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Drawing on different theories of poverty, analyse the causes and

consequences of child poverty in a country or context of your choice.

What are the causes and consequences of child poverty in China?

The causes and consequences of child poverty in China

In his book The Great Escape, Angus (2013) mentions that the escape

from poverty and death in human history is arguably the most incredible

escape of all. From the primitive society of slash-and-burn farming to the

era of artificial intelligence in which everything is connected, poverty has

never been absent. It has permanently changed in content and form along

with the evolution of human civilization. No matter how times vary, the

issue of poverty continues to be of universal concern worldwide. The

United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund, one of the first

international organizations to be involved in child poverty and children's

rights, has been working to reduce child poverty since 1946. Since its

inception in 1946, the United Nations International Children's Emergency

Fund has been concerned with the survival, development, protection, and

participation of mothers, infants, and children (National Academies of

Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2019).

The Declaration on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the

Child's Rights were adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in

1959 and 1989. Subsequently, the United Nations General Assembly

adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Child and the Convention on

the Rights of the Child in 1959 and 1989, respectively, which provided an

international legal basis and an external binding mechanism for countries

around the world to combat child poverty and safeguard the rights and

interests of children in the areas of education, health, nutrition, safety and

health (Unicef, 1989). In the 1990s, child poverty increasingly came to

the attention of scholars, and China formally embraced the internationally

accepted values of child welfare.

The paper begins with a definition of child poverty, followed by an

overview and summary of poverty measurement based on poverty theory.

Based on the purpose and measurement of child poverty, the causes of

child poverty in China are discussed. It is found that the legal basis for

the governance of child poverty in China still lacks a unified and

standardized legal system and that the overall level of poverty governance

is at a low, incomplete, and uneven stage of development. There is a lack

of unified and efficient management and intense supervision of

implementation within the state. Externally, there is a lack of a scientific

and reasonable mechanism for evaluating the effects.

This has led to inadequate health care for children in China, a severe lack

of family education and emotions, an uneven distribution of public

education resources, a lack of early education, and a low level of

participation by children in impoverished areas with relatively low levels

of preschool education.

Relative and absolute poverty

Poverty is a universal phenomenon that emerges as a social situation as

the world's economy and culture continue to develop. There is no unified

definition of poverty, either within China or by scholars outside of China,

so the concept of poverty is often divided according to different criteria.

The two most common divisions are absolute poverty and relative

poverty. Langtry (1997) argues that individuals and households must

have a certain amount of goods and access to certain welfare services to

survive and meet the household's basic needs. Specific goods of need

include:

Household electricity bills.

Food subsistence needs.

House dwelling needs.

Common household necessities.

Basic personal needs goods.

Sen (1976) also defines poverty as absolute poverty, where individuals,

households, and groups are poor if they cannot access all types of food,

participate in basic social activities and meet basic social conditions, and

have some meaningful lack of resources. For ease of measurement, China

has long used the concept of absolute poverty as a proxy for poverty,

defined based on people's minimum survival needs, using the level of

food consumption and income necessary to sustain an individual or

family to determine where the poverty threshold lies. The National

Bureau of Statistics of China (NBC), having studied poverty, defines it as

follows: poverty is a state of material deprivation in which an individual

or a family lacks the necessary means of subsistence and services, and the

standard of living does not reach the lowest level acceptable to society.

As another yardstick for poverty measurement, the relative poverty line is

an important reference point for measuring poverty when introduced at a

certain stage of socio-economic development (Meng, 2019). According to

Tong and Lin (1995), relative poverty is defined as a situation in which

subsistence is largely resolved. Simple reproduction functions can still be

maintained but below the socially accepted basic standard of living, and

the ability to expand reproduction is scarce or weak. The World Bank

(1991) suggests that poverty is a matter of lack of material resources and

development opportunities, social equality, political participation, and

many other aspects. In his article, he mentions that relative poverty is

more than just the unmet basic needs of life; the poor also refer to people

who do not meet the various social resource targets and do not have

access to additional resources (Braithwaite & Mont, 2009). Poverty in

this context becomes a lack of access to a good enough life, and poverty

is not just about living in poverty but also about feeling poor. People in

relative poverty are not yet well off and have not achieved a healthy,

decent, and dignified life.

