ISSN 2350-773X

Vo lum e 1

AJELS

AJELS Asian Journal of English Language Studies

Asian Journal
of English Language Studies
THE OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF THE UST DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH

Vo l u m e I

ISSN 2350-773X
The Asian Journal of English Language Studies (AJELS) is the official journal
of the Department of English of the University of Santo Tomas, the oldest university
in Asia. It is a peer-reviewed journal that aims to provide current literature to
Asian Journal of English Language Studies
those concerned with research in the realm of English language studies and English
language teaching and learning either as a second or a foreign language. The Official Journal of the UST Department of English

AJELS annually publishes articles primarily concerned with the following:

(1) the theories that underpin English language acquisition, teaching, and Board of Editorial Consultants
learning; (2) the contentious issues relevant to the international and intranational
use of English; and (3) the structure of English. Thus, the journal features empirical
and descriptive studies marking significant academic and practical advances in the Carolyn D. Castro Lee Kooi Cheng
fields of theoretical linguistics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, multilingualism, Montgomery College, USA National University of Singapore
stylistics, language and the law, language education, and language policy.
Resty M. Cena Danilo T. Dayag
University of Alberta, Canada De La Salle University-Manila,
Editorial Board Members: Philippines

MARILU R. MADRUNIO, Ph.D. CAMILLA J. VIZCONDE Diane E. Dekker Azirah Hashim

ALEJANDRO S. BERNARDO, Ph.D. VERONICO N. TARRAYO SIL-Philippines University of Malaya, Malaysia
ROY RANDY Y. BRIONES
Ahmar Mahboob Andrew Moody
Journal Cover Designer and Layout Artist: University of Sydney, Australia University of Macau
Adrienne A. Zacarias
College of Fine Arts and Design Ricardo D. Ma. Nolasco Richard Powell
University of Santo Tomas University of the Philippines Nihon University, Japan

Articles for review and possible publication may be submitted to: T. Ruanni F. Tupas Larry E. Smith
ajels.philippines@yahoo.com.ph. National Institute of Education, Singapore International Association for
World Englishes
Submission guidelines are available at:
http://departmentofenglish.ust.edu.ph/ Catherine M.B. Young
Copyright©2013 by the UST Department of English and individual contributors. All Summer Institute of Linguistics
rights reserved. The UST Department of English holds the exclusive copyright of all
the contents of this journal. No part of this journal may be reproduced without the
written permission of the copyright holder.

Editorial Office

Department of English
General Education Unit
Main Building
University of Santo Tomas
Sampaloc, Manila, Philippines
E-mail: ajels.philippines@yahoo.com.ph
 ASIAN JOURNAL OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES
Volume 1
October 2013

EDITOR’S NOTE

The Asian Journal of English Language Studies (AJELS), the official journal
of the Department of English of the University of Santo Tomas (UST), publishes its
maiden issue this year, after the Department was established in 2010. The Depart-
ment of English was spun off from the original Department of Languages, which
had been in existence for decades and which managed disciplines covering English,
Filipino, Spanish, and Literature. Three years ago, the Department of English and the
Department of Filipino were established. Following this change in organizational
structure, another welcome development is expected later this year. The University is
now working on the formal establishment of the Department of Foreign Languages,
which will manage Spanish, French, and other foreign language programs.

Two years after its establishment, the Department of English envisioned for
itself the putting up of a journal which would serve as a venue for the faculty as well
as the graduate and undergraduate students to have their papers published. Its main
aim is to promote a culture of research among the English faculty and students, and
at the same time, make known to the local and international communities that a
Department of English from UST is inching its way in the field of language educa-
tion. The Department envisions itself to be known in the field and contribute, in a
significant way, to language education in the Philippines. In the future, it hopes to
make a niche in the field of applied linguistics by venturing into one specific area
of specialization. Through its own journal, the Department hopes to make its
presence felt in the academic community. It is around this background that the con-
cept of the Asian Journal of English Language Studies (AJELS) was born. While it
seeks to provide a venue for publication for the University’s faculty and students,
AJELS welcomes wholeheartedly contributions from colleagues in the field from
other universities and organizations, both local and international.

This maiden issue, which also serves as its very first volume, presents at least
seven articles that investigate issues in various areas of language education and
applied linguistics. The first article authored by Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
investigates the degree of success of mother-tongue-based education in the
Philippines which was recently proposed and implemented in basic education in the
country. Mahboob and Cruz’s article argues that while the MTB-MLE language
policy is a good move especially for a multilingual country like the Philippines, it
is also essential to assess the role of English and Philippine languages in education
and likewise examine the language attitudes of people toward the use of the mother
tongue. Such is a logical assessment, for the success of the policy is very likely The last paper, written by Bonifacio Cunanan, dwells on the language profile
dependent on how stakeholders perceive it. and attitudes of stakeholders in a Philippine state university, which is a multilingual
academic setting. The institution of higher learning services thousands of students with
The second paper gives a description of two varieties of English - Hong Kong a thousand faculty and personnel, all coming from various ethnolinguistic groups in at
English and Indian English – in terms of morphosyntax. As such, the coverage in- least five different campuses of the same institution. The study is challenging as it seeks
cludes the use of irregular verbs, adjectives, and s-genitives. Both varieties, while to address issues in the formulation of a language policy to be adopted by the institution.
having been influenced by British English, carry marked differences in verb morphol- Given the situation that the university is all for the intellectualization of Filipino, the
ogy. What is also interesting in the article of Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Borlongan institution is likewise open to the inclusion of foreign languages in its programs.
is the comparison made to Philippine and New Zealand Englishes with Hong Kong
English and Indian English. The latter two have been found to be more conservative To the readers and subscribers of AJELS, it is my fervent hope that the journal
in the use of s-genitives. will pave the way for the enrichment of your knowledge in the specific areas to which
the writers contributed. Any feedback on this issue is most welcome and may be
Rachelle Lintao’s paper analyzes the effects of stylistic features in deducing emailed to mrmadrunio@mnl.ust.edu.ph.
the meaning and the sociocultural realm of the short story entitled “The Sadness
Collector.” She examined the theme in the story revolving around migration and

how this is achieved through the author’s stylistic speech and thought presentation

techniques. Lintao’s paper is an interesting attempt at stylistics. It is to be noted that MARILU RAŇOSA MADRUNIO, Ph.D.
very few researchers conduct studies on stylistics, especially those that use Philippine Editor, Asian Journal of English Language Studies
literary texts as corpus for investigation. Chair, UST Department of Languages (2006-2010)
Chair, UST Department of English (2010-2012)
Anchored on the framework by Rod Ellis, Selwyn Cruz elicits from selected
ESL and EFL college students their manifestation of explicit and implicit knowl-
edge by administering a Grammaticality Judgment Test (GJT) and Free Writing Test
(FWT), respectively. Implications for the teaching of English grammar in the
Philippine context were drawn as the study yielded that for English tests, both explicit
and implicit knowledge were used requiring knowledge of rule and personal judgment.

The fifth paper, written by Marie Claire Timbreza Duque, engages in spoken
discourse analysis in investigating the organizational patterns in argumentative speeches
of debaters. Interestingly, the author made use of argumentative essays that were actu-
ally used in spoken discourse, i.e., student debates, forming a solid basis on which to
anchor classroom instruction in terms of teaching discrete elements of an argument.

The sixth paper by Eric Lebeco anchors its investigation of the accuracy and
acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes of Filipino university freshman
multilinguals on Krashen’s Natural Order Hypothesis. The study cites the major influence
on the students’ accuracy/acquisition order. As in other studies conducted, Lebeco
highlights L1 transfer as the major determinant in terms of accuracy/acquisition order
and the use of overgeneralization, simplification, and incomplete application of rules as
affecting the degree of ease or difficulty in acquisition.


 Table of contents

Articles

English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education:

Language attitudes in the Philippines 1
Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz

The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes:

A corpus-based analysis 20
Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan

Traversing the speech and thought presentation features

of Merlinda Bobis’s “The Sadness Collector” 35
Rachelle B. Lintao

Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge

of Filipino and Korean college students in responding to English tests 61
Selwyn A. Cruz

Discourse organization of argumentative speeches:

Implications for teaching argumentative writing 86
Marie Claire Timbreza Duque

The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes by Filipino

university freshman multilinguals 117
Eric E. Lebeco

The language profile and the language attitudes of the administrators,

faculty members, personnel, and students of a Philippine state university:
Implications for language policy formulation 135
Bonifacio T. Cunanan

