bosnian con-
tribution to Balkan metalworking has
been the, on my view, misdating of
several major items (the Stobi bowl,
the Temska bowl, the Ivan cup, the
Čkotov bowl); in a number of inf1uen-
tial works these have been correctly
assigned to Herzegovina, but dated af-
ter the period of the Ottoman conquest
for that territory, that is, to a period
when the Bosnian Kingdom no longer
existed, and could thus be ignored as
a source of design inspiration.
lt is possible that at least one of
the late datings proposed simply results
from insufficient experience of the pe-
culiarities of l5th century "realism" as
it affected metalwork, a subject which
has only been recently explored (Light-
bawn 1978; pp. 100-109); much con-
fusion has prevailed in the past between
this "late gothic" realism and the later
naturalistic Renaissance style. What-
ever the reason for the late dates pro-
posed, they have brought a number of
major items of in my view, Bosnian
Kingdom metal work into a period when
Serbian monasteries and churches had
largely replaced private individuals as
Christian metalworking patrons within
Turkish-occupied South Slav lands,
with the result that these items have
generally been seen simply as examples
of Serbian-style metalwork. I hope I
have been able to establish the charac-
teristics of a distinctive Bosnian metal-
working style; if this style could be
more accurately defined as Bosnian
Kingdom period Herzegovinian, then
the situation is little different from that
of the major recognized late-medieval
Bosnian art contribution, the stećak, the
major decorated examples of which,
with a few exceptions, are also found
in Herzegovina, and date from that
period. No-one, of course, has at-
tempted to claim stećak art as Serbian.
In fact it seems to me that tomb-
stone art and the manufacture of silver
and silver-gilt bowls to some degree
went hand in hand. Both seem to in-
volve the popularization of courtly art
forms, and both developed outside the
royal sphere in the l5th century as a
result of the shift of power from the
king to regional overlords. ln my view,
most of the l5th century bowls here
described are cultural products of the
pro vinci al courts such as the Kosača,
but these doubtless would not have
looked as they do had they not been
preceded by items stemming from the
royal courts, themselves perhaps pro-
duced in imitation of l4th century
Franco-Hungarian style gifts.
285
Four Decorated Steles: The Influence of Islam
on Bosnian Funerary Monuments
t he karst valleys and hills of
Bosnia and Herzegovina are notable for
the limes tone strata which made pos-
sible the production of imposing mono-
lithic grave markers over a long period
of time. The most impressive ones are
outdoor monuments which date from
the period between the onset of a pro-
longed outbreak of plague in Bosnia,
in the middle of the fourteenth century,
and the end of the fifteenth century -
an era which embraces the introduction
of Islam to the region. This paper is
concerned with only one fifteenth-
century type of monument, but the
whole subject of medieval Bosnian
tombstones has been so widely misun-
derstood that some brief general com-
ments about their development are ap-
propriate and necessary at the outset.
I use the name "Bosnia" to mean
broadly the territory of the medieval
Bosnian state, which covered virtually
the same area as the modem republic
of Bosnia in the former Yugoslavia.
The name "Herzegovina" was given to
part of this territory by the Turks in the
fifteenth century as a reminder that it
had been previously held by a Bosnian
duke or herzeg - one Stjepan Vukčić
- whose land they had appropriated.
Two basic types of grave monu-
ment were produced in Bosnia during
the period under discussion, a time
when the newly developed metal trade
had boosted the previously meagre
economy of the region to such an extent
that the better-off inhabitants could in-
dulge in ostentatious tombstones. The
first type was a horizontal, chest- or
sarcophagus-shaped monument, some-
times mounted upon a broader but flat-
ter version of itself. The second, much
less common, type was a narrow up-
right form - the stele in fact. Simple
versions of both forms are found from
the twelfth century onwards. The stele-
type is the specific subject of this paper
and will be studied here in four well-
dated - and obviously Islamic-
influenced - fifteenth-century exam-
ples, from both before and after the
final defeat of the Bosnian Kingdom
by the Ottoman Turks in 1463. The
stele is, of course, a characteristically
Islamic type of grave marker (in Bosnia
called nišan); nevertheless the suppo-
sition, which has become a common-
287
place, that the adoption of the form in
Bosnia was purely a matter of Turkish
influence, is not the whole truth. A
more complicated pattern of influences
can be seen at work.
The prototypes of both forms of
monument - in the twelfth to fourteenth
centuries - were mostly erected inside
churches, over the graves of members
of the local nobility who had donated
the churches in the hope of eternai sal-
vation. $9metimes such a noble would
ordei ~ tombat()ne for himself during
his lifetime, though more often it was
ordered by a family member after his
death. Sometimes a single monument
would serve for several members of a
family. All this continued to be true in
the succeeding period. Interestingly,
these forms of grave marker, though
distinctively regional, were common to
adherents of both Catholic and Ortho-
dox Christianity, as inscriptions make
clear.
The earliest outdoor tombstones
which have something of the stele form
- in the sense ofbeing rectangles stand-
ing on one of their narrow sides - are
thirteenth-century Serbian-Orthodox
monuments, inscribed with texts but
without other decoration, of which one
is still in situ outdoors at Vidoštak near
Stolac, Herzegovina (Vego 1964; pp.
JO, 11, no. 53). These predate both the
takeover of eastern Herzegovina by the
Catholic rulers of central Bosnia in the
fourteenth century and the plague
period which saw the main up surge in
the erection of outdoor tombstones in
the region. The odd feature about these
early outdoor stones, one not found re-
288
peated later on, is that whereas the nor-
mal stele-type monument stands on one
of its short narrow sides, they stand on
one of the long narrow sides. This al-
lows for an extended inscription of the
kind found on chest-shaped Orthodox
monuments in the same region at a later
date (Tomović 1974; p. 40, nos. 14, 15).