Child poverty and the measurement of child poverty

Several international organizations and governmental research institutions

are currently focusing on child poverty as a specific issue, where the

experience of poverty during childhood impacts one's early development

or subsequent development. However, there is still a wide divergence of

views on the factors that lead to child poverty and the content of the

impact, and thus there is a particular bias in the specific definition of

child poverty. As early as December 2006, UNICEF (2005) stated that

"child poverty is defined as the significant lack or deprivation of material,

emotional and spiritual resources that prevent children from successfully

accessing the things necessary for survival, development, and health,

resulting in the failure to realize rights and develop their potential later in

life and to participate equitably and fully in society." "The childhood

poverty research and policy center (2004) defines child poverty as the
inability of children, and young people, to access and use the types of

resources that are essential to their well-being and potential as they grow

up. the Christ in Children Fund (2004) argues that child poverty is a

combination of material and service deficits and vulnerability to social

exclusion and internal and external risks. "The concept of 'child poverty'

has only recently emerged frequently in the research landscape of

domestic scholars. Qi and Wu (2014) see child poverty as the deprivation

of their viability, which covers access to essential public services such as

primary education, public health, nutrition, and safe drinking water (Yu,

2013). Qi and Wu (2014) consider child poverty to be all the factors that

are not conducive to healthy growth, comprehensive development, and

the realization of rights, including economic and service factors, material

deprivation, lack of education, limited participation, and lack of emotion.

The Centre for Foreign Investment of the State Council's Poverty

Alleviation Office in China defines child poverty as a state of deprivation

in terms of capabilities, rights and external resources for children in the

early stages of the life cycle, as interpreted by UNICEF (Ge & Wang,

2019).

Depending on the theory of poverty, child poverty can be measured

in the following ways.

The monetary analysis uses the overall income of the household to

determine whether a child in the family is a child in poverty, and it

assumes that the impact of the household's income determines all of the

child's well-being. Therefore if the payment in the home is below the

poverty limit defined by the state or society, then the children in the

household are considered flawed (Asselin, 2009).

This method is based on the concept of basic human needs and people's

basic income and consumption. Then the number of children in poverty is

measured statistically by setting absolute poverty limits and relative

poverty lines (Alkire & Santos, 2013). Because of the simplicity of the

data required and the ease with which the results can be obtained,

monetary analysis is currently being used more frequently in child

poverty research. However, in recent years, poverty theory and research

has shifted from unidimensional to multidimensional poverty

measurement (Bastos & Machado, 2009).

The deprivation approach is based on Amartya Sen's multidimensional

poverty theory, which measures child poverty from a multidimensional

perspective (Kuklys, 2005). In the Bristol approach, a child is deprived of

the ability to develop if they cannot grow. The deprivation of the ability

to create is in part a deprivation of the child's right to develop, which is

why he uses child deprivation as a measure of child poverty (Gordon &

Nandy, 2012). The deprivation approach, mainly based on the

Convention on the Rights of the Child, equates child poverty with the

deprivation of basic human needs, which are divided into seven areas:
food, water, sanitation, health care, housing, education, and information.

Whenever a child is deprived of any of these seven rights and cannot

have them met, the child is considered severely deprived (UNICEF,

2006). In the UNICEF report Child Poverty in Rich Countries 2005, 50

percent of income is set as a relative poverty line to measure child

poverty in a country (Corak, 2006). Although this approach is

conceptually multidimensional, its implementation is still one-

dimensional.

Social exclusion is a complex and multidimensional approach that

includes people's lack of basic needs and lack of infrastructure and

people's inability to establish normal social relationships due to poverty.