English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education:
Language attitudes in the Philippines
Ahmar Mahboob
University of Sydney
ahmar.mahboob@sydney.edu.au
Priscilla Cruz
Ateneo de Manila University
ptan@ateneo.edu
In this paper, we will problematize the proposed use of mother-tongue-based instruction in
the Philippines. As a country that has, for almost a century, supported the use of English in
schools, this proposal marks a drastic shift in Philippine languages in education policies. We
argue that a century of language policies, which have privileged English over all the local
languages of the Philippines, have led to specific attitudes to language that will impact on the
success of mother-tongue-based education. To support our arguments, we will draw on the
results of a survey on language attitudes conducted in the Philippines. This survey specifically
asked respondents about what they perceived to be the role/s of English and other Philippine
languages in education. We argue that although mother-tongue initiatives are admirable, they
need to be examined in terms of attitudes to language, which may or may not value mother
tongues. In addition, we argue that for mother-tongue-based education to succeed, it is neces-
sary to consider the possibility of changing these attitudes to language via a principles-based
approach to language policy.
Keywords: Mother-tongue-based multilingual education, Philippines, language attitudes,
language affiliation, language allocation
1. Introduction
In many parts of the world, there is a growing awareness that local languages (in-
cluding minority languages) need to be positioned more strategically within the educational
landscape. In this paper, we will examine some of the issues in relation to this by focusing
on English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education in the Philippines. This study is
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 2
necessary because it will add to current discussions on mother-tongue-based education in the
Philippines by considering the results of an attitudinal survey that reflect what (some) Filipi-
nos perceive to be the role(s) of English and local languages (including Filipino) in education.
We argue that although mother-tongue-based education (MTBE) policies are fundamentally
sound and supportive of national and community-oriented initiatives toward raising stan-
dards of education and literacy, these policies cannot exist without being problematized along
with attitudes to languages that may impact on the theorized positive effects of MTBE. We
argue that without addressing attitudes to languages in the Philippines, MTBE policies may
further strengthen the linguistic imperialist position of English and Philippine “polarized class
relations” (Tupas, 2009, p. 73) that are inextricably linked with English, which is perceived to
be the language of upward social, political, and economic mobility. Furthermore, we argue
that for MTBE policies to be truly successful, they must be institutionalized side-by-side with
strategies that raise the vertical discursiveness (Bernstein, 1996) of local languages in order to
strengthen their position/s as languages of major social, economic, educational, and political
domains. In developing this argument, this paper will, first, locate current discussions/debates
on MTBE in the history of English and Philippine language policy and planning. Second, it
will present the results of an attitudinal survey on languages in education in the Philippines.
Finally, it will discuss the results of this survey in light of current language policies and plan-
ning in the Philippines with a look into the possible futures of English and mother-tongue
education in the country. The paper will then end with a brief discussion of how a study of the
Philippines is relevant to other countries with similar issues as well.
Background of the study: Colonial policies, education, and English
Language policy and planning (LPP) in the Philippines is inextricably linked with the
country’s colonial history and its postcolonial or neocolonial effects. In this section, we give a
brief overview of LPP in the Philippines from the Spanish times to the present day. Our goal
here is to root the language attitudes revealed by the survey in historical processes of LPP that
have shaped these attitudes. In this section, we build our argument that unless mother-tongue-
based learning policies address deeply rooted language attitudes, there is a strong possibility
that it may not lead to the desired effects.
While the Spanish ruled the country, one means of control was to limit access to lan-
guage and education except for the elite ilustrado class that was generally composed of wealthy
Filipinos who were economically and socially positioned to conform with and support Spanish
colonial agendas (I. Martin, 1999). Only to this class was access to the Spanish language given
while the rest remained uneducated in language and everything else in general. Much has been
 3 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
written about Spanish colonization in the Philippines, but what matters to this paper on LPP
is the fact that language was a means to divide the rich and the poor. This linguistic divide be-
tween social classes persisted also when a new language, English, came with the country’s next
colonial masters.
Unlike the Spanish, the Americans knew right away that education was a powerful
weapon in their colonial arsenal. In the Philippines, the Americans found ideal colonial sub-
jects who were receptive to the opportunities given by English, the “most potent weapon of
the colonial government” (I. Martin, 1999, p. 132). It was, therefore, easy for the Americans to
bring English to the Philippines because of “the positive attitude of Filipinos towards Ameri-
cans; and the incentives given to Filipinos to learn English in terms of career opportunities,
government service, and politics” (Gonzalez, 1980, quoted in Lorente, forthcoming). This per-
ceived link between English and economic mobility, which was first introduced at the end of
the 19th century, shapes many of the language attitudes of today.
Although there were issues of whether English was the best language for education in
the Philippines, local languages were not used as media of instruction. In the first place, teach-
ers were trained to teach in English, and there was a dearth of materials in the local language.
In addition, the American colonial government insisted on the use of English as a medium
of instruction, hence, prioritizing its colonial agendas (Bernardo, 2004) and shaping a pliant
nation of ‘brown Americans’ who “would be able to participate in a society determined by
colonialism” (I. Martin, 2009, p. 246). English was pushed as the primary language of literacy
with local languages as “auxiliary languages to teach character education, good manners, and
right conduct” (I. Martin, 1999, p. 133). American language policy and planning then led to
what Ricento (2000) calls a “stable diglossia” (p. 198) with English as the major language of
higher education and socioeconomic and political opportunities while local languages were
restricted to other functions. This stable diglossia between English and local languages is still
visible today.
The Philippines gained independence from the US in 1946, but there was no inde-
pendence from English. Bernardo (2004) writes that even though there were studies at that
time that showed the positive effects of using local languages in education (see also Nolasco,
2008), there was no altering of the dominant position of English. However, because of the
positive results of a few studies on mother-tongue education, the Philippine government de-
cided on a formula for language in education that involved local languages being used up to
the second grade and English as the medium of instruction from third grade onward. This
formula of local languages for primary school and English thereafter promoted a split between
the language of home (the local languages) and childhood and the language of the larger world
(English) and adulthood.
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 4
Nationalist movements of the 60s up to the early 70s that were critical of English led
the Philippines in further stretching its postcolonial legs in the shaping of its own language
policies. The most important development was the formal introduction of a bilingual educa-
tion policy (BEP) that stipulated the use of English “for science and mathematics and Filipino
was to be used for all other courses” (Lorente, forthcoming). This is a system promoting a sta-
ble diglossia with English as the language of global developments and Filipino as the language
of national identity (Gonzalez, 1998 as cited in Lorente, forthcoming). The BEP, though, was
eventually blamed for what Filipinos considered to be a deterioration in literacy, as if learning
in another language could whittle away a Filipino child’s learning. Bilingual education had
marginal success, with English still dominant and resulting in Filipinos fearing an “English-
deprived future” (I. Martin, 2010, p. 126).
Despite nationalist movements critical of English in the late 60s that led to the BEP,
1974 was a year that cemented the connection between English and economic opportunities
through government labor policies. The 1974 government, under President Ferdinand Marcos,
released an advertisement in The New York Times equating Filipino cheap labor with English.
The ad said: “We like multinationals ... Local staff? Clerks with a college education start at
$35 ... accountants come for $67, executive secretaries for $148 ... Our labor force speaks your
language” (Lorente, forthcoming; Tollefson, 1991, p. 140). It seems that the most important
change that happened in the 70s was not the BEP but the Filipinos’ own articulation of Ameri-
can colonial policies that led to the imagining of English as the language of opportunity and
wealth. By 1974, the shaping of the Philippine colonial mind was complete as the Philippine
government itself was shaping national aspirations that were aligned with American needs.
Today, with the Philippine economy largely dependent on remittances from overseas workers,
many of whom work in English-speaking countries, the link between cheap labor and English
is as strong as ever.
In 1987, a new bilingual education policy was enacted into law involving the newly
energized national language, Filipino. The history of the national language has been problem-
atic at best. Filipino is actually Tagalog, the language of Manila, the political, economic, and so-
cial center of the Philippines. Tagalog was given the less regionalistic moniker of Pilipino and
later, Filipino. Filipino was to be a language that was developed out of all the local languages of
the Philippines. However, no new language was developed, and Filipino is really still Tagalog
(Hidalgo, 1998). In the 1987 BEP, “Filipino was mandated to be the language of literacy and the
language of scholarly discourse, while English was described as the international language and
the non-exclusive language of science and technology” (Bernardo, 2004, p. 21). In this ‘new’
bilingual provision, the functions of the two languages were more formally split into ‘Filipino
for local purposes’ and ‘English for global purposes.’ However, Gonzalez (1998) and Bernardo
 5 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
(2004) point out that because of economic advantages, English has remained as the most dom-
inant language of literacy, despite efforts to widen the domains of Filipino (Gonzalez, 2004).
Other reasons are the “controlling domains” (Gonzalez, 2004, p. 11) of English in Philippine
life that include politics, business, and the law. This split between ‘local’ Filipino and ‘global’
English remains an important element in the perception of the place of different languages in
Philippine life.
In recent decades, more fears of an “English-deprived future” (I. Martin, 2010, p. 126)
have surfaced mainly through a stronger need for Filipinos to fill global jobs. President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo pushed for aligning Philippine educational goals with global needs (Lor-
ente, forthcoming). What Arroyo wanted was for the educational sector to keep producing
graduates who would fill labor positions all over the world:
Ang importante kung ano ’yung nakikita nating demand sa mga skills, ang
ating school system ay dapat produce nang produce. Kung malaki ang de-
mand sa nurses, produce more nurses; kung malaki ang demand sa I.T. work-
ers, produce more I.T. workers kasi kailangan din natin sila dito, kailangan
sa ibang bansa. (Arroyo, 2002, quoted in Lorente, forthcoming)
Translation: What’s important is that our school system should produce and
produce based on whatever skills are in-demand. If there is a huge demand
for nurses, produce more nurses; if there is a huge demand for I.T workers,
produce more I.T workers because we will need them here and they will be
needed in other countries. (Translation, ours)
Since the ability to use English is an important skill for a global workforce, Arroyo’s
position led to fears that bilingual education caused the weakening of Filipinos’ English skills
and consequently, the chance to work abroad (Lorente, forthcoming). One result of Arroyo’s
position was House Bill No. 4701, later changed into House Bill 5619 (HB 5619). This was filed
by Representative Gullas in the Philippine Congress (Nolasco, 2008) and was meant to ensure
that Filipinos spent most of their schooling learning English and in English with the “time
allotted for [the language] in all learning areas shall not [be]...less than 70%” (Nolasco, 2008,
p. 3). HB 5619 wanted to maximize learning and living in English as a way of guaranteeing
Filipinos’ positions in overseas labor markets, particularly in America, Australia, the UK, New
Zealand, and other countries that require English proficiency. In addition, the need for English
was exacerbated by the business processing outsourcing (BPO) industry, which set up major
English-using call centers and customer service hotlines in the Philippines (Lockwood, et al.,
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 6
2009). In a country with high unemployment, the BPO industry, with its promise of a 38%
growth by 2015-2016 (Lockwood et al., 2009), naturally further led to the pragmatic connec-
tion between English and employability. HB 5619, however, was not enacted into law because
of a lack of support in the senate (Nolasco, 2008). However, the combination of labor require-
ments abroad and the BPO industry in the country again supported the position of English in
Philippines.
Amidst fears of losing English, a new bill was proposed in the Philippine Congress
in 2008. This bill, HB3719, the “historical... ‘Multilingual Education and Literacy Act of 2008’”
(Nolasco, 2008, p. 10) proposed the use of mother tongues–not just English or Filipino--as
media of instruction in education. Authored by Congressman Gunigundo, the bill proposed
“the use of the first language as the primary medium of instruction from preschool to Grade
6. ...[And] the strong teaching of English and Filipino in the elementary grades, but only as
separate subjects and not as media of instruction” (Gunigundo, 2010, p. 78, emphasis added).
HB 3719 was a bill that acknowledged the multilingual nature of the Philippines and rescued
other Philippine languages from the “auxiliary” position that they had been relegated to (Gon-
zalez, 1998, p. 499) by English and Filipino (Tagalog). By the time HB 3719 was filed, at least
two prominent studies had already been conducted on mother-tongue education, both show-
ing overwhelmingly favorable results with students educated in their mother tongue getting
higher scores in “ALL of the subjects” (Nolasco, 2008, p. 8, emphasis original). These studies,
plus Gunigundo’s argument that children who learn “cognitive, academic and linguistic skills
in their L1” can “gradually transfer this knowledge in the nationally prescribed languages, Eng-
lish and Filipino” (2010, p. 79), have provided a compelling case for L1 learning. HB3719 as-
sumes that if Filipinos can learn literacy skills in their L1, then learning English and other skills
demanded by global labor requirements will not be a problem. Today, in the new K-12 cur-
riculum of the Philippines, mother-tongue education is quickly gaining ground, with schools
all over the country now required to use mother tongues in early years’ education.
In this section, we presented an overview of language policy and planning in the
Philippines. By exploring this history, it is clear that the hegemonic position of English in the
Philippines is supported by more than a century of language and economic policies that have
privileged the language. Gonzalez (2004) has written:
All Filipinos know that their home language or vernacular or Filipino will
not give them access to international relations, trade and business. More-
over, they also realize the value of education and the value of competence in
English for their education not only within their own country but especially
outside. The prospects of further study abroad and even work abroad con-
 7 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
tinue to be attractive and a motivator for learning English and maintaining
competence in English not only as an individual but above all as a society.
(p. 13)
American colonialism first cemented this link between language and economic op-
portunities, but history tells us that Philippine government policies of business and labor have
continued to support this status quo through its prioritizing of global labor needs, whether by
offering English-speaking Filipinos as overseas workers or as local customer service workers
for overseas firms. The linguistic divide between the rich and the poor that was seen during the
Spanish colonization is still around in a revised form. Now, the idea is if you do not know Eng-
lish, you remain poor. The stable diglossia between English, Filipino, and other local languages
is even more visible as English is now, more than ever, packaged as the language of opportu-
nity. In 2001, Tupas wrote that “linguistic imperialism in the Philippines is not a thing of the
past” (p. 1), and English still enjoys a dominant position in the minds (and hearts) of Filipinos
who want to fulfill their economic dreams by working abroad. Tupas wrote about this in 2001,
years before the mother-tongue multilingual education was proposed. Is it possible, then, that
HB 3719 will “mitigat[e] the grip of English” (Lorente, forthcoming) over the country? With
mother-tongue-based education, will the Philippines see a lessening of the gap between the
rich and the poor, a gap that language policies have helped maintain? How do Filipinos per-
ceive the role/s of their languages? What are their perceptions and attitudes? To explore these
questions, we will discuss the results of the attitudinal survey we conducted.
2. Method
In order to collect data on attitudes toward various languages in the Philippines, we
conducted an attitudinal survey in early 2011. This survey was designed to collect perceptions
of Filipinos toward English, Filipino and non-Filipino mother tongues on a number of ques-
tions. The survey was created using Survey Monkey, and the link was widely advertised on a
number of social websites and universities. In all, 232 people responded to the survey, of which
127 were female and 105 were male. The average age of the participants was 22, with partici-
pant ages ranging from 15 to 63. Although the largest number of respondents was composed
of educators or students, others who responded to the survey included lawyers, nurses, jour-
nalists, business people, and tour guides. In terms of educational attainment, the participants
ranged from high school graduates up to postgraduates with doctorate degrees. Although
most participants were based in Manila, some were from major cities in the Philippines while
others were based abroad. There were 17 mother tongues listed; the majority spoke Tagalog
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 8
while others, Aklanon, Bicolano, Bisaya, Cebuano, Chavacano/Spanish creole, Chinese, Eng-
lish, Hiligaynon, Ibaloi, Ilokano, Ilonggo, Itawes, Ivatan, Kapampangan, Korean, Pangasinan,
Spanish, and Waray-waray. On average, the participants spoke two languages, but many also
spoke three or four.
The survey asked the participants questions about their language proficiency in Eng-
lish, Tagalog, and their non-Tagalog mother tongues. They were also asked questions about
what they perceived to be the place of English, Tagalog, and non-Tagalog mother tongues in
education. The results are presented in the next section.
3. Results
The first item the participants were asked to do was to rate their proficiency in Eng-
lish, Tagalog, and their non-Tagalog mother tongues. The results to this item (Figure 1) show
that most respondents perceived English to be their strongest language with the biggest num-
ber, 64%, considering themselves to be high proficient in English. In contrast, more respon-
dents rated themselves as low proficient in Tagalog and/or in their non-Tagalog mother tongues.
This is significant for MTBE education because with more respondents being comfortable in
English, a school system based on mother tongues as media of instruction will definitely be
met with resistance, particularly among the demographic represented in the survey. This de-
mographic is composed of upwardly mobile Filipinos who are mostly university-educated and
employed in various prestigious sectors.
Figure 1