The kinds of tombstone which
most people nowadays think of as char-
acteristically Bosnian - that is, inevi-
tably, the kinds best known from the
tourist literature - are the large deco-
rated monuments of normal chest
shape, and the much taller chest form,
also highly decorated, which combines
qualities of a coffer and of a rectangular
slab stood on its narrow side. For a
long time this same tourist literature
perpetuated a myth strongly propagated
by the Austro-Hungarian infiltrators of
Bosnia during the later nineteenth cen-
tury, namely that such monuments were
specific to the members of a (heretical)
Bosnian Church, ludicrously called Bo-
gomils by a wholly inappropriate ex-
tension from the Bulgarian dualist sect
of that name (see: Malcolm 1994; pp.
27-31). My researches over many years
have established that the Bosnian
Church - whatever its nature - had
nothing to do with the evolution or style
of these chest-shaped tombstones, al-
though several of its members were
buried under later versions of the type.
The earliest decorated Bosnian
tombstones are mostly coffer-shaped
objects which can be seen as a local
variant of the European effi gy-tomb as
it was employed elsewhere during the
fourteenth century. The Bosnian variant
generally has a two-dimensional por-
trait of the deceased on one end, rather
than a three-dimensional one on the
top, as was usual further west. Moum-
ers are often depicted dancing around
the sides, and there are also scenes of
activities favoured by the deceased dur-
ing his life, or sometimes a repre-
sentation of his funeral cortege.
In my view, this style of tomb-
stone was originally specially adapted
to appeal to Bosnian taste by a migrant
carver - or several - probably from
Italy, who worked at the behest of the
Hungarian leadership. Bosnia during
that period was first a client state of
Hungary, and then a banate under loose
Hungarian rule, and Hungary wanted
to extend its boundaries to include the
Serbian-held land south-east of the
Neretva (that is, the eastern Herzego-
vina of today). This was achieved by
turning the allegiance of the local no-
bles, and fashionable carved tomb-
stones were, I think, among the rewards
for those who changed sides.
The earliest tombstones in this
style, which are also the most sophis-
ticated, date to the years between 1326
and 1355, and are mainly in Orthodox
Herzegovina. They all have the same
armorial carving as part of their deco-
ration - very probably the arms of Bos-
nia as a banate of Hungary. (Wenzel
1982; pp. 57. 63-8; figs. 8-10). After
this period, local carvers seem to have
taken up this imported style, which be-
came much more rustic in their hands
over the years; they soon substituted
newly invented, regional "heraldry" for
the original standard forms.
A word must now be said about
the Bosnian Church, the source of so
much confusion. It seems that the in-
stitution, such as it was, emerged at
some point during the thirteenth cen-
tury as the result of an attempt on the
part of the nobles of mainly Catholic
Bosnia to create an independent na-
tional church, parallel with the inde-
pendent quasi-Orthodox church which
Serbia succeeded in setting up for itself
at around the same time. This Bosnian
Church - which in matters of ecclesi-
astical architecture, ritual forms, and
clerical lifestyles, mixed all kinds of
Catholic and Orthodox, priestly and
monastic, qualities - was much less
successful as a functional institution
than the Serbian one.
While the Serbian Church was
tolerated and even accepted by the Or-
thodox patriarch in Constantinople, the
Bosnian Church was not accepted by
the popes. They called it heretical, and
other names an well, and they sanc':
tioned the Hungarians to crusade
against it when the latter were in un-
friendly or aggrandizing moods (Fine
1975; passim; Fine 1987; pp. 147-
-148). Nevertheless, the papacy seems
to have known nothing of its actual
doctrinal stance, in so far as it had one,
and the accusations of heresy - brand-
ing it with the usual dualist names -
were the standard anes against any
group seeking independence from
Rome, whatever its beliefs. They pro-
vide no reason for assuming any philo-
sophical sophistication on the part of
the church' s founders, still less for see-
ing them as seething neo-Manichees
289
with a passion for incorporating arcane
clues as to their strange beliefs in the
iconography of their grave monuments
- the standard view of the first half of
the twentieth century, amazingly
enough.
Although the Bosnian Church
had monasteries, and representatives at
noble courts, it was ill-organized and
made few converts amongst the ordi-
nary people. Most Bosnians were not
adherents; they simply saw themselves
as Catholic or Orthodox, depending
upon where they lived. A few were
devout, thinking Christians, but it has
to be said that the vast majority were
more superstitious than religious at that
time, preferring secular pursuits - chi-
vairic societies and toumaments, and
banditry, depending on their stations in
life - to the serious cultivation of any
established religion. Only one Bosnian
ruler of the period can fairly certainly
be said to have been a member of the
Bosnian Church. This was King Ostoja,
who reigned from 1398 to 1404, and
from 1409 to 1418 (Fine 1987; p. 459);
the others were Catholics of a vague
sort (Fine 1975; pp. 222, 274). In fact,
the first well-structured religion ever
to take root in Bosnia was Islam, and
all the recorded converts to that religion
who are now precisely identifiable had
been either Catholic or Orthodox,
rather than members of the Bosnian
Church (Fine 1975; p. 385) .
To retum now to the considera-
tion of medieval Bosnian tombstone
art, I want to look at four stele-form
monuments from this critical period of
transition, and to demonstrate the
290
mingling oflslamic and Western influ-
ences in their forms. The first was in
fact made during the reign ofthe above-
mentioned King Ostoja and is, I think,
one of the very few objects which can
be seen unequivocally as an example
of the art of the Bosnian Church (fig. l).
All these examples of Bosnian Church
art can be related to members of the
nobility or to wealthy churcbmen, and
almost all of them seem to date from
around the time of King Ostoja. This
first stele is both eclectic and highly
inventive in style, as is the best of Bos-
nian art over the succeeding centuries:
a natural result of Bosnia's position at
a frontier between European and East-
ern religions and cultures. The stele was
made at a time when Mamluk art had
influenced artisans in Italy and the Ad-
riatic sphere, and it incorporates ideas
from that quarter, rather than from the
Ottoman repertoire, to create an abso-
lutely new form of Christian monu-
ment.