This means that people living in poverty are not able to participate in the

economic, cultural, and political activities of society and are disconnected

from society and unable to participate in the social activities expected of

normal people. From a child's perspective, social exclusion includes

restrictions on children's participation in social movements and the

impact parents, families, and neighbors may have on children. Social

exclusion affects children in two main ways: in terms of peer

relationships with children of the same age and in terms of participation

in activities in which they can participate autonomously (Gordon et al.,

2003). The Christian Children's Fund explains 'exclusion' as a process of

injustice, where dignity, voice, and rights are denied, and survival is
threatened (Wordsworth al., 2007). Despite its comprehensiveness and

inclusiveness, this approach does not produce a specific figure on child

poverty, but instead analyses the factors affecting child poverty, mainly in

a qualitative manner (Bastos & Machado, 2009).

The deprivation approach is based on Amartya Sen's multidimensional

poverty theory, which measures child poverty from a multidimensional

perspective (Kuklys, 2005). In the Bristol approach, a child is deprived of

the ability to develop if they cannot create. The deprivation of the ability

to create is in part a deprivation of the child's right to grow, which is why

he uses child deprivation as a measure of child poverty (Gordon &

Nandy, 2012). The deprivation approach, mainly based on the

Convention on the Rights of the Child, equates child poverty with the

deprivation of basic human needs, which are divided into seven areas:

food, water, sanitation, health care, housing, education, and information.

Whenever a child is deprived of these seven rights and cannot have them

met, the child is considered severely constrained (UNICEF, 2006). In the

UNICEF report Child Poverty in Rich Countries 2005, 50 percent of

income is set as a relative poverty line to measure child poverty in a

country (Corak, 2006). Although this approach is conceptually

multidimensional, its implementation is still one-dimensional.

Social exclusion is a complex multidimensional approach that includes

people's lack of basic needs, infrastructure, and inability to establish

normal social relationships due to poverty. This means that people living

in poverty cannot participate in society's economic, cultural, and political

activities and are disconnected from the community and unable to

participate in the social activities expected of ordinary people. From a

child's perspective, social exclusion includes restrictions on children's

participation in social movements and the impact that parents, families,

and neighbors may have on children. Social exclusion affects children in

two main ways: peer relationships with children of the same age and

participation in activities in which they can participate autonomously

(Gordon et al., 2003). The Christian Children's Fund explains 'exclusion'

as a process of injustice, where dignity, voice, and rights are denied, and

survival is threatened (Wordsworth al., 2007). Despite its

comprehensiveness and inclusiveness, this approach does not produce a

specific figure on child poverty but instead analyses the factors affecting

child poverty, mainly in a qualitative manner (Bastos & Machado, 2009).

The welfare analysis approach does not produce specific results on

poverty rates and the number of children living in poverty. Instead, it

describes the extent of poverty for different groups of children over time

to understand trends and differences in child poverty. Furthermore, the

welfare analysis approach is more scientific in its data treatment, taking

into account the differences in the importance of different indicators

(Roelen & Gassmann, 2008). The EU Child Wellbeing Index is a cross-

national comparative development approach within the EU. Based on the

Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Child Wellbeing Index is

constructed in terms of eight dimensions that have a significant impact on

children's lives and health: material wellbeing, housing, health, subjective

wellbeing, education, child relations, civic participation, risk and safety

(Bradshaw & Richardson, 2007). The US Children and Youth Wellbeing

Index is based on the concept of quality of life. It measures subjective and

objective factors affecting wellbeing across seven dimensions (material

wellbeing, health, safety, knowledge, community participation, social

relationships, mental health). This measurement tool is valuable for

tracking children's wellbeing across different population groups over time

(Land & Mustillo, 2001). However, the method has some shortcomings:

it requires large data sets and has limited applicability. If the technique is

used to measure the wellbeing of children in other countries, it needs to

be adapted to the context of each country and the usefulness of the data

(Ravallion, 1998).

Causes of child poverty in China

Both the government and the academia have focused more on the poor

and less on children living in poverty. The government does not have a

systematic assistance system for children in poverty, and the existing

assistance policies are scattered among various approaches. In terms of

assistance for families with children in poverty, the central assistance

system in China is the minimum subsistence guarantee system, which

covers both urban and rural areas and provides differential assistance to

families living in poverty on a household basis, thus meeting the basic

needs of children living in low-income families. In some regions, the

system has adopted a policy of unconditional assistance, whereby

children in poverty are treated as a particular category, and minors with

unique difficulties, such as those from single-parent families who are in

school and those who have no dependents, are given a higher standard of

payment.