Self-assessed proficiency in English, Tagalog, and mother tongue
 9 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
The respondents were also asked to rate their proficiency in listening, speaking, writ-
ing, and reading in English, Filipino (Tagalog), and non-Filipino mother tongues (Figure 2).
The results for this item show that in terms of listening and speaking, the self-assessed profi-
ciency is almost the same in English, Filipino, and non-Filipino mother tongues. However, in
both areas, the participants perceived their listening and speaking to be slightly better in their
mother tongues than in English or Filipino.
The results, though, are more striking in writing and reading. Whereas participants
perceived their listening and speaking skills to be slightly better in Filipino or in their mother
tongues, they perceived their writing and reading to be better in English than in any other
language. This is striking because to the respondents, the language of literacy is English, with
Filipino and mother tongues relegated to ‘everyday’ domains. Since language policies in the
Philippines have maintained the position of English in education, students have been educated
using English, with very little (or none) in terms of studying in Filipino and/or their mother
tongues. Furthermore, given the status of English, there appears to be a higher investment
(Norton, 2010) in it, with more people studying English to improve their literacy.
Figure 2
Distribution of proficiency across four skills for the high proficiency group
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 10
In another question, the survey participants were also asked to identify
which languages should be taught as subjects in schools. The responses to this ques-
tion are shown in Figure 3. It is clear in the pie chart that the majority of the respond-
ents pointed out that English should be taught as a subject in school, with barely 50%
identifying the need to have Tagalog as a subject. Mother tongues as subjects barely
got any support, with more respondents identifying the need to have other interna-
tional languages as subjects rather than other local languages.
Figure 3
Language preference in educational contexts
(Note: Other languages included: Vernaculars, Spanish, Chinese, Korean, French,
Japanese, Fookien, and German)
As the results in Figure 3 show, the participants saw the need for learning more Eng-
lish than any other language, including Filipino, the national language. These results again
show that English is the language that is perceived to be worthy of investment. Norton (2010)
explains that “[i]f learners ‘invest’ in the target language, they do so with the understanding
that they will acquire a wider range of symbolic and material resources” (p. 353). Since educa-
tion is perceived as a means toward acquiring these resources, these survey results suggest that
English is the language that allows access to these resources. These results are very important
in light of MTBE. If local languages are not perceived to be worthy of investment, then parents
 11 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
will prefer to send their children to schools that have strong English-medium programs. This
relates to the questions raised by Mahboob and Tilakaratna (2012) in their work on a ‘prin-
ciples-based approach to language policy and planning’ and suggests that unless stakeholders
are taken into consideration and a policy is developed based on an agreed-upon vision of the
country and the system, the results of a language-in-education policy may actually be counter-
productive.
In the final question relevant to this paper, the participants were asked which
language/s should be used as a medium of instruction in primary school, high school, and
universities. The results (Figure 4) show that fewer and fewer respondents preferred to use
other languages as media of instruction as schooling progressed from primary school up to
university. Conversely, the number of respondents who preferred English as the medium of
instruction increased. However, across all years of schooling, more preferred that English be
used as a medium of instruction, with Filipino, mother tongues, and other languages almost
disappearing in high school and university.
Figure 4
Medium of instruction
Note: Other languages included: Multilingual (10), Spanish (2), Japanese (1), French (1)
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 12
The last set of results shared here show that the majority of respondents think that
English should be the language of schooling, with the national language and mother tongues
playing small and temporary roles only in primary school. At university level, over 90% of the
respondents preferred English as the medium of instruction above any other languages.
Whatever value was attached to Filipino and other mother tongues in primary and
secondary schools disappeared almost entirely in university. So, years of language planning
and policy in the Philippines, despite almost three decades of a supposed bilingual education
policy, have actually led to the devaluing of the national language and other local languages.
It is important to revisit the domains of English, Filipino, and other mother tongues
here. In 1981, Gonzalez wrote that the domains of political and discursive power were in Eng-
lish, such as the courts of law and business. In a recent study, I. Martin (2012) indicates that
this has not changed as the majority of courts of law in the Philippines still use English, at the
risk of depriving non-English speaking Filipinos of their rights to due process. Considering the
importance of English in major sociopolitical and economic domains, it is not surprising why
the respondents saw more value in English. If more value is placed on English, then a possible
consequence will be the mushrooming of English-as-mother-tongue schools. These will likely
be private schools that only the elite can afford. Instead of opening access to wealth, education,
and opportunity to all sectors of Philippine society, mother-tongue education may result in
further dividing the rich and the poor as individuals who grew up speaking and studying in
Filipino or their mother tongues will be further marginalized as they would not have had the
same access to the language of power, as opposed to the elite who have always had English.
Sadly, as the results of the survey indicate, a mother-tongue-based system of educa-
tion, no matter how solid or theoretically positive, will not change over a century of language
attitudes that have been entrenched across generations. This would explain the fear of a future
without English that I. Martin (2010) wrote about. However, this is not a newly discovered fear.
Gonzalez in 1981 wrote about this fear when he mentioned that “the [BEP] has been blamed
rightly or wrongly for the “deterioration” of English” (p. 54). This fear of the deterioration of
English is unsurprisingly linked with the promise of using English skills to work in the BPO
industry locally or in lucrative jobs abroad. In 1998, Gonzalez wrote that: “English and Filipino
are taught from Grade 1 on and used as media of instruction from the first grade, although
there is much use of the local vernaculars in a bimodal style of communication, with the local
vernacular in decreasing use as the children go up the educational ladder” (p. 510, emphasis
ours). Since local vernaculars have been devalued so much in education, introducing them
now as media of instruction may just lead to more people choosing and wanting English-
medium private schools for their children.
 13 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
In addition to the aforementioned analysis, another way of looking at the survey fin-
dings is to explore the perceptions of the respondents based on their backgrounds. Across all
professions, all respondents preferred English. Many of them were gainfully employed in vari-
ous industries and educational institutions in the Philippines and abroad. This is the group that
has placed a premium on English as, presumably, the language of their economic and social
success. Without a shift in this attitude, students educated in local languages may not have the
chance to work in industries that value English above other languages. This confirms the fear
arising from the lack of English, which is ‘no English, no opportunity.’ In her essay on the grip
of English in the Philippines, Lorente (forthcoming) pointed out that since English was still
perceived to be the language of global opportunity, the “biggest winners” and “losers” in the
Philippine BEP:
were [speakers of] English which remained preeminent in the country’s lin-
guistic economy and the elite groups whose interests were now legitimized.
The biggest losers were the many Filipinos whose wages had been eroded by
their incorporation into the global labor market and whose varying levels
of English competence facilitated their entry as low-waged workers in an
export-oriented, labor intensive light industry financed by foreign capital.
(n.p.)
Now, with plans for mother-tongue-based education, there is no guarantee that the
policy will not result in the same outcome. When the BEP was first institutionalized, the Philip-
pines was starting its business of sending large amounts of laborers abroad. Along with or de-
spite mother-tongue-based education, the Philippines will still be sending its people abroad as
labor force. Without fundamental changes in the way local languages are perceived in relation
to economic success, mother-tongue-based education may lead to Filipinos further fearing
the loss of their ‘competitive edge’ as they would not have had enough access to the dominant
language.
4. Discussion
If attitudes toward language do not support attempts at mother-tongue-based lan-
guage policies, what can or should be done about LPP in countries such as the Philippines? To
answer this, it is necessary to investigate what language planning and policies do vis-a-vis what
people may want for themselves. Cooper (1989) defined language planning as “refer[ing] to
deliberate efforts to influence the behavior of others with respect to the acquisition, structure,
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 14
or functional allocation of their language codes” (p.45). The result of language planning is lan-
guage policy. Two parts of Cooper’s definition are very important in light of LPP in the Philip-
pines. The first is language planning as a form of “influence.” Copper pointed out that language
planning tends to focus on “influence rather than change” (p. 45), which suggests that LPP can
actually maintain the status quo rather than change it. Mother-tongue-based-education initia-
tives in the Philippines, though, are an attempt to change the status quo that painfully divides
the rich and the poor. Gunigundo (2010), who authored HB 3719, wrote that with mother-
tongue-based education raising the literacy levels in the country, there is a chance for Filipinos
to “finally catapult themselves from being low-skilled individuals into high-skilled achievers
and professionals” (p. 80). Mother-tongue-based LPP in the Philippines, thus, seeks to change
the status quo by providing all Filipinos the opportunity to achieve high-literacy levels regard-
less of what language/s they speak. However, this attempt to influence how Filipinos perceive
English and other languages may just maintain the status quo. To examine how this might
happen, it is necessary to examine the relationship between language allocation, language af-
filiation, and LPP.
Language allocation (J. Martin, 2010) can be understood in terms of how linguistic
and semiotic resources are distributed differentially amongst users, i.e., what languages and
other semiotic resources people have control over in construing and representing various
meanings in relation to the expected norms of the community of practice that they are either
members of or would like to be members of. To understand this notion of allocation in the
current context, we can observe that all individuals are allocated languages in their homes;
these would presumably be their mother tongues, whatever those languages are. Schooling
can actually make good use of allocated languages. If children go to a school that uses their
mother tongue as a medium of instruction, these children feel that their language and iden-
tities are affirmed in school where they can learn sciences, maths, history, and literature in
their mother tongues. In the Philippines, since English is the dominant language of education,
children have to go through the trauma of learning a new language—English — and learning
maths, science, and the like in this new language. So, their mother tongues have no place in
school or in the “big” world in general. This situation is different from that of the child who was
exposed to English in the home, as in the case of many middle-class and elite families in the
Philippines. This scenario can lead to a hierarchy based on language allocation. That English-
allocated children come from wealthy families is another concern because in using English as
a medium of instruction, the school system privileges children from upwardly mobile back-
grounds while disenfranchising those who come from the lower class. In effect, inequality is
maintained in the school system through language allocation. Mahboob (2011) argues that the
problems of language allocation versus language of schooling have led to children of various
 15 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
language backgrounds falling behind other children, as if language allocation and general ap-
titude for schooling are one and the same. It is this break between the language allocation and
the language of schooling that mother-tongue initiatives in the Philippines seek to address. But
language allocation is not all, as the notion of language affiliation is equally important.
If people acquire an allocated language at home, there are also language/s they may
wish to affiliate with. These are the languages of communities that individuals want to join. For
instance, a Filipino child with aspirations of joining the global scientific community would
want to learn the language/s of the scientific world. Similarly, a child who dreams of working
in an English-speaking country will want to learn the language of that country. These lin-
guistic desires linked with the desire to join communities of practice are what go into lan-
guage affiliation. As an individual desires to affiliate with a community, it becomes necessary
to learn the language of that community. What the survey on language attitudes tells us is that
although Filipinos may have been allocated Filipino and other mother tongues, the language
they wish to affiliate with is English. Unfortunately, since the desire to affiliate with English
has not changed, using allocated languages in school may just further separate the rich, who
have been allocated English and wish to affiliate with English, and the poor who have not been
allocated English but wish to affiliate with English. Consequently, the status quo would have
been maintained rather than changed by LPP. For mother-tongue-based educational policies
to succeed, all stakeholders, such as parents, students, educators, politicians, industry leaders,
should see the value of using local languages in schooling. They should also fully see that using
local languages will not negatively affect their access to English and any other languages they
wish to affiliate with. Realizing that using allocated languages in schools will not affect access
to English will take time. This is the time that the economic situation of the Philippines cannot
afford as the country’s economy is still held together by overseas workers who make a living in
English-speaking countries.
Apart from language allocation and affiliation, another issue that needs to be con-
sidered here is that of the vertical discursiveness of local languages. In his work on pedagogy,
Bernstein (1996) argued for a distinction between two discursive practices that operate within
societies. These are horizontal and vertical discourses. Bernstein argues that horizontal
discourses are comprised of “oral or common-sense knowledge” which are also “context de-
pendent” (p. 170). These discourses are, to borrow from Hasan (1999), “quotidian” (p. 311) or
everyday. Since Filipino and other Philippine languages are not perceived to be the languages
of education, they are “everyday” languages with horizontal discursiveness. Vertical discour-
ses, on the other hand, contain a “coherent, explicit, systematically principled structure” which
can “tak[e] the form of a series of specialized languages with specialized modes of interroga-
tion and specialized criteria for the production of texts” (Bernstein, 1996, p. 171). Horizontal
English and mother-tongue-based multilingual education: Language attitudes in the Philippines 16
discourses contain the languages of every day while vertical discourses contain the languages
of power. These are “specialized” (Hasan, 1999, p. 311) languages or the “genres of power” (J.
Martin, 1997, p. 419). J. Martin (1997) has argued that when it comes to offering all students
the opportunity to uplift their lives, control over the types of language that are privileged is
very important. He writes that
the more explicitly discourses are presented to [marginalized students], and
contextualized with respect to their social function, the more opportunity
marginalized students have to take them or leave them as they choose, and
if they take them, to take them up in ways that suit their interests, including
renovations where required. (p. 420)
Filipino, despite being the national language of the Philippines, and other local lan-
guages, may not be perceived to have the vertical discursiveness required to offer their users
access to discourses of power. It is not hard to see why this is so. Language policies in the
Philippines, while attempting to raise the status of Filipino, have marginalized local languages
and kept them in “auxiliary” positions (Gonzalez, 1998, p. 499). In addition, as mentioned
earlier, major discursive practices, such as business and the law, are still in English. Finally, the
Philippines is still economically dependent on foreign employment or investment, which both
require English. A combination of these factors has led to a disempowerment of local languag-
es, including the national language, in favor of the vertical discursiveness that English offers.
Presumably, mother-tongue policies will raise the vertical discursiveness of local languages
as using mother tongues in education will “intellectualize those languages so that they may
be used for higher-order thinking and wider domains” (Gunigundo, 2010, p. 80). However,
vertical discursiveness is not quickly developed. Applying mother-tongue policies before these
languages, which have been used in vertical discourses, may not change negative perceptions
toward the positions of these languages in sociopolitical and economic domains.
What is to happen now? In writing this paper, we are not, in any way, further sup-
porting the hegemony of English in the Philippines. Rather, what we have done is to show
how existing attitudes to language will derail any attempts at LPP that seek to “fi[x] education
through language” (Nolasco, 2010, p. 85). For a mother-tongue-based educational system to
work, large-scale attempts to change perceptions on the role/s or domain/s of local languages
have to be done.
 17 Ahmar Mahboob and Priscilla Cruz
5. Conclusion
In this paper, we have attempted to engage with recent changes in language policy
in the Philippines. These changes have been designed to raise the status of local languages
or mother tongues which have been disempowered by at least a century of policies that have
privileged English. We argue, based on an attitudinal survey on language and education, that
policies supportive of local languages need to be implemented along with widespread initia-
tives that will attempt to change the way Filipinos perceive their own languages. Mahboob
and Tilakaratna (2012) point out that it is very important to take into account the hegemonic
position of English in postcolonial societies, like the Philippines, when considering language
policies, especially those that will impact local languages. While English is perceived to hold
a position of power that is the key to socioeconomic and global opportunities, local languages
will always be on the margins. It is this perception that has to change for mother-tongue poli-
cies to become truly empowering.
It takes at least a generation to change perceptions, especially those linked with lan-
guage. While we support mother-tongue initiatives, we argue that it is crucial for all stakehol-
ders–policy makers, teachers, parents, students, and especially industry and business sectors–
to understand and personally align with the goals of mother-tongue education. In their paper
on a principles-based approach to language policy and planning, Mahboob and Tilakaratna
(2012) argue that collaboration between all stakeholders is necessary for an empowering lan-
guage policy. They write that “[t]hese stakeholders should be given power to influence the
design of policy, curriculum, and textbooks so that these policies are understood, accepted,
and translated into appropriate practice” (p. 13). If there is enough collaboration, then the
hegemonic position of English can be problematized and the position of local languages can
be truly strengthened.
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The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes: A