The Stele of Vuk or
Vojslav Vukčić
Hrvatinić; 1401
The unique object known as the
Zgošća stele (fig. 1) at present stands
unprotected in the courtyard of Bosnia
and Herzegovina's Territorial Museum
(Zemaljski muzej) in Sarajevo. The
museum has been under constant bom-
bardment during the recent war. How-
ever, the stele had sustained only slight
damage from shell fire when I was last
able to inspect it in June 1993.
 Together with many other inter-
esting tombstones from all over the
country, the stele had been moved to
Sarajevo from its original site in the
earlier part of the present century, to
form part of a sort of study collection;
it was moved there from Donja Zgošća,
Fig. 1: The Zgošća stele (Zemaljski Muzej Sarajevo). West, south, east, and north sides.
on the periphery of Kakanj in central
Bosnia. The site was mid-way between
two royal castles, Babovac and
Kraljeva Sutjeska, in the locality
known as Crkvina ("old church") on
the Kakanj-Zgošća road. Here the stele
had towered over four other grave
,
, Tj ,'I' '\
-,...-..-.-
291
markers of more familiar shape, the
group of five being near the remaining
foundations of a small church. There
is no evidence that any other closely
similar tombstone was ever made in
Bosnia.
The stele is 242 cm. tall, and is
cut from the same fine-grained tufa as
was used for the architectural ornamen-
tation of the nearby castle of Kraljeva
Sutjeska (Anđelić 1973; p. 179). It is
designed as a block set upon a stem set
in tum upon a base. The top and bottom
elements are rectangular, while the nar-
rower stem - carved in one piece with
the base - has twelve sides (Wenzel
1965; pls. I, 14; XIII, 13; XXXVIII, 31;
LXXV, 5; Asboth 1890; p. 123). A
cable-cord ornament frames each face
of the uppermost block; at the top of
each framed area is a horizontal in-
scription panel, and below it an area of
decoration.
This monument has had an in-
teresting and alarming history of inter-
pretation, and since it has sometimes
appeared in the literature with a date
different from the one I am proposing
for it, a few lines need to be devoted
to this. The stele has been studied by
various experts, including myself, over
the years, and on the basis of several
very differing reports one has to con-
clude that the inscription must have
been defaced after it was first read by
the Austrian propagandist and archae-
ologist, Ćiro Truhelka, at the beginning
of the present century. Truhelka - writ-
ing however in a Croatian publication
of 1942 (that is, in the middle of the
Second World War) - claimed that he
had read a complete inscription on the
292
stele, and a partial one involving the
name "Stjepan" on the massive coffer-
shaped monument originally placed
nearby, which is also now in the mu-
seum courtyard in Sarajevo (Bešlagić
1982; p. 169,fig. 42; p. 333, figo 148).
As a result of what he said he had read,
he claimed that these monuments re-
lated to the Bosnian ruler, ban Stjepan
Kotromanić (1316-1353) - the founder
of the dynasty whose later members
were the Bosnian kings calle4 Tvrtko
- and to some ofhis relatives; including
a Tvrtko who, Truhelka felt, was cer-
tainly the figure who was Stjepan's im-
mediate successor as ban from 1353 to
1377, and who went on to rule as king
from 1377 to 1391 (Truhelka 1942/1991;
pp. 635-6; Bešlagić 1967; p. 97).
It was, however, the privately
held view of several Bosnian archae-
ologists who worked more recently at
the Zemaljski muzej that, whatever in-
scriptions had once been legible on
these two important monuments from
Zgošća, they had been deliberately de-
faced at some point by the Austro-
Hungarian authorities. This view was
expressed to me personally by two emi-
nent scholars, Dr Pavao Anđelić and
Dr Đuro Basler, but neither would ven-
ture an exact opinion as to why it might
have been done. There is an explanation
easily to hand, however, if one starts
by investigating the possibility that
Truhelka badly wanted to claim, for
some reason, that ban Stjepan and the
first King Tvrtko were buried at Zgoš-
ća, under these stones, but found that
in reality the inscriptions on them did
not support the contention.
 It was very much in the interests
of the Austro-Hungarian contingent
seeking to extend its influence in Bos-
nia at around the turn of the century to
discourage any mood of pan-Slavic as-
piration among the country's inhabi-
tants. Unfortunately, they had pre-
viously rather encouraged such aspira-
tions, promoting the Bogomil myth to
suggest the Bosnians' spiritual close-
ness to the Bulgarians, at a time when
their main interest was to be rid of the
Turks. One way of now undermining
the "all-Slavs-together" feeling which
- the Turks gone - no longer suited the
Austrians, because many Bosnians saw
it as a reason for linking more closely
with the other South Slav kingdoms
than with Austria-Hungary itself, was
to encourage the myth of the stand-
alone heretical Bogomils as the foun-
ders of a truly separatist Bosnian na-
tionalism, and to identify them with the
later Muslim population in particular,
claiming that these Bogomils had con-
verted en mass e, and with great relief,
to Islam as soon as the Ottomans had
arrived. By then seeming to favour the
aspirations of the Muslim group, an ef-
fective divide-and-rule strategy was put
in place.
In 1909, however, just after the
illegal and unpopular annexation of
Bosnia by Austria-Hungary in 1908,
some Austrian archaeologists almost
accidentally discovered remains that
were probably those of both Stjepan
and Tvrtko I, and at any rate almost
definitely those of the latter. The dis-
coveries were made - most inconven-
iently - inside a Franciscan church, in
a royal vault, and under a coffer-shaped
tombstone of the sort the Austro Hun-
garian propaganda had strongly adver-
tised as "Bogomilian" - that is, created
by members of a heretical and anti-
Catholic sect, people who, they
claimed, abhorred all church buildings
and the symbol of the cross itself, and
only buri ed their dead outdoors; people
who - in their fierce Protestant stance
- were the actual and spiritual ancestors
of all Bosnian Muslims.
It now appears that everything
to do with this excavation was sub-
sequently destroyed, concealed, or mis-
labeled, and the resulting smoke -
screen has been maintained for a variety
of political reasons up until this present
war (Wenzel 1993; pp. 127-31, 140-1).