Scholars in China have focused on two aspects of assistance policies

closely related to the survival and development of poor children: first,

medical assistance for needy children. In China, poor children in rural

areas are included in the new rural cooperative medical system, and

disadvantaged children in urban areas are included in urban residents'

basic medical insurance system. At the same time, an urban and rural

medical assistance system has been established across the country, and in

some regions, special assistance is provided to poor children suffering

from major illnesses such as leukemia and pre-cardiac disease. In places

where it is possible to do so, "charity hospitals" and "charity hospitals"

have been established, and "charity clinics" have been set up in

designated hospitals. Secondly, the education of children from low-

income families is an issue. The state provides free education for children
from low-income families in primary and secondary schools and has

implemented a policy of "two exemptions and one subsidy,," i.e.,

exemption of school fees, book fees, and subsidized boarding and living

expenses, as well as providing them with the necessary study and living

subsidies at the senior secondary level (zhou al., 2018).

Here we discuss the causes of child poverty in China.

Firstly, in terms of laws and regulations, China still lacks a unified and

standardized legal system for the governance of child poverty. Regarding

the legal basis for management, China has not yet introduced unified and

standardized laws and regulations on children's welfare. To ensure that

the rights and interests of children are effectively protected, China has

raised the Compulsory Education Law, the Regulations on the

Administration of Kindergartens, the Law on the Protection of Persons

with Disabilities, the Law on the Protection of Minors, the Adoption

Law, the Law on Maternal and Infant Health Care, the Education Law

and the Law on the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency. Still, no specific

law on the protection of children's welfare has yet been introduced.

Although the introduction of multiple specific laws is conducive to

children seeking legal protection at different levels, the fragmentation of

regulations has also objectively made it more challenging to systematize

children's social welfare. At the same time, the existing laws do not
provide for the full range of interest and services for children, which has

led to several violations of children's rights (Zuo-bao, 2011).

The overall level of poverty governance is low, incomplete, and unevenly

developed. The low level refers to the fact that the current child

assistance policy only addresses the immediate survival problems of

impoverished children but does not fundamentally address the root causes

of the poverty of individual children and their families. The emergence of

this problem is inextricably linked to the inadequate funding of child

welfare construction. On the one hand, from the perspective of the target

group, current child poverty governance policies tend to focus on children

in absolute poverty and those suffering from severe illnesses and physical

disabilities and pay less attention to children in relative poverty and those

who are relatively deprived (Qi & Wu, 2016). On the other hand, in terms

of provision, the current welfare provision for children in poverty is

mainly in cash and in-kind, with fewer services. The so-called uneven

development refers to the inconsistent survival, preventive,

developmental, and participatory components of child poverty

governance, the uneven development of inferior child groups, relatively

poor child groups and general child groups, and the uneven supply of

essential public goods and public services between urban and rural areas

and regions (Riskin, 1994).

Finally, in terms of government departments, China lacks a unified and

efficient administration, intense supervision, and a scientific and

reasonable mechanism for evaluating the effects. From within the

administrative system, China's current social policies for poor children

are mainly from the Ministry of Civil Affairs, the Ministry of Education,

the Ministry of Finance, the Health and Planning Commission, the All-

China Women's Federation, the Disabled Persons' Federation and the

Communist Youth League, among which the Ministry of Civil Affairs is

mainly responsible for the assistance and development of children in

difficulty, such as orphaned and disabled children, street children and

children affected by AIDS; the Ministry of Education is responsible for

pre-school education, compulsory education for school-age children,

secondary and high school education and special The Ministry of

Education is responsible for pre-school education, compulsory education

for school-age children, secondary and high school education and special

education for children, while the health sector is responsible for

vaccination, physical health, school health and food safety for children

(Huang al., 2020). There is no unified child welfare management center

to link up and allocate resources across departments, and there is a lack of

effective integration and linkage of resources across departments. At the

level of implementation, most children's rights and interests are not

effectively protected because of the lack of a robust monitoring

mechanism and the lack of information channels for timely detection and

reporting, thus preventing the establishment of an effective intervention

mechanism. In terms of child poverty governance results, a scientific and

practical outcome assessment mechanism has not yet been formed, often

focusing on the initial input and weakening the monitoring power of the

process in the middle term, lacking scientific assessment (Zhou al., 2018).