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The present analysis places the focus on the morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Eng-
lishes, their use of irregular verbs, comparison of adjectives, and s-genitives, and so revisiting
the findings of previous studies in light of the contribution of the frequencies for the two new
Englishes in question. Hong Kong and Indian Englishes generally follow the British pattern
of irregularity, but it is Indian English that is more loyal to its colonial heritage as Hong Kong
English has a tendency to demonstrate some ambivalence and indefiniteness in its patterns of
verb morphology. As with all the other Englishes investigated in the studies of Hundt (1998)
and Borlongan (2011b), Hong Kong and Indian Englishes also inflect for the comparison of
adjectives. Periphrastic comparison though is more frequent – but not significantly frequent
to put up a new pattern – in Hong Kong and Indian Englishes. The two Englishes also generate
much higher frequencies of double comparatives as compared with Philippine and New Zea-
land Englishes. Hong Kong and Indian Englishes surface as the most conservative in the use of
s-genitives. They are even more conservative than Philippine English, which has always been
described as a considerably conservative variety of English.

Keywords: Asian Englishes, morphosyntax, irregular verbs, comparison of adjectives,

s-genitives

1 This paper is based on the undergraduate thesis of the first author, supervised by the second author. The thesis was con-
ferred Most Outstanding Undergraduate Thesis by the Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La Salle Uni-
versity, Manila, the Philippines in December 2010. An earlier version of this paper was also presented at the 2011 Winter
International Conference on Linguistics in Seoul (WICLIS-2011), held on January 4-5, 2011 in Seoul, South Korea.
 21 Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan
1. Introduction
The morphosyntax of new Englishes has been the object of analysis of two studies
done previously, that of Hundt (1998) and Borlongan (2011b). Hundt focused on New Zea-
land English with references to American, Australian, and British Englishes. She found that,
compared to Australian, British, and New Zealand Englishes, the most advanced in terms of
morphosyntactic changes is American English, most especially in its regularization of irregular
verb morphology. However, she found the variation to be in terms of time and genre, not in
terms of country in the comparison of adjectives. All the Englishes that she analyzed increas-
ingly favor the use of the s-genitives over the of-periphrastic construction.
Borlongan (2011b) replicated the work of Hundt (1998) in an attempt to account for
some of the formal properties of Philippine English in morphosyntactic terms. Philippine
English has basically adopted the regularization patterns of the irregular verb morphology of
its parent American English, even with specific lexical items like prove. And like New Zealand
English which Hundt (1998) described as “‘more British’ than BrE [British English]” (p. 49),
Philippine English is more American than American English, too. Philippine English fol-
lows the general pattern across Englishes – there is considerable preference for the inflectional
comparison over periphrastic comparison of monosyllabic adjectives. Corpus findings appear
to put Philippine English among the Englishes that use the s-genitives the most; much higher
percentages for the use of s-genitives in Philippine English than those appearing higher in
Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech, and Svartvik’s (1985) gender scale have been demonstrated in the
analysis of ICE-PH. Borlongan concludes his paper with an analogy:
PhilE [Philippine English] does follow AmE [American English], undeni-
ably a child of its parent. But like a typical child of any parent, it has a
life of its own, too. One sees traits inherited from the parent (‘nature’) but,
likewise, it manifests traits resulting from developmental and contextual dy-
namics (‘nurture’). (p. 196)
The aim of the present analysis is to explain the morphosyntax of Hong Kong and
Indian Englishes. More specifically, the analysis will investigate the use of irregular verbs,
the comparison of adjectives, and the s-genitives in the two Englishes, and so revisiting the
findings of the previous studies in light of the contribution of the frequencies for the two new
Englishes in question. The selection of these three morphological variables was motivated by
the feasibility of these variables as focal words or the easy identification of focal words for the
variables. The selection of these variables was also affected by previous studies (Borlongan,
The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes... 22
2011b; Hundt, 1998); the variables have been previously looked at by earlier studies, which
then allows for comparison of the findings of the present study with the previous ones.
2. Method
This analysis, a corpus-based one, uses the Hong Kong and Indian components of the
International Corpus of English (ICE-HK and ICE-IND, respectively). As with all the other
components of the International Corpus of English (ICE), they follow the common Interna-
tional Corpus of English design as outlined by Nelson (1996). The corpus is composed of
about one million words distributed almost evenly across 500 texts with specified categories;
therefore, there are approximately 2000 words per text, and some are from mixed sources to
be able to reach the 2000 minimum number of words. The samples were gathered from adults
who received formal education using English as the language of instruction up to the postsec-
ondary level and aged 18 or more who can speak or write in English. The texts are divided into
spoken and written texts – the major text categories. The corpus is composed of private and
public dialogues, unscripted and scripted monologues, and nonprinted and printed written
materials.
Using WordSmith Tools 5.0, the following focal words were searched in the entirety
of ICE-HK and ICE-IND, meaning both spoken and written texts found in the corpora:
• For irregular verbs: burned, burnt, dreamed, dreamt, learned,
learnt, smelled, smelt, spelled, spelt, spilled, spilt, spoiled, spoilt, proved,
proven, gotten
• For comparison of adjectives: *er, *est, more, most
• For the s-genetives: ’s
Words that are not necessary to the analysis were sorted out before doing the actual
analysis. The data were compared with Hundt’s (1998) and Borlongan’s (2011b) findings on
other Englishes.
3. Results
3.1 Irregular verbs
Hundt (1998) points out that American English is, by far, the most advanced in the
regularization process in the morphology of irregular verbs across Englishes. She cites Peters
 23 Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes... 24