So it might well be that Ćiro Truhelka,
as spokesman for the Austro-Hungarian
interest, decided that graves should be
found at outdoor sites for these impor-
tant figures, who to accord with the
theory being propounded would have
to have been Bogomils, and to have
behaved as good Bogomils should. He
would then have sought the most ex-
traordinary and richly carved outdoor
tomb stones - fit for kings and their
relatives - as part of the smoke-screen,
and I fear that he himself probably
erased any inscription material on them
which would have definitely contra-
dicted his thesis. He certainly counted
on general ignorance to assist in the
acceptance of his written account.
Truhelka' s reading, connecting
the stele with the Bosnian ban Stjepan,
does not accord at all with what sur-
vives of the inscription as deciphered
by the Bosnian scholar Šefik Bešlagić
(1967; p. 97). The letter-shapes seen
293
on the inscription are in fact all to be
found in documents or carvings dating
from around 1400, that is, to the time
of King Ostoja. The epigraphy cannot
be discussed in detail here, but many
factors combine to suggest that the de-
ceased commernorated by the stele was
either Vuk or Vojslav Hrvatinić. These
two men were brothers of Duke Hrvoje
Vukčić Hrvatinić - the greatest Bos-
nian landowner of his time, and indeed
a member of the Bosnian Church, as
were all the members of his family.
Both brothers disappear from the
sources in 1401, at which date Vuk
certainly died. The deceased is unlikely
to have been Dragiša Hrvatinić, another
brother, as Bešlagić suggested, because
that name, although it does appear on
the stone, is not sufficiently near the
beginning of the inscription to be its
real subject.
Another series of pointers, inci-
dentally, leads one to believe that
Hrvoje himself was buried under the
associated, heavily ornamented coffer-
-shaped stone. He had certainly been
awarded the nearby town of Kakanj by
King Stefan Dabiša on 13 April 1392,
so it is not an unlikely place for him
to be buri ed.
Returning to the form and deco-
ration of the Zgošća stele, we find a
strange contrast. The shape of the
monument is very much that of certain
Mamluk steles in Egypt (see: Mazalić
1950) - Bosnia was in close trading
contact with Egypt at the time - though
a more f10rid example of the type is a
western Anatolian ste le from Ayasoluk,
an early Ottoman town near old Ephe-
sus, which can be dated around AD
294
1400 on paleographical evidence (P.
Wittek, personal communication); this
is now in the museum at Smyrna.
If the form of the monument
looks Mamluk, however, the decora-
tion does not. In fact, the strange, seem-
ingly abstract ornament on the Zgošća
stele - initially perplexing, because of
the intrusion of two fish - can be easily
seen as imitating the binding and page
decorations of a religious book, ele-
vated upon a lectern, and here the mod-
els are Christian.
A large X, like the one which
appears central to the composition on
the highly ornamented upper west face,
where the inscription begins, is a motif
appropriate to Balkan bookbinding of
the relevant date, and can be seen, for
instance, on the stamped leather bind-
ing of the early fifteenth-century Ser-
bian Orthodox Đurisko Gospels. (Mi-
lošević J980; cat. no. JJ3). Its ultimate
source is in Coptic-Egyptian bookbind-
ing, which from the eleventh century
to the thirteenth features patterns based
on an X, often with additional horizon-
tal bands above and below the main
design, just as on this stele and the
Đurisko bookbinding (The Christian
Orient, Pl. 8; Arts of Islam, Pl. 524).
The decorative shapes formed as
columns with prominent capitals and
bases, incised on the north and south
sides of the stele's stem, imitate the
lectern on which the book of this
scheme rests; if the west side of the
upper block represents a decorated
book cover, actual pages of a book are
suggested on the decorative rectangles
on its north, east, east, and south sides.
These are modeled on the page layouts
of such Bosnian religious books as the
so-called "Hvalov zbornik" (fig. 2), an
illustrated Gospel now in Bologna pro-
duced for Duke Hrvoje Vukčić by Krst-
janin Hval of the Bosnian Church in
1404 (Đurić 1957; p. 43, fig. 26; Fine
1975; p. 81).
~'~
north side they are left empty. The east
side is completely covered with de-
signs, and so represents, one would say,
an illustration page of a manuscript
rather than a text page; the plaited
loaves and the fishes, in combination
with a chalice, are arguably a reference
to one of Christ's miracles (Bešlagić
1982; pp. 282, 283, fig. Ill). Lastly
we can see that the ornamental circles
which also appear on the stele probably
derive from the groups of such circles
which appear above the headpiece on
some pages of books like the "Hvalov
zbornik" (fig. 2). Thus, a purely Islamic
form of monument has been decorated

b..........,-..-..
, ....
.......
...............
". ......
,-~

....-.vr..~
------~
~
with imagery derived from Christian
service books .
.... -~
.... d ........... ...,..,

~--------f
/"""'-----; The Ste1e of Mahmut
_----
t,.. .... .-r-"..,..,......
t"E~,.,,.,...,....~ I
~.-"............. Branković; 1471-1485
"-""'...,........,.
.....
...... .. ,.
........
----
-~
~.,.,.. With the increase of Islamic in-
:10.-_-"
.....
~. ~,,..-
lo ___ • '"7"--1
.....
fluence in Bosnia during the fifteenth
century, the stele-form adopted a dif-
f~~:
...... -. - - . .,
ferent, more characteristically Otto-
man, less Mamluk, shape. The monl1-
Fig. 2: Text page ofthe Hvalov zbornik, Bosnian ment to be discussed now, and the next
Church Gospel Book, detail. one, both show this clearly. They are
manifestly the work of the same artist
- certainly the person mentioned in the
In the layout of the text pages of
inscription on this stone as having both
this kind of manuscript, two vertical
carved the decoration and cut the let-
panels of text have between them a tering.
narrow undecorated area, forming a
The ste le dedicated to Mahmut
central plain column. This meets a Branković (fig. 3) is datable from the
headpiece area at the top of the page, circumstances mentioned in its inscrip-
which is filled with larger letters, the tion to between 1471 and 1485. It was
whole forming a T shape. Looking at originally located in east Bosnia, near
the stele's upper block, on the south Rogatica, in the locality of Petrovo
side the text-area equivalents are filled polje (or Peter's plain). There it stood
with decorative material, while on the in a graveyard of sixty-eight chest-

295

O'
~
(J
Fig. 3: Stele of Mahmut Branković (Zemaljski
Muzej Sarajevo). West, south, east, and north
sides.
shaped and three coffer-shaped stones;
there were no other steles. Presumably
its production was an Islamic develop-
ment in the stylistic sequence of funer-
ary monuments of an established com-
munity, who did not separate Islamic
and Christian burials.