The consequences of child poverty in China

Consequence one, in terms of child health and health care, is that the

three main problems of growth retardation, low birth weight and anaemia

are the main problems in the nutritional health of children in poor areas of

China (wang al., 2005). Early childhood deficiencies in micronutrients

such as zinc, vitamin A and D, and parents' lack of knowledge about

feeding are also serious. In terms of dietary structure, the current level of

assistance is mainly at the lowest level of survival and adequate food. For

the majority of children who are already receiving financial assistance, or

for the relatively poor children who are not yet included in the assistance

system, this is not enough to achieve a higher level of quality satisfaction

in terms of clean and hygienic food and balanced nutrition. This, coupled

with the harsh natural environment of the areas in which poor children

live, the local food habits, and the lack of parental knowledge and neglect

of a balanced diet for children, results in poor children not being able to

receive effective nutrition when they are in urgent need of a large amount
of nutrients to meet their physical growth and development, resulting in

stunted growth and delayed mental development, and the problem

manifests itself in rural areas, remote mountainous areas and central and

western regions. The problem is particularly evident in rural areas, remote

mountainous areas and central and western regions. At the same time,

poor children in some areas live without access to safe drinking water,

poor sanitation facilities and poor access to energy (Chang al., 1994). In

terms of health care, although the state has comprehensively promoted

the coverage of eight major diseases, including leukaemia and congenital

heart disease, for children affected by leukaemia, the level of coverage

and coverage is limited, and the quality of life of the sick children and

their families is still greatly affected, and the diseases that are not covered

make the children's survival even more difficult. At the same time, the

traditional attitudes and literacy of parents often result in minor illnesses

being left unattended and major illnesses being left unattended without

the necessary medical care (Zhang & Kanbur, 2005).

Consequence two, in addition to health and medical care, the lack of

family and emotional needs of poor children in China is a serious

problem. The lack of family care and parental education is a serious

problem in the development of poor children in China, resulting in

children not being effectively catered for in terms of family education and

emotions, with many children experiencing psychological distortions, a

weak sense of family self-identity, and underage delinquency (Wu& Qi,

2016).

Consequence three is the uneven distribution of public education

resources between urban and rural areas and regions in China. As a result,

most children living in the central and the western areas, especially in the

concentrated exceptional hardship contiguous areas, do not enjoy the

same level and quality of educational resources and teaching conditions.

In the central and western regions, quality educational resources are

concentrated in the more economically developed counties and cities, and

needy children in impoverished areas generally have high dropout and

dropout rates (Zhang, 2014). In addition, children with disabilities under

challenging circumstances for physical reasons are less likely to enjoy the

same level of education as ordinary children. The cost of education for

children and adolescents with disabilities is higher; for example, blind

and deaf students need to use assistive learning aids such as hearing aids,
visual aids, Braille paper, and Braille writing tablets. In general, poor

children's educational attainment and expectations and the quality of

education in their schools are lower than the average for their region

(Tang al., 2008).

Consequence four, the lack of early education and services for children in

poverty. The environment in which children grow up in early childhood

education is family-centered mainly, with parents and other caregivers

being critical factors in the impact of the domain. Children living in

poverty have relatively poor living conditions and environments,

especially those living in concentrated areas of extraordinary hardship,

which are quite harsh Brown & Park, 2002). In addition, the culture of the

guardians of children living in poverty is inadequate and flawed. In

addition, guardians of poor children have limited literacy skills, and their

early education is often based on personal experience and learning from

the sidelines. It is often based on traditional empirical knowledge, lacking

a comprehensive, scientific and objective understanding and sufficient

attention. At the same time, due to the financial constraints of families,

guardians are unable to seek help from market-based professional

organizations through economic means, resulting in children lagging in

terms of nutritional balance, health care, safety and emotion, and sensory

stimulation and practice (Song, 2012).