burnt as a past participle but not for learnt. Thus, she says, “The tendency is thus probably not
(1994) in saying that American English had reached the putative endpoint in the regulariza- typical of the whole of Quirk et al.’s (1985) class 1A of irregular verbs but a lexical phenomenon
tion of irregular verb morphology in as early as 1961. Australian and New Zealand Englishes associated with selected verbs from the group” (p. 30). Table 2 shows the frequency of the uses
are following the patterns of their parent variety, British English. However, British English is of burnt and learnt across datasets of different Englishes.
nearly catching up with American English in regularizing the morphology of irregular verbs.
Table 1 shows the frequency of the past forms and -ed participles of burn, dream, and Table 2
learn from the corpora of Hong Kong, Indian, Philippine, American, British, and New Zealand Past vs. past participle of burnt and learnt
Englishes. The Philippine component of the International Corpus of English (ICE-PH) rep-
resents Philippine English while newspaper texts from the Miami Herald represent American Verb Function ICE- ICE- ICE-PH Miami Guardian DOM/
English, Guardian for British English, and Dominion and the Evening Post (DOM/EVP) for form HK IND Herald EVP
New Zealand English – all figures and percentages for Philippine English are from Borlongan f % f % f % f % f % f %
(2011b), and American, British, and New Zealand Englishes are from Hundt (1998).
burnt past 1 13 1 3 0 0 5 19 15 12 26 25
-ed 7 87 36 97 4 100 21 81 107 88 79 75
Table 1 participle
Regular and irregular past tense forms of burn, dream, and learn learnt past 12 29 29 37 0 0 - - 42 42 42 48
-ed 29 71 49 63 2 100 - - 58 58 45 5
Verb form ICE-HK ICE-IND ICE-PH Miami Herald Guardian DOM/EVP articiple

f % f % f % f % f % f %
That burnt and learnt, together with other class 1A irregular verbs, are more frequent-
burned 1 100 0 0 5 100 475 95 155 56 128 55
ly used as –ed participle forms than past forms (Quirk et al., 1985) is confirmed by the corpora
burnt 0 0 2 100 0 0 26 5 122 44 105 45
of American, British, New Zealand, and Philippine Englishes. The same is the pattern in the
dreamed 0 0 0 0 4 100 159 95 79 69 41 80
Hong Kong and Indian English corpora, but not as overwhelming as the Philippine English
dreamt 1 100 3 100 0 0 8 5 35 31 10 20
corpus that did not show any frequency at all of –ed participle use for the two verbs in ques-
learned 1 25 2 100 70 100 3.104 100 978 78 257 75
tion. These are some of the occurrences of burnt and learnt as –ed participle in the Hong Kong
[sic]
English corpus:
learnt 3 75 0 0 0 0 0 0 281 22 87 25

(1) The brown grass was burnt and became dark ash. <W2F-006#39:1>

Based on the frequencies in Table 1, ICE-HK and ICE-IND are “somehow erratic” in (2) So we find this nice place and we lied down and have some sun you know
that’s why nose’s a little burnt. < S1A-041#248:1:A>
their alternation of the regular and irregular past tense forms of burn, dream, and learn. For
Hong Kong English, dream’s and learn’s past tense forms are irregular, but burn’s is regular.
(3) Although I have learnt French for two years, the standard is really low.
For Indian English, the past tense forms of burn and dream are irregular but regular for learn. <W1B-003#76:3>
Nevertheless, the general patterns of Hong Kong and Indian English verb morphology still
favor the purported British irregular than the American regular. (4) I have learnt Mandarin, uhm just uhm the the elementary course.
Class 1A irregular verbs like burn and learn being used more frequently as –ed parti- <S1A-020#59:1:A>
ciple forms than as past forms, Hundt (1998) echoes what Quirk et al. (1985) wrote. However,
according to Hundt, the frequencies in her data only show a significant difference in the use of

25 Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes... 26

And in the Indian English corpus:

Table 3 (continued)

(5) In dry seasons, some of the garbage is burnt on roadside instead of being
collected. <W2A-031#72:1> Verb form ICE-HK ICE-IND ICE-PH FLOB ACE WCNZE

(6) Article two uh collectively is burnt uh <indig> saree </indig> with uh poly spelled 0 0 3 4 3 0
thene bag, and a wrapper. <S2A-070#37:1:A> spelt 2 0 0 2 7 3
spilled 3 5 0 5 9 3
(7) I have learnt that you have shifted to Kolhapur to pursue the Research Pro spilt 1 0 0 2 3 2
ject. <W1B-003#111:1> spoiled 0 1 1 4 1 0
spoilt 0 0 0 2 9 9
(8) For the first criterion about which he talks is that, in India English is learnt,
from the school stage of education. <S2A-047#59:1:A> -ed 25 (54%) 14 (30%) 91 (99%) 149 (69%) 142 (57%) 127(56%)
-t 21 (46%) 35 (70%) 1 (1%) 68 (31%) 109 (43%) 98 (44%)
Table 3 displays a more varied set of verbs in both their regular and irregular past
forms across corpora of different Englishes. The table further shows Hong Kong and Indian Total 46 50 92 217 251 225
Englishes’ adherence to their parent’s preference for irregularity.

The regular -ed participle form of prove is proved, and the irregular -ed participle
Table 3
form is proven. What makes prove unique is that, in American English, alleged to be the most
Regular and irregular past tense forms of selected verbs
advanced in the regularization process, the irregular -ed participle (proven) is preferred over
the regular form proved. Table 4 shows the frequencies of participial proved and proven across
Verb form ICE-HK ICE-IND ICE-PH FLOB ACE WCNZE
different Englishes.

burned 0 0 5 16 15 13
Table 4
burnt 1 1 0 11 26 28
Participial proved and proven
dreamed 0 0 4 5 17 9
dreamt 1 3 0 5 9 4
Verb form ICE-HK ICE-IND ICE-PH Miami Herald Guardian DOM/
leaned 1 2 6 25 25 26 EVP
leant 3 0 0 13 10 4
f % f % f % f % f % f %
leaped 1 1 0 3 4 0
leapt 1 1 1 7 8 6 proved 21 48 42 86 2 6 149 35 437 80 200 64
learned 19 5 70 81 64 69
learnt 12 29 0 22 31 37 proven 22 52 7 14 32 94 275 65 111 20 111 36

smelled 1 0 2 6 4 7
smelt 0 1 0 4 6 5
 27 Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes... 28

The frequencies for Hong Kong and Indian Englishes make another interesting case (15) And <w> I’ll </w> be happy if <w> I’m </w> proven wrong <,,>. < S1B-059#106:1:B>
for prove, most especially when compared with the frequencies of the Englishes in Borlongan’s
(2011b) and Hundt’s (1998): Hong Kong English does not have yet a stable pattern of usage (16) <mention> Slow sand filtration </mention> has proven to be an effective process in
for prove; the frequencies for the Hong Kong English corpora for proved and proven only has the removal of various microorganisms, if operated correctly. <W2A-036#28:1>
a difference of one occurrence in favor of proven of American English. Hong Kong English is,
in fact, closer to the New Zealand English pattern usage, although New Zealand English has a 3.2 Comparison of adjectives
substantially more transparent preference for proved. As for Indian English, the pattern is very
much typical of the British pattern, again. These are some of the occurrences of proved and The possibilities for comparison of adjectives are as follow (Quirk et al., 1985): The
proven in the Hong Kong English corpora: inflectional comparison includes monosyllabic adjectives and adjectives ending in –y/–ly, but
disyllabic adjectives may either take periphrastic or inflectional comparison, but more com-
(9) Only when the government has proved itself to be <unc> one-word </unc> monly periphrastic. These patternings for monosyllabic adjective comparison have been sub-
and the economy has strengthen can it more really convince the public to stantiated by corpus data in Hundt’s (1998) investigation on American English of 1960s and
support a consumption tax until then the Liberal Party joins other against 1990s, British English of the 1960s and 1990s, Australian English of 1960s and 1990s, New
the consumption tax whose time is not now </I> <S2B-038#176:3:A> Zealand English of 1960s and 1990s, and Borlongan’s (2011b) on Philippine English. Table 5
displays the frequency of inflectional and periphrastic comparison of monosyllabic adjectives
(10) The “divide and rule &rdquo; tactic has proved a tool of immense value to across corpora of different Englishes, now including Hong Kong and Indian Englishes.
the Government. < W2B-011#78:2>
Table 5
These pollutants have been proven to cause attacks of asthma progressive
(11) Inflectional and periphrastic comparison of monosyllabic adjectives
deterioration in lung functions nose allergies and even cancers.<S2B030#22:1:A>
Comparison Type ICE-HK ICE-IND ICE-PH Brown Frown LOB FLOB ACE WCNZE
f % f % f % f % f % f % F % f % f %
(12) Doctors should be encouraged to implement primary and secondary pre-
ventive measures that have been proven to be effective, while community Inflectional 3732 99.33 2387 99.25 2039 99.61 345 100 369 99.73 337 99.70 286 99.65 338 99.70 308 99.68

health workers should actively promote diabetes education to diagnosed Periphrastic 29 0.77 18 0.75 8 0.39 0 0 1 0.27 1 0.30 1 0.35 1 0.30 1 0.32

patients as well as to the general public. <W2A-026#172:1>

As Borlongan (2011b) described Philippine English, Hong Kong and Indian English-
And in the Indian English corpora: es also follow other Englishes’ general preference for inflection in the comparison of adjectives.
However, the two Englishes in question show the lowest frequencies in comparison with the
(13) So Daswani says that <,> it has not yet been proved that <,> face structure other Englishes. The sentences below exemplify periphrastic comparisons in the Englishes in
rules of British English <,> and Indian English are the same <,,> are the addendum. For Hong Kong English:
same <,> and that the difference is only in thearea of uh <,> transfor-
mational <,> and phonological rules <,,> < S2A-047#98:1:A> (17) And <,> so it’s it’s more wide. < S1A-065#X620:1:Z>