At present, Mahmut' s stele, like
the previous example and indeed the
next, stands in the war-battered court-
yard of the Zemaljski Muzej in Sara-
jevo. It had sustained some slight dam-
age when I last looked at it in June
1993, but the inscription was intact.
The monument stands 244 cm,
high, and is 42-45 cm. wide. It is formed
as an elongated block with a pyramidal
top surmounted by a finiai in the form
296
of a knob. The west side - traditionally
the side most personal to the deceased
for decorative purposes in Bosnia - car-
ries the inscription, and is carved with
a lion and a broad sword with an angled
grip which is depicted in its rectangular
scabbard. Both sword-handle and scab-
bard are typical for the 1460s-1470s in
the Ottoman sphere. While the east side
of the monument displays a lance sur-
mounted by a double pennant, the north
side has a kind of bludgeon (Bešlagić
1982; p. 448, jig. 195), and the south,
a crescent, four individual knobs, and
a knob within a circle which could have
represented either the sun or a round
shield.
The inscription reads "i pogibe
na bolju despotovu/ a sie bil(i)g' Mah-
mutal Brankov/ića na svoli bašti/nel
na Petro/vu Polul da (j)e blag(o)sllo-
vena r/uka kolje sieče i pisa" (To-
mović 1974; p. 118, no. 121). This may
be translated: "And he was killed in the
battle of the despot. And this stone of
Mahmut Branković [is] on his family
land on Petrovo Polje. May the hand
be blessed which cut and wrote."
According to the Serbian histo-
rian Gordana Tomović, this Mahmut
Branković most probably died fighting
on the Turkish side in the battle against
the Serbian despot Vuk Grgurović - a
grandson of Despot Đurađ Branković
- who was active against the Turks in
the service of the Hungarian king Mat-
hias Corvinus from 1471 to 1485. She
rejects the suggestion of the Bosnian
researcher Marko Vego that the "des-
pot's battle" occurred within the period
of 1454 to 1459 (Vego 1970; pp. 36,
37, no. 225), since the Rogatica region
only fell to the Turks with the fall of
the Bosnian Kingdom generally, in
1463. It indeed seems most unlikely
that Mahmut Branković would have ac-
cepted Islam before that date, so her
argument seems sound enough (To-
mović 1974; p. 119).
The appearance of the sword
suggests that Mahmut Branković was
a member ofthe local nobility (the only
people who were permitted to carry
swords), who converted to Islam, and
who subsequently had some standing
within the Ottoman governmental sys-
tem. It is unlikely that his family name
of Branković indicates blood relation-
ship with the famous Serbian family of
despots called Branković, despite the
fact that they also had a lion as their
emblem. That this lion was not specific
to people called Branković is clear from
the fact that the same lion appears on
the closely similar grave stele of Radi-
voj Oprašić, discussed below. Actually
it is now obvious that there was a very
widespread fifteenth-century Bosnian
tradition for carving lions on grave
markers; many of them curiously re-
semble dogs, but the carvers probably
did not have very good information to
go on as to the details of leonine ap-
pearance. That the beasts are lions, and
that they may perform some general-
ized protective function on grave
monuments, rather than having any
heraldic significance, is suggested by
the inscription on a stone featuring such
an animal at Opličići, in Herzegovina:
it reads "The lion roars!" (Vego 1962;
pp. 56-57, no. 36; Bešlagić 1982; pp.
260-265).
Some unusual features of the let-
ter-shapes on this monument are inter-
esting. Rectangular forms are used for
O, for the bowl of the a and again for
V - only the verticality of the latter
distinguishes if from the o. Although
this form of a is not a normal hand-
writing characteristic, it does appear on
fifteenth-century Herzegovinian-
Montenegrin metalwork (Wenzel 1985;
pp. 25-27). It seems possible that a cal-
ligrapher who normally designed let-
tering for metalworkers - perhaps at
the mining centre of Srebrenica, to the
north of Rogatica - may have laid out
the pattern for the carver ofthis monu-
ment to work from.
The Stele of Radivoj
Oprašić; after 1476
Radivoj Oprašić' s grave-stele is
very similar to Mahmut Branković' s
monument, yet Radivoj is known to
have been a Christian (fig. 4). He was
employed in the service of the Ottoman
ruler, but he did not himself convert.
By 1476, the year of the historical
source in which his name is mentioned,
the territory where he lived was ruled
by Sultan Mehmed II, the Conqueror
(1451-1481).
The tomb ofRadivoj was located
at the site "Biljeg", on a hill near the
village of Oprašići, Rogatica region,
beside the present Orthodox cemetery.
It stood alongside seven chest-shaped
stones and one coffer-shaped monu-
ment. Obviously his grave was set up
on his family land, and probably his
family was Orthodox, since the original
necropolis was extended to form an ob-
viously Orthodox burial ground. The
word bilig, or "mark", is one which
297

\.
Fig. 4: Stele ofRadivoj Oprašić (Zemaljski Mu-
zej Sarajevo). West, south, east, and north sides.
Bosnians in the fifteenth century regu-
larly used to describe their monuments;
tombstone inscriptions often use the
formula: "This 'mark' was erected
by so and so."
The stele, like the previous one,
is now in the museum courtyard in Sa-
rajevo. It is 280 cm. high and 43-45 cm.
wide. Like Mahmut Branković' s stone,
it is four-sided, with a pyramidal top
and a finial in the form of a knob. The
decoration uses virtually the same com-
ponents as the Branković marker, but
arranged in a different configuration,
which suggests that they fulfilled no
ritual function that depended on their
orientation, if any at all. The only no-
table difference is that the lance-
298
mounted pennant here is a single trian-
gle, rather than the double form on the
other stone.