Consequence five, poor children have a single pathway to participation

and a lack of participation content. The Blue Book for Children: Report

on the Participation Status of Children in China (2017) divides children's

participation into seven areas: family participation, school participation,

children's after-school life, social interaction, out-of-school educational

participation, online participation, and public participation. Due to family

location, family economic background, parents' education level, and

parents' occupation, families of children in poverty often lack child

participation awareness protection and participation capacity

development (Naftali, 2019). In terms of family participation, children in

poverty are significantly less likely than children from families with

better economic conditions to interact and communicate with their

parents less frequently. In terms of school participation, children from

poor families are less likely to participate in a group culture, sports, and

outings on campus, and their choices are limited due to their families'

financial means. In terms of after-school life, apart from after-school

learning, poor children in urban areas are less involved in community

affairs, after-school specialties, and interests.

In contrast, poor children in rural areas are mainly involved in family

agricultural activities. (Luo al., 2012) In terms of social interactions,

children from better-off families have more extensive and diversified

social interactions. In addition to establishing relationships with

schoolmates and relatives, they also develop close ties with neighbors,

children of parents and colleagues, and other social friends through

extracurricular learning. In contrast, children from low-income families

lack social skills and channels despite their willingness to socialize. The

social relationships of children from low-income families are more

focused on kinship, teacher-student relationships and have a single

channel of social interaction. In terms of participation in education

outside of school, children from low-income families are often

constrained by real-life conditions and have less access to education. In

terms of public involvement, poor children's participation channels are

mainly television and newspapers, relatively single. Children from better-

off families have more channels of participation, and in addition to

traditional methods, they can also participate through the Internet and

hands-on practice (Mu, 2018).

Conclusion

In recent years, as awareness of and concern for child poverty has

increased, there has been less focus on how poverty affects children and
more on understanding the intermediate processes through which poverty

affects children, how it affects them negatively, and how these effects can

be avoided through policy, social and family approaches. As a result,

research has focused on how poverty hurts children's development from

the children themselves. On this basis, research has become more detailed

and lifelike, focusing on the everyday needs of children and exploring

this process in everyday life situations. In terms of policy research, the

focus is also increasingly on children, seeking more scientific, accessible,

and practical assistance or welfare policies. In terms of research methods,

as research has become more in-depth and refined, qualitative approaches

that focus on children's daily lives and their feelings from the child's

perspective have been taken up by scholars, while diverse research

methods that better explore the needs of children themselves have yet to

be explored.

At present, there is still relatively little research on children in poverty in

China and, in general, there is still a lack of specific systems and policies

to reduce child poverty. In terms of the scope of assistance, there are still

some poor children who have not received an adequate grant; in terms of

the content of the aid, targeted policies on medical care, nutrition, and

early education are still insufficient; and in terms of the standard of the

aid, many poor children are still living in difficulty. In addition, there is

an imbalance between rural and urban areas and between regions, making

it challenging to reflect the principle of equity and justice. In terms of

research methods, most studies use quantitative research methods and

lack rich and diverse qualitative research methods. Therefore, because of

China's unique situation, we should draw on the research ideas and

practices of other countries in this field, actively explore the development

patterns of child poverty in China, analyze the situation and needs of poor

children in China, and provide a theoretical basis and practical support for

child poverty reduction policies.

There are also limitations and shortcomings in this paper: Firstly, in terms

of research methodology, this paper does not go to real-life studies,

interviews, and data collection, so the conclusions drawn may be too

subjective. Secondly, the collection of literature and data is incomplete.

This paper mainly consulted domestic and international literature in the

school library, electronic and writing books in the library, and relevant

reports and articles published by national departments, international

organizations, and research institutions.

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