(14) The experience of the socialist countries has proved to us that the health (18) It’s much more safe <,> than being alone <S1A-079#527:2:A>
standards of a country, even when it has limited resources, can be drama
tically raised by simple public health measures and social reforms.
< W 2B-033#41:1>
 29 Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes... 30

(19) Maybe there isn’t a responsibility from a family that one could be more free. Here now are the examples for Indian English:
<W1B-015#165:9>
(27) Okay but uh <,> collenchyma cells are made up of <,> uh additional sub-
(20) The Government countered that the large number of demonstrations since stance called pectine which gives it more strength or which makes it more
reunification proves civil liberties are even more alive than before, ignoring tougher than the normal other cells <,> <S1B-015#131:1:A>
the obvious point that more people demonstrate because more people are
discontent, not because they are more free to express discontent. </p>. <W2B- (28) But sometimes I think <,> uh I certainly wish I just could relax at home and
011#124:2> you know <,,> the chores that I do <,> now I mean <,> if were to do just
those chores and I would feel certainly much more happier <,> <S1A-079#33:1:B>
And for Indian English:
Moreover, unlike Philippine and New Zealand English corpora, Hong Kong and In-
(21) It is true that we sometimes cook in a little more fat than necessary <,>. < S2A- dian English corpora have instances of double comparatives in the superlative degree, one in
051#5:1:A> Hong Kong English corpus and one in the Indian English corpus; the first example is from
Hong Kong, and the second is from India.
(22) The nodules and roots contained more free phenols during rainy season and
lesser in the winter. <W2A-029#5:1> (29) And again to your left hand side <,> which is the Kwai Chung Container
Ports the Kwai Chung Container Ports is the world busiest the most busiest
(23) There have been many wonderful discoveries by scientists <,> to make our container port in the world <,> <ICE-HK:S2A-024#82:1:A>
lives <,> more comfortable <,> more safe and more interesting <,,>. <S2B-
045#2:1:A> (30) And these buggers wants their own personal jobs to be done <,> which are
most silliest in nature <,,> <ICE-IND:S1A-045#63:1:B>
(24) Subhro knew he couldn’t be any more late. <W2F-006#362:1>
3.3 The s-Genitives
Double comparatives occurred only once in Hundt’s (1998) New Zealand English
data and six times in Borlongan’s (2011b) Philippine English corpus. Hong Kong and Indian The s-genitives have changed over time. The inflected, synthetic genitive was histori-
English corpora produce more frequencies, 11 and 10, respectively. The following are exam- cally used by all nouns in English. The analytic alternative came a little later and, as a conse-
ples from Hong Kong: quence, the use of the s-genitives had some semantic restrictions; that is, those noun classes
appearing higher in what Quirk et al. (1985) call the “gender scale” (i.e., personal names, per-
(25) <{1> <[1> Everything </[1> is is <,> not only in Cantonese so it makes for sonal nouns, and collective nouns) should be the preferred collocates of s-genetives. But the
foreigners it makes it even far <{2> <[2> uh more </[2> easier </X> <S1A- recent revival of the s-genitives has weakened these restrictions. Table 6 shows the frequencies
011#X1044:1:Z> of s-genitives across different corpora.

(26) Because if the input output characteristic can be represented by a straight

line then it would make the subsequent signal processing system much
more <,> simpler <,> <S1B-005#50:1:A>
 31 Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes... 32
32
__________________________________________________________________________________

Table 6 (34) When I saw my granny’s cordial smile, my heart was deeply warmed. <W2F-
S-Genitives in different corpora 008#141:2> [personal noun]

Noun Class ICE-HK ICE-IND ICE-PH Brown Frown LOB FLOB ACE WCNZE (35) That’s despite a whole morning of discussion by the Sino British joint liai-
f % f % f % f % f % f % f % f % f %
son group’s airport committee <S2B-002#7:1:B> [collective noun]
personal names 1008 26 961 36 983 34 466 37 687 38 443 38 692 40 433 31 364 27
personal nouns 839 22 669 25 692 24 238 19 281 16 259 22 245 14 257 18 259 19 (36) With a massive overhang of empty flats on private housing estates, the Gov-
collective nouns 1111 29 631 24 507 17 191 15 280 16 175 15 311 18 233 17 289 21 ernment’s decision to sell only about 5,000 Home Ownership Scheme units
(higher) animals 20 1 11 0 25 1 6 0.5 1 0.05 5 0.4 9 0.5 6 0.4 12 1
over the next 12 months should help stabilise the market. </p> <W2E- 006#
geographical nouns 410 11 179 7 377 13 207 16 313 17 159 14 286 16 295 21 238 18
101:6> [collective noun]
temporal nouns 224 6 102 4 134 5 83 16.5 85 5 80 7 120 7 87 6 110 8
other nouns 214 6 90 3 192 7 74 6 145 8 38 3 79 4.5 78 6 76 6
And ICE-IND:

Total 3826 100 2643 100 2910 100 1265 100 1792 100.05 1159 99.4 1742 100 1389 99.4 1348 100

Borlongan (2011b) has recently claimed that Philippine English is the most conserva-
tive in the use of the s-genitives. But with the addition of the frequencies for Indian and Hong
Kong Englishes, Indian English becomes the most conservative of all the Englishes in adhering
to the semantic restrictions earlier mentioned. Then Hong Kong English follows. With the
findings of the present analysis at hand, the ordering for the total percentage for the three most
frequently occurring noun classes with the s-genitives is: Indian English (85%) > Hong Kong
English (77%) > Philippine English and British English of the 1960s (75%) > British English
of the 1990s (72%) > American English of the 1960s (71%) > American English of the 1990s
(70%) > New Zealand English (67%) > Australian English (66%).
The following are samples of the occurrences of the three most frequently occurring
noun classes with the s-genitive from ICE-HK:
(31) In the light of her evidence that she was quite unaware of Mr Hau’s other
criminal activities. < S2A-067#16:1:A> [personal name]
(37) Because <,,> the great demon killer <,,> Krishana <,,> is <w> Arjuna’s char-
ioteer <,,>. <S2B-031#159:1:A> [personal name]
(38) Bode was so impressed with <w> Titius’s </w> formula that he publicized it,
without, however, giving any credit to its originator, and the rule came to be
known as <w> Bode’s </w> formula of planetary distances. </p>. <W2B-
022#29:1> [personal name]
(39) And over <w> Jacob’s </w> and <w> Bob’s </w> <,> to a most of the time
<,> what you will <,> what modern people will dismiss as phonological anal-
ysis <,> so that Roman <w> Jacob’s </w> and <O> one word</O> pushed
in <w> it’s </w> nothing <,>. < S1A-081#78:1:A> [personal name]
(40) <w> Vigilant’s </w> study also validated <w> Cann’s </w> finding that African
lineages were the oldest. < W2B-038#108:1> [personal noun]

(41) The Indian <w> society’s </w> hierarchical structure <,,> its caste system <,,>
(32) Mr Liu’s associates said while he remained a Shanghai official until the CASS ap
inequitus economic system <,> and its anti-labour intellectual culture <,>
pointment , the Jiang protege had for the past two years spent more time in
Beijing than in Shanghai . </p> <W2C-015#79:5>[personal name] are formidable barriers <,,> to its development as free society <,> <ICE-IND:
S2A-031#55:1:A> [collective noun]
(33) In applying for such alteration/addition to the name of a child, the parent
must attend in person to make a declaration and produce the child’s birth (42) It is essentially a <w> people’s </w> art whose themes reflect folk life and
certificate. < W2D-002#28:1> [personal noun] beliefs. </p> <ICE-IND:W2B-007#63:1> [collective noun]
 33 Joo Hyuk Lim and Ariane Macalinga Borlongan The morphosyntax of Hong Kong and Indian Englishes... 34

4. Discussion
Using ICE-HK and ICE-IND as dataset, the present analysis annexed Hong Kong
and Indian Englishes after Hundt’s (1998) and Borlongan’s (2011b) investigation of the use
of irregular verbs, comparison of adjectives, and s-genitives in New Zealand and Philippine
Englishes, respectively. It was found that Hong Kong and Indian Englishes generally follow the
British pattern of irregularity, but it is Indian English that is more loyal to its colonial heritage
as Hong Kong English has a tendency to demonstrate some ambivalence and indefiniteness
in its patterns of verb morphology. As with all the other Englishes investigated in the stud-
ies of Borlongan (2011b) and Hundt (1998), Hong Kong and Indian Englishes also inflect for
the comparison of adjectives. Periphrastic comparison though is more frequent – but not
significantly frequent to put up a new pattern – in Hong Kong and Indian Englishes. The two
Englishes also generate much higher frequencies of double comparatives as compared with
Philippine and New Zealand Englishes. Hong Kong and Indian Englishes surface as the most
conservative in the use of s-genitives. They are even more conservative than Philippine Eng-
lish, which has always been described as a considerably conservative English.
An important question that any quantitative corpus analysis of any English should
be able to answer is: What do these frequencies tell of the spread vis-à-vis the development of
Englishes? Schneider (2003, 2007) locates the two Englishes in question, including Philippine
English, at the nativization stage in his dynamic model of the evolution of postcolonial Eng-
lishes, but Borlongan (2011b) argues for the relocation and advancement of Philippine English
to the next stage, which is endonormative stabilization. Hong Kong and Indian Englishes
demonstrate both conformity and unconventionality in terms of the morphosyntactic vari-
ables investigated, which is characteristic of structural nativization, according to Schneider.
However, such conformity and unconventionality are more observable in Hong Kong than
India, probably because Hong Kong is sometimes seen as slowing down in its evolutionary
process and even relegating English to a foreign language status in the special Chinese ad-
ministrative territory. Also, the two Englishes show less stability in their choices, supporting
Borlongan’s (2011a, 2011b) for a more advanced development for Philippine English compared
with the two Englishes under investigation.
Borlongan, A. M. (2011b). Some aspects of the morphosyntax of Philippine English. In M.L.S. Bautista
(Ed.), Studies on Philippine English: Exploring the Philippine component of the International
Corpus of English (pp. 187-199). Manila, the Philippines: Academic Publications Office, De La
Salle University.
Hundt, M. (1998). New Zealand English – fact or fiction?: A corpus-based study in morphosyntactic varia-
tion. Amsterdam, the Netherlands: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Nelson, G. (1996). The design of the corpus. In S. Greenbaum (Ed.), Comparing English worldwide: The
International Corpus of English (pp. 27-35). Oxford, the United Kingdom: Oxford University
Press.
Peters, P. (1994). American and British influence in Australian verb morphology. In U. Fries, & P. Schnei
der, P. (Eds.), Papers from the Fourteenth International Conference on EnglishLanguage Research
on Computerized Corpora, Zürich 1993 (pp. 149-158). Amsterdam, the Netherlands: Rodopi.
Quirk, R., Greenbaum, S., Leech, G., & Svartvik, J. (1985). A comprehensive grammar of the English lan-
guage. London, the United Kingdom & New York, NY: Longman Group Limited.
Schneider, E.W. (2003). The dynamics of new Englishes: From identity construction to dialect birth.
Language, 79, 233-281.
Schneider, E.W. (2007). Postcolonial English: Varieties of English around the world. New York: Cambridge
University Press.