The west side of this stone car-
ries exactly the same arrangement of
sword and lion as does the west side
of the marker of Mahmut Branković,
but it lacks the inscription, which here
appears on the east side, under the
bludgon. The inscription reads, "a sie/
bileg'/ počtenoga v/it[e]za voevode
Radivoja Opr/ašića. Dokle bih, poč­
te/no i glasit/o prebih, i l/egoh u tućoj
zemli a/bileg mi s/toi na bašti/ni"
(Vego 1970; p. 37, no. 226) this may
be translated: "This is the mark of the
respected knight, Duke Radivoj Opra-
šić. When I was, I was respected and
famous, and I lie in foreign land while
my marker stands on my family land."
Radivoj is described as timar-
sahib for the regional division called a
zijam et, of the region of Kušlat. This
zijam et consisted of two villages in
Kušlat itself and thirteen villages
around Goštilj, and lay in the Drina
region between Srebrenica and Zvornik
(Handžić 1975; p. 124: references from
the defters (tax registers) concerning
Smederovo Sandžak, February 1476 to
November 1477; Archives, Istanbul,
T. D. no. 16, fol. 280-281). It is just
possible that this Radivoj was the same
as another timar, Radivoj "Obrasić" ,
whose different holdings were trans-
ferred to a Muslim in 1470. If this were
the case, he may have been reinstated
with new holdings around Kušlat
(Filipović 1974; p. 214). Be this as it
may, he was obviously an important
individual, and possibly a member of
a Christian order of chivalry outside
his own land, as is implied by the title The Stele at Donji
"respected knight" (Gordana Tomović,
Bakići; 1410-1425
Sima Ćirković, Belgrade, personal
communication). This idea of a stele of exotic form
The letter-shapes of the 'inscrip- as a monument on family land to some-
tion are sufficiently similar to those of one who was killed or buried elsewhere
the Mahmut Branković inscription to might explain a fourth stele-form
make it fairly certain that they were cut gravestone of very great size, erected
by the same hand. Characteristic of near the lead-mining centre of Olovo:
both is a rapid, slanting N, which is in the so-called stele of Donji Bakići (fig.
contrast to the upright quality of the
5). The ste1e is still in place at a wooded
other letters. This N was a feature of
locality called Vlaškovac, near Donji
Turko-Cyrillic handwriting of the time,
Bakići, which is south-west of Olovo
and can be found in a letter to Dub-
rovnik composed in Cyrillic for Sultan itself. In spite of its great height of
Bajezid Il in 1493 (Đorđić 1971; p.
452, fig. 255).
The texts of the Mahmut Branko-
vić and Radivoj Oprašić grave-markers
contribute something very suggestive
to our considerations about the appear-
ance of stele-form monuments in Bos-
nia during the period of the introduction
ofIslam. They both imply that no actual
or normal burial was associated with
the stones at the sites where they were
set up; rather that they were "marks",
erected on family land, in Christian
graveyards, to show that here should
have been the "proper" resting places
of people who, through misfortune,
were buried elsewhere, or whose re-
mains were sent from elsewhere. The
Zgošća stele might in fact be another
example of this. Certainly the three are

:~(
unique in that each is the single stele-
form marker in a group of stones of
.
quite other shapes. One wonders
whether they might have been specifi-
cally designed to look exotic, as a re- (~~~.
minder of the distant places where the Fig. 5: Stelefrom Vlaškovac, Donji Bakići, Olo-
deceased heroes lost their lives. vo region. North side.

299
 almost 4 metres, the monument is of
basically the same shape as the two
previous examples, except that it
widens somewhat near the base while
they are fairly strictly rectangular in
their main forms (Wenzel 1965; XLV
4, 5; LII4, 5; Benac 1951; pp. 26-28,
fig. 24a-d).
The upper part of the west side
of this stone, and the whole areas of
the other three sides, are carved with
tight arrangements of spirais and
grapes; on each face there is also a
crudely formed dragon, supporting a
shield. The blank portion of the west
side looks as if it has been left as an
inscription panel, but if there ever was
any lettering it is no longer visible. The
details of the decoration, however, are
sufficiently distinctive to place the
monument in the first decades of the
fifteenth century.
The Olovo region generally is
rich in tombstones carved with spirais
and grapes. However, it must be said
that a fashion for large spirais - hard-
ened hcanthus scrolls - accompanying
heraldic shields was a very general fea-
ture oflate Gothic design, around 1400,
and can be seen, for example, on a
depiction of a golden bull of Charles
IV made by Wenceslaus of Bohemia
in 1400 (Vienna, Osterreichisches Na-
tional-Bibliothek, MS 338, fal. 1; Tho-
mas 1979,' p. 56, Pl. 9). The same large
spirais were incorporated in the head-
pieces of Byzantine manuscript pages
during the first quarter of the fifteenth
century (Spatharakis 1981; vol. II, fig.
488, no. 275: Oxford, Christ Church,
MS Gr. 25, fal. 5r, dated 1391-1425;
andfig. 582, no. 283; Paris Gr. 12,101.
5r, dated 1419). More specifically,
300
however, the narrow-thread, tightly
rolled, upright spirais ofthis monument
9ccur elsewhere in Bosnia only on the
Zgošća ste1e, and I feel this Donji Ba-
kići monument must have been made
in the same carving circles, in the first
quarter of the fifteenth century.
The first quarter of the fifteenth
century also corresponds with the
period when the paraphernalia of the
Dragon Order - a kind of eastern Euro-
pean version of the western orders of
chivalry - supplied motifs for Bosnian
design-styles. Hrvoje Vukčić himself
was an early member of the order,
which was founded by King Sigismund
ofHungary in 1408 (Fine 1978;p. 465).
Hrvoje was indeed permitted to initiate
his own knights. His local initiations
would have taken place at the so-called
Catacombs of Jajce, an underground
chapel near Hrvoje's castle at Jajce.
This underground vault is carved from
volcanic tufa, and was originally
painted, it seems, in Bohemian style,
with St. Michael being depicted in the
apse in the act of killing the dragon.
The painting is nowalmost wholly
obliterated by candle-smoke and by
much later graffiti, and has not been
published. Still clear, however, are the
dragon and Hrvoje's own shield-and-
heIm insignia which are carved by the
entrance.
If, as l have suggested, Hrvoje
Vukčić Hrvatinić himself was actually
buried under the massive and richly
carved coffer-shaped tombstone which
once stood with the first stele discussed
here at Zgošća, it seems highly likely
that the extraordinary scene carved on
its east end shows him seated in this
Jajce initiation chapel (Wenzel 1965;
Pl. LXXXV, 13; Bešlagić 1982; p. 358,
jig. 166). Certainly, the nobleman from
Olovo whom the Donji Bakići stele
must commernorate could well have
been initiated into the Dragon Order in
the same place, which would explain
the shield-supporting dragons on this
monument.
What then does excavation evi-
dence prove concerning the presence
or absence ofburials under these monu-
ments? The answer is: very little. No
records are available concerning any
relevant excavations. However, it may
be relevant to record that during the
stil1-unpublished Stanford Univer-
sity/Yugoslav excavations of 1967 -
directed by Janko Bjelošević and con-
ducted in the Trebišnjica River Valley
at the site of Mistihalj - in which I
joined, all the gravestones of an exten-
sive site were lifted by crane, and all
the potential burial areas were dug. The
osteology of the Mistihalj burials was
performed by Alden and Judy Redfield.
The tallest monument in the central area
of the site, registry no. 17, was a narrow
Fig. 68: Tall chestfrom Mistiha!j, now in Bi/eća;
south-west long side, south-east end.
tall chest on a base, 150 cm high, 145
cm long, and 60 cm thick, which ap-
proached a ste1e in form (fig. 6a). It
was decorated on the long sides with
rounded arches under roundels, and had
a stag lightly incised on the south-east
short end. On stylistic grounds, one can
say that it belongs to the late fourteenth
or early fifteenth century. Beneath the
base slab was a small rectangular area
walled with stones, and within it loose
bones of a fifty- to sixty-ye ar-old man,
not in any skeletal arrangement (fig.
6b). They had obviously been brought
from elsewhere. All other graves
nearby, and under low monuments,
contained full skeletons.
I would like to suggest that the
introduction of the Ottoman nišan into
Bosnia - early steles of widely known
Ottoman types - might have overlapped
with a pre-existing tradition for a tall
marker to be put up, on family land, to
commernorate a warrior who had been'
killed elsewhere.
Fig. 6b: Skeletal remains beneath.
301
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309
M. WENZEL: BIOGRAPHY
Dr. Marian Wenzel is apainter
and historian of art who was born in
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and has
longed lived and worked in London.
Marian Wenzel was taught paint-
ing from early childhood. Her first
teacher was her grandmother who had
studied with Mary Cassatt, in Chicago.
Marian Wenzel attended the Art De-
partment of Carnegie Mellon Univer-
sity, Pittsburgh, and subsequently
transferred to Columbia University,
New York, School of General Studies,
from where she obtained a B.Sc., ma-
joring in philosophy. Pursuing graduate
in London, she attended the Courtauld
Institute of Art in its period of direction
by Anthony Blunt from where she ob-
tained her doctorate in 1967. Her cho-
sen doctoral therne, the ornamental
tombstones of medieval Bosnia ap-
peared as the book Ukrasni motivi na
stećcima in 1965 and was produced
with the assistance of the staff of the
National Museum of Sarajevo and his
director A. Benac. This book led to
further long-term work on the subject,
involving intense study concerning the
cultural-historical background for these
monuments, and other aspects of the
medieval art of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Marian Wenzel is an impressive
name in the Bosnian cultural sphere,
within which she has been actively in-
volved since 1959. She lived for one
summer in the little house on the
310
Moister Old Bridge, now destroyed.
Her early work on Bosnia's cultural
heritage involved her crossing and re-
crossing Herzegovina on foot, occa-
sionally with donkeys to carry equip-
ment, following her strong instinct for
the terrain, and the medieval road sys-
tem alongside which many graveyards
with stećci were placed. Her col-
leagues, the archaeologists and histori-
ans of art of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
gave her strong help, as did government
authorities of that time, who never
failed to support her knowledge and
tireless cultural work.
Her devotion to Bosnia's cultural
heritage, above and beyond politics,
was well received on the part of eve-
ryone in Bosnia/Herzegovina from its
start and she has continued, through the
nongovemment organization BHHR
(Bosnia-Herzegovina Heritage Res-
cue), which she founded in 1992, her
work with museums and regional
authorities towards preservation of
what remains of Bosnia's heritage.
Marian Wenzel has published
over 30 essays concerning Bosnian cul-
tural heritage, along with other titles
with themes from the sphere of culture
and the Nubia, Pharaonic Egypt and
other ancient and Islamic lands, em-
phasizing metalwork, jewelry and relief
sculpture.
The painting opus of Marian
Wenzel also relates to Bosnia in part.
Her first one man show of painting s
was held in the Art Center of Sarajevo
(Umjetnički paviljon) in 1966. Her
most recent exhibition, of war paintings
and drawings, was held in the Historical
Museum of Sarajevo in May, 1998.
Certain of her works are preserved in
the Art Gallery of Bosnia and Herze-
govina, Sarajevo.
M. WENZEL: PUBLICATIONS
CONCERNING
BOSNIA -HERZEGOVINA
1960, The Sinjska Alka (The ritual of
Titling for a Ring at Sinj), Folklore
71, London, pp. 228-233.
1961a, A Mediaeval Mystery Cult in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Journal of
the Warburg and Courtauld Insti-
tutes XXIV 1-2, London, pp. 89-
107.
1961b, Some Reliefs outside the Vje-
trenica Cave at Zavala, Starinar -
Archaeological Institute, Serbian
Academy of Sciences, new series
XII, Belgrade, pp. 21-34.