References

Borlongan, A. M. (2011a November). Relocating Philippine English in Schneider’s Dynamic Model. Pa-
per presented at the 17th Annual Conference of the International Association for World Eng-
lishes, Melbourne, Australia.

Traversing the speech and thought presentation features
of Merlinda Bobis’s “The Sadness Collector”
Rachelle B. Lintao
Department of English
University of Santo Tomas
lerache@yahoo.com
This study aims to describe the effects of stylistic features in extrapolating the mean-
ing and sociocultural realm of Merlinda Bobis’s short story, “The Sadness Collec-
tor.” The story’s theme, the breakdown of a family brought about by migration, is
effectively and creatively achieved through the author’s stylistic speech and thought
presentation techniques. The sociocultural actuality reflected in the story points
out the miserable plight of the Philippines, having developed a “culture of migra-
tion” as a leading labor exporter, and the turmoil of Filipino families experiencing
the downside of migration.
Keywords: Stylistics, narrative, speech and thought presentation, free indirect
discourse
1. Introduction
Widdowson (1975 as cited in Carter, 1982) presents the incorporating tool of stylis-
tics between language and literature:
By stylistics I mean the study of literary discourse from a linguistics orientation
and I shall take the view that what distinguishes stylistics from literary criticism on
one hand and linguistics on the other is that it is a means of linking the two. (p. 7)
Identified as a linguistic approach to literature, stylistics regards language a primordi-
al degree of importance since the forms, patterns, and levels that constitute linguistic structure
are an index or manifestation of the text’s purpose, which, in turn, acts as a gateway to inter-
pretation. While linguistic features do not themselves constitute a text’s meaning, an account
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 36
of linguistic features, nonetheless, serves to ground a stylistic interpretation and helps explain why,
for the analyst, certain types of meaning are possible.
Stylistic analysis initially involves identifying features of language and determining
patterns of occurrences of these language attributes. Using these parallelisms, analysts arrive
at stylistic interpretation by extending their own literary encounters through relating their own
experiences of language. Simpson (2004) recognizes that stylistics concerns itself in language
as a “function of texts in context” (p. 3); language here is perceived as an active element of the
real world. Thus, what a text signifies or means is linked to the language or utterances used
that operate within sociocultural underpinnings. He further discusses that a full and effective
stylistic analysis happens when a text employs a more comprehensive and context-situated
language use. Consequently, stylistic analysis comprises the entirety of the language system in
a writer’s work.
By examining what happens in a text and what occurs outside, stylistic analysis calls
for the convergence of a variety of disciplines such as gender studies, sociolinguistics, semiot-
ics, structuralism, and the like. This is to ensure that all ranges of the system of language that
comprise aspects of a writer’s craft being subject to stylistic analysis are dealt with. The analysis
is seen as contextual and pragmatic in the sense that the potential effect of the message is ex-
amined beyond words in the selection.
Accordingly, a sound literary judgment can be established by making use of the basic
element of any text–language–as it serves as the basis in which to work out the full significance
of a literary text. A basic presupposition pointed out by Carter (1982) is that literary texts are
composed of language arranged in engaging manner, and because of that, they serve as an in-
teresting subject for the study of language. Hence, doing stylistics means traversing creativity
in language use. Language serves as an enabling device, allowing analysts to look into a writer’s
style–his sequence of choices, responses, acts, and consequences that make up his work.
Literature and Social Reality
Lucien Goldmann (1968 as cited in Laurenson & Swingewood, 1972) says that great
literature deals with major social problems as the writer relates with the social leanings of his
time and addresses social conditions having awareness about the human tendencies.
A great deal of literary classics around the world like “Beowulf,” “Ramayana,” “Ma-
habharata,” and “The Odyssey”; the plays of Shakespeare and Marlowe; and the novels of Che-
kov and Maupassant are reflections of their own times and peoples of the countries where they
were written.
 37 Rachelle B. Lintao
Fowler (1977 as cited in Bradford, 1997) upholds a sociolinguistic program in analyz-
ing literary style:
Basically, it is theory of varieties, of correlations between distinctive lin-
guistic choices and particular socio-cultural circumstances. The individual
text can be described and interpreted in relation to the stylistic conventions
which generate it and the historical and sociological situation which brought
it into existence. (pp. 82-83)
In other words, the literary text, realized in language, informs and forms actuality in
the same way as it replicates it. Fowler’s (1996 as cited in Bradford, 1997) idea further contends
that “the linguistic conventions and habits of the world–involving ideological and social regis-
ters–influence and permeate the stylistic character of the text” (p. 84).
Correspondingly, Widdowson (1996) underscores the connection of language, social
reality, and stylistics:
Messages are produced in accordance with systems of social convention;
otherwise, they would not be understood. The units of the message are not
simply tokens but types in their own right–definable in terms of social com-
munication. Stylistics is concerned with such message types; its purpose is
to discover what linguistic units count as in communication and how the
effects of different conventions reveal themselves in the way messages are
organized in texts. Stylistics then is the social function of language. (p.140)
Narrative
A narrative displays all aspects of human experience. Being everywhere, a narrative
can be major and minor, oral or written, formal or informal, and literary or not. Distinguish-
ing a narrative from all the other types of writing, Toolan (1996, p. 137) notes the movement,
i.e., the sense of “before and an after” condition that something has happened. He further
asserts that “something that has happened needs to be interesting to the audience, and interest-
ingly told” in a narrative (p. 137).
Examining a narrative requires that certain elemental features be present for it to be
considered successful and effective. Simpson (2004) argues the need of a narrative to progress,
build on, beautify, as well as the requisite to achieve a level of “stylistic flourish” that would
leave a mark of the author’s distinctiveness or personal touch; without which would result in a
flat or dry work (p. 19).
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 38
Moreover, Simpson (2004) has come up with a narrative framework model (See Fig-
ure 1) that presents how a narrative may be analyzed. A narrative can be seen from the nar-
rative plot and the narrative discourse paradigms. A narrative plot or the abstract text points
out detailed, orderly events that refer to the narrative’s inner core or the narrative’s conceptual
or abstract storyline. On the other hand, a narrative discourse is the realized storyline, de-
picting the manner by which a plot is told or narrated. Simpson (2004) further emphasizes
that certain stylistic tools such as flashback, prevision, and repetition operate to break off the
“elemental chronology” of the narrative’s plot (p. 20).
Simpson (2004) enumerates the following stylistic elements that realize the narrative
discourse:
a. Textual medium that serves as the physical means by which a story is narrated;
b. Sociolinguistic code that articulates the story’s sociocultural context by exploring the text
and context connection;
c. Characterization on elements, actions, and events that presents how the progression of
character relates with the actions and events of the narrative;
d. Characterization on points of view that deals with the connection between the manner of
narration and the character’s or narrator’s vantage point. Speech and thought presentation in
a narrative is also a beneficial factor as it attributes to both the actions and events of the story;
e. Textual structure that calls for the arrangement and structure of the different elemental
units in the narrative; and
f. Intertextuality that refers to the “allusion” technique as narrative fictions reflect other texts
and other representations.
Figure 1
Simpson’s model of narrative structure (2004)
 39 Rachelle B. Lintao Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 40

1.1 Objectives Table 1

Speech and thought presentation categories and sample sentences
This paper attempts to explore how the theme of Merlinda Bobis’s narrative, “The
Sadness Collector” is effectively achieved through the author’s “stylistic flourish” by examining
the third element in Simpson’s six-fold stylistic domains: the intersection of the narrative mode Category type Example

and the use of points of view in the selection’s narrative discourse. The study aims to identify
the unique voice created in the story by finding answers to the following questions: DS-Direct Speech She said, “I won’t now, regardless of what you say.”

DT-Direct Thought She thought, “I won’t now, regardless of what you say.”
1. What speech and thought presentation techniques are employed to establish the nar-
FDS-Free Direct Speech I won’t now, regardless of what you say.
rative voice in the story?
2. How is the story’s theme revealed through the story’s narrative voice? FDT-Free Direct Thought I won’t now, regardless of what you say.

1.2 Theoretical Framework
Of the six stylistic domains used in analyzing a narrative discourse identified by
Simpson (2004), this study attempts to explore the story’s narrative mode and characteriza-
tion in terms of point of view, and subsequently, establish the relationship between the stylistic
character reflected in the features of the literary text under study and the sociocultural context
in which it is mirrored.
1.2.1 Speech and Thought Presentation
An important aspect of narrative characterization on point of view is the way speech
and thought processes are presented. Toolan (1996, p. 106) stresses that the speech and
thought presentation techniques in a narrative promote a level of “dramatization” and distin-
guish a story from a flat narrative “telling.” Thus, analyzing a narrative’s shifts from telling to
internal-character reflection commences with identifying speech and presentation techniques
used. Since an array of categories by which speech and thought are reported abound, this
study makes use of the speech and thought presentation model developed by Leech and Short
(1981).
IS-Indirect Speech She said (that) she wouldn’t then, regardless of what they said.
IT- Indirect Thought She thought (that) she wouldn’t then, regardless of what they said.
FIS- Free Indirect Speech She wouldn’t now, regardless of what they said.
FIT-Free Indirect Thought She wouldn’t now, regardless of what they said.
NRSA-Narrative Report She expressed refusal on the matter, whatever the circumstances.
of Speech Act
NRTA-Narrative Report She resolved not to, whatever the circumstances.
of Thought Act
(Source: Toolan, 1996)
Table 1 presents the different speech and thought categories and their respective ex-
amples.
DS (Direct Speech) and DT (Direct Thought) are composed of two elements: first,
they are introduced by a matrix clause, also called the framing clause, which presents who is
doing the telling and thinking (She said and She thought); and second, the dependent clause,
which shows the exact and direct copy of what the speaker told or thought. FDS (Free Direct
Speech) and FDT (Free Direct Thought) have some similarities with the DS and the DT; one
distinguishing feature of which is the absence of a framing clause.
Meanwhile, the framing clause is dropped in the IS (Indirect Speech) and IT (Indirect
Thought), and the reporting mode (said and thought) is marked. A grammatical shift of the
following deictic features is also observed from Direct to Indirect: first to third person (I to
she), present to past (won’t to wouldn’t and now to then) and second to third person (you to
 41 Rachelle B. Lintao
they). FIS (Free Indirect Speech) and FIT (Free Indirect Thought) resemble IS and IT, except
that they are free of the reporting element “She said.”
NRSA (Narrative Report of Speech Act) and NRTA (Narrative Report of Thought
Act) present speech or thought acts from a narrator’s viewpoint. In the example, the difference
lies in the terms “expressed refusal” and “resolved not to” which would delineate a speech and
a thought act.
In an effort to describe “the grammar of effect and affect,” Toolan (1996) emphasizes
that FID (Free Indirect Discourse – FIS/FIT) is used by a narrator to transform a character into
an incongruous or absurd individual and emphasize his or her articulated thoughts.
Similarly, knowing who is speaking to the readers, especially in a situation when
“one speaker, a reporter is merely a channel for some other individual’s words” (Toolan, 1996,
p.117), is also essential. A narrative, seen as a vivid experience of real people, is reflected in the
use of direct and free indirect discourse. Toolan (1996) further notes that a text loaded in these
modes is one in which
...we sense that real people are speaking out, in their own words and dis-
closing their thoughts in their own words. Instead of a detached and sum-
marized telling of what happened, we witness an involved and elaborated
showing of what happened–and in fact that phrase of what happened ceases
to be entirely fitting as the result; when the showing is sufficiently direct and
displayed, through the pages of the text, we feel we are witnessing “what is
happening” rather than merely “what happened.” (p. 118)
Figure 2 illustrates the different categories of speech and thought presentation in a cline.
Figure 2
Speech and thought presentation
norm
speech presentation NRSA IS FIS DS FDS
_________________________________________________________________________________________
thought presentation NRTA IT FIT DT FDT
norm
(Source: Leech & Short, 2007 as cited in Jeffries & McIntyre, 2010)
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 42
The narrator mediation is seen most on the left side while utmost freedom is afforded
to the character on the right end. Concerning the categories of speech presentation, the stan-
dard is the DS; as regards thought presentation, IT. Leech and Short (2007 as cited in Jeffries &
McIntyre, 2010) explain the significance of the different norms in the following:
Thoughts in general are not verbally formulated, and so cannot be reported
verbatim. Given that the norms for speech and thought presentation are at
different points on the continuum, the different values of FIS is a movement
leftwards from the norm in the figure and is therefore interpreted as a move-
ment towards authorial intervention, whereas FIT is seen as a move to the
right and hence away from the author’s most directly interpretive control
and into the active mind of the character. Because the direct perception
of someone else’s thought is not possible, DT is perceived as more artificial
than more indirect forms. (p. 91)
According to Nestvold and Lake (2006), voice, which is determined by point of view
and style evident in the use of language, is the “the writer’s diction, choice of words, kind of dia-
logue and the sentence structure” (para. 2). The element of tone, influenced by word choices as
well as the narrator’s outlook, can deliver “intense and serious interest in its (story) characters
and events” (para. 3), further pointing out the attitude the narrative seems to take toward its
subject matter.
2. Method
2.1 Study Corpus
The study utilized Merlinda Bobis’s “The Sadness Collector,” one of the 23 stories
included in White Turtle, a collection of short stories published in 1999. Situating the Philip-
pines’ sociocultural context as a leading human labor exporter because of the lack of local em-
ployment opportunities, the story tells about the crumbling down of a typical Filipino family
whose one member (the mother) is an Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW).
One pressing sociocultural actuality presented in the story is the destabilizing impact
of migration on families. “The Sadness Collector” relates the problems of a six-year-old troubled
girl named Rica left to live with her father as her mother went to Paris three years ago to work as
a domestic helper. To encourage Rica not to be sad, her father creates the tale of a Big Lady who
goes from house to house to collect people’s sadness. If the Big lady becomes full, she will explode.
 43 Rachelle B. Lintao
Such social concern mirrored in the story upholds the result of a 2003 study titled
“Hearts Apart: Migration in the Eyes of Filipino Children” by the Episcopal Commission for
the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People-CBCP (ECMI)/Apostleship of the Sea-
Manila and the Scalabrini Migration Center (SMC). The results of this study showed that
children in mother-absent families were more likely to describe their parents’ relationship as
“problematic.” The children of migrant mothers reported feeling lonely, angry, unloved, un-
feeling, afraid, different from the other children, and worried compared with all other groups
of children, including non-OFW children.
The author, Merlinda Bobis, a Filipino based in Australia teaching Creative Writing at
the University of Wollongong, is a well-established writer having published numerous works of
poetry, prose fiction, and drama. Also, having performed her own works in numerous coun-
tries, she has earned literary accolades and fellowships in the Philippines, Australia, Italy, and
the United States.
2.2 Research Procedure
This study undertook a textual analysis of a literary piece (i.e., the lexicogrammatical,
syntactic, and sentential components of the corpus) and related how the text occurs within
the context of situation through the speech and thought presentation techniques that, in turn,
realize the text’s meaning in the sociocultural realm.
In identifying the speech and thought presentation techniques, this study examined
the discourse presentation of the entire corpus. The classification of each speech and thought
made by the characters was based on Leech and Short’s (1981) categories of speech and thought
presentation.
The assistance of an intercoder was sought to guarantee the reliability of the results of
the analysis. Both the researcher and the intercoder methodically conferred on the individual
codings made and reached agreement in cases when markings differed.
3. Results and Discussion
3.1 Speech and thought presentation
The absence or lack of signals distinguishing transitions of Rica’s thoughts, her central
consciousness, Father’s admonitions to Rica, and even the gossips of her aunties all integrated
with the philosophical narration and description of a heterodiegetic narrator, may pose diffi-
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 44
culty for reading the selection. But taking cues from the meanings revealed through the selec-
tion’s experiential, interpersonal, and textual aspects, correspondingly, with regard to charac-
terization on point of view, the narrative, as seen from Rica’s vantage point and her thoughts
and opinions, is deemed plausible.
Bobis presents the main characters using all available speech and presentation tech-
niques. The apparent unmediated presentation of thoughts and the use of FIT, FDT, and even
NRTA are ways in which the author lets the readers feel that they are directly accessing the
characters’ thoughts.
On initial reading, there seems to be either a plain narrative or an FIT. This puzzle-
ment seems to uphold what stylisticians observe about FID that includes the FIS and the FIT
variants–this mode shows both a character and a narrator speaking simultaneously through a
kind of dual voice. The story’s progression would point though that the sentence is FIT as the
readers are directed to Rica’s thoughts:
And she will not stop eating, another pot, another plate, another mouthful of sadness, and she will
grow bigger and bigger, and she will burst.
The next sentence (see Appendix A, para 2) is an NRTA serving to orient the readers
about a six-year-old Rica awaiting for a “dreaded explosion.” It would also be interesting to
note that instead of using a period to end the sentence, a dash is used. The choice of a dash may
relate with what Kirsznr and Mandell (2002) point out; that is, a dash serves as a stylistic de-
vice to create a dramatic pause and a writer’s distinguishing voice. Not only does the narrator
pungently stress what is happening to the main character but also strategically draw attention
to the succeeding paragraph that describes the thoughts in the mind of Rica, which are FIT
expressions.
Two distinguishable elements noted in the third paragraph are the presence of the
conditionals “maybe” and “they must have scraped off.” It would be illogical for the omniscient
narrator, being a know-it-all, to use such expressions in describing Rica’s neighbors. It is then
logical to label the paragraph as another FIT, specifying Rica’s mental disturbance and all the
speculations she has about the Big Lady.
The next sentence (see Appendix A, para 4) presented in another paragraph is labeled
NRTA, showing Rica’s mental process of listening and anticipating the fearful explosion.
Right after the paragraph that describes the physical setting where Rica is in (see Ap-
pendix A, para 5), the next sentence paragraph states:
Are you there?
 45 Rachelle B. Lintao
This is clearly an FDT. It can be surmised at this point of the story that Rica’s anxiety
level is peaking, believing that the Big Lady is true, anticipating of her impending bursting.
The subsequent paragraph (see Appendix A, para 7) starts with an IS about Rica’s
father telling her that the Big Lady is invisible. The second sentence is an FDS of her father:
Big Lady only comes when you’re asleep to eat your sadness.
Being on the extreme portion of the speech presentation cline, FDS is the most nar-
rator-unmediated, the freedom and characterization solely attributed to the character. With
zero narrator intervention, this father’s FDS to Rica purports to highlight the authority and
truthfulness accorded to the father’s stature based on Rica’s perspective. This statement sup-
ports the interpersonal meaning emphasized in the earlier section of the study. The last part of
the paragraph shifts back to FIT, to Rica’s mental consciousness, as it connects to her thoughts
about the Big Lady and the neighborhood. This statement, being an FIT, upholds her mental
perceptions emphasized in the earlier part of the selection.
What comes next is another FDT, with Rica imagining how this father-formulated
daughter-imagined creature looks like:
Are you really that big? How do you wear your hair?
This unfortunate perplexity Rica is experiencing, as shown by these FDTs, may ex-
plain what Trevathan and Goff (2007) discuss in their book Raising Girls. They identify that
six-eleven-year-old girls accept truth presented to them in black and white, having no doubts
and believing that what are told to them are plain facts. Moreover, they present that girls in this
age bracket easily contend with fear because of their concrete thinking.
The ninth paragraph is a combination of FDS and NRTA:
Dios ko, if she eats all our mess, Rica, she might grow too fat and burst, so be a good girl and save
her by not being sad – hoy, stop whimpering, I said, and go to bed. Her father is not always patient
with his storytelling.
What is remarkable in the initial utterance by the father is the use of the local lan-
guage, “Dios ko” and “hoy.” These expressions of local color serve not only to reflect the truthful
characterization of the father in relating with Rica, being stern and seemingly irritable toward
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 46
his daughter, but also to effect an integral voice and create an integral intention to the theme of
the whole story, that is, the psychological trouble this Big Lady myth brings to Rica.
All quiet now. She’s gone.
The above concept is another case of an FIT; Rica is pacified that, somehow, the Big
Lady has left.
The next three paragraphs are all labeled PNs (see Appendix A, para 11-13). The
readers are introduced about Rica’s mom leaving for Paris three years ago, how her father has
told Rica about the Big Lady tale three years back, how Rica has been trying to suppress her
sadness so as not to disappoint her father and the Big lady, and how Rica and her father has
taken the nurturing role Rica’s mother is supposed to take on.
The subsequent two paragraphs are predominantly FITs (see Appendix A, para 14-15).
She never forgets, talaga naman, the aunties whisper among themselves these days. A remarkable
child. She was only a little thing then, but she noticed all, didn’t she, never missed anything, com-
mitted even details to memory. A very smart kid, but too serious, a sad kid.- FIT
The extract above shows Rica recalling in her memory what her aunts would think of
her distressing condition, that she is a “remarkable… but a sad child.” Worth mentioning is
the presence of another local expression, “talaga naman,” as this expression infuses another
kind of effective voice that cannot be rightly and effectively done so in the English language.
It seems to indicate a kind of annoyance Rica is starting to feel with all the comments she is
receiving.
The 15th paragraph is a continuation of Rica’s FIT, dealing with her father and aunts as
signaled by the conditional expression “they must have...” (referring to the aunts). In this part,
Rica’s mental state dwells on a variety of concerns: cheating on her promise to behave well and
save the Big Lady, making efforts not to show too much sadness, and hoping that her father
would fulfill his promise.
From FIT, a shift to PN is made using the name Rica as a lexical clue. All throughout
the paragraph, Rica is referred to as “she,” but in this sentence, she is identified as “Rica”: Ear-
lier, Rica watched TV to forget, to make sure the tears won’t amount to a mouthful. Right after,
the sentence goes back to FIT again, relating how she abhors waiting and so does the Big Lady.
The next paragraph (see Appendix A, para 16) is a blend of FDS, FIT, and NRTA from Rica and
her father as shown in Table 2.
 47 Rachelle B. Lintao
Table 2
Speech and thought presentation types in a single paragraph