1962a, Graveside Feasts and Dances
in Yugoslavia, Folklore 73, London,
pp. 1-4.
1962b, Bosnian and Herzegovinian
Tombstones - who made them and
why, Sudost - Forschungen XXI,
Munich, pp. lO2-143.
1962c, Lisnati krst na stećcima s pod-
ručja Neretve (The Foliated Cross
on Medieval Tombstones from the
Neretva Region), Muzej primenjene
umetnosti, Zbornik 8, Beograd, pp.
39-48.
1962d, O nekim simbolima na dalma-
tinskim stećcima (Concerns some
Symbols on Medieval Dalmatian
Tombstones), Prilozi povijesti um-
jetnosti u Dalmaciji 14, Split, pp.
79-93.
1964, Some Notes on the /conography
?fSt. Helen, Actes du XIIe Congres
lllternational d'etudes Byzantines,
Ochride 10-16, septembre 1961,
Belgrade, pp. 415-428.
1965, Ukrasni motivi na stećcima (Or-
namental Motifs on Tombstones
from Medieval Bosnia and Sur-
rounding Regions), Veselin Masle-
ša, Sarajevo, 459 pp.
1966, Štitovi i grbovi na stećcima
(Shields and Coats of Arms on Me-
dieval Bosnian Tombstones), Vojni
muzej Beograd, Vesnik 11-12, Be-
ograd, pp. 90-109.
1967a, The Dioscuri in the Balkans
Slavic Review XXVI, New York:
pp. 363-381.
I967b (with Ljubinka Kojić), Medieval
Glass Found in Yugoslavia, Journal
of Glass Studies IX, Coming, pp.
76-93.
I967c, Neki komentari o odvojenoj ruci
na bosanskim stećcima (Some Notes
concerning the Isolated Hand de-
picted on Bosnian Medieval Tomb-
stone). Narodno stvaralaštvo - Fol-
klor VI, 22-24, april-oktobar 1967,
Beograd, pp. 137-140.
1974. Analysisofsome Glassfrom Her-
zegovina. Verre medieval aux Bal-
kans (Ve-XVe s.) [includes the glass
analysis by Robert Brill]. Recueil
des travaux, Conference interna-
tionale Belgrade, 24-26 of April
1974, Belgrade, pp. 197-218;
1977, A Reconsideration of Bosnian
Medieval Glass, Journal of Glass
Studies XIX, Coming, pp. 63-76.
I980a, (with Ljubinka Kojić), Osvrt na
tri inostrane knjige o stećcima (A
Review of Three Foreign Books
311
 about stećci) [two German; and one
French, about Bosnian tombstones.
This was an attack on the Bogomil
hypothesis offered in all three of
these books as an explanation for
the origins of the those tombstone ],
Starinar XXXI, Beograd, pp. 203-
211.
1982, Two Medieval Rings in the Zavi-
čajni muzej Trebinje, Tribunia 6,
Trebinje, pp. 47-78.
198411985, A Bosnian Kingdom Metal-
working Tradition, Peristil: Anthol-
ogy of Works in the History of Art,
published by the Society of Art His-
torians of the Republic of Croatia,
XXX, no. 30, Zagreb, pp. 5-39.
1987, Bosnian History and Austro-
Hungarian Policy: Some Medieval
Belts, the Bogom i! Romance and the
King Tvrtko Graves, Peristil, XXX,
no. 30, Zagreb, pp. 29-54.
1992, The Lost Glory of Sarajevo (let-
ter), Eastern Art Report III, no. 6,
London, pp. 10-11.
1992193, Memories ofOldMostar, Cor-
nucopia III, Vol. I, Istanbul, pp. 112-
113.
1993a, 'Cultural Cleansing' intensifies
at Mostar, Bosnia News, Newsletter
of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Infor-
mation Centre, no. 3, March 1993,
London.
1993b, The Zemaljski muzej, Sarajevo,
Museum Management and Curator-
ship 12, no. 1, March 1993, Oxford,
pp. 95-96.
1993c, Eyewitness in Sarajevo: Our
sister and brother curators and art
historians. How do ordinary people
live in extraordinary and terrible
times?, The Art Newspaper, no. 32,
312
November 1993, News, London and
Turin, p. 7.
1993d, Bosnian History and Austro-
Hungarian Policy: The Zemaljski
Muzej Sarajevo, and the Bogomil
Romance, Museum Management
and Curatorship 12, no. 2, Oxford,
pp. 127-142.
1993194e, Bosnia's War Damage and
Aftermath: "A Fashion for Destruc-
tion", Aspect, Views from the
King's Manor, Journal of the
Alumni Association of the Institute
of Advanced Architectural Studies,
York, 3, pp. 42-43.
1994a, Four Decorated Steles: The In-
fluence ofIslam on Bosnian Funer-
ary Monuments, Journal of Islamic
Studies, 5:2, Oxford, pp. 221-241.
1994b, Requirements and methods to
influence conditions of cultural
heritage during ongoing armed con-
flicts, in Margareta Biornstad, edi-
tor, Information as an Instrument
for Protection against War Damages
to the Cultural Heritage, UNESCO,
Svenska Unescoradets skriftserie 4,
Stockholm, pp. 71-80.
1994c, The Reconstruction Fraud, Bos-
nia Report, Newsletter of the Alli-
ance to Defend Bosnia-Herze-
govina, Issue 7, November 1994,
London, pp. 3-4.
1994d, Bosnian History and Austro-
Hungarian Policy: The Zemaljski
Muzej Sarajevo, and the Bogomil
Romance [shortly version], Eraz-
mus 15, Zagreb.
1995, Brief Report Concerning the
Current Situation for Cultural Heri-
tage in Mostar, Museum Manage-
ment and Curatorship 14, no. 1, Ox-
ford, pp. 83-85.
 Marian WENZEL
BOSANSKI STIL NA STEĆCIMA I METALU
BOSNIAN STYLE ON TOMB STONES AND METAL
I izdanje
1999.

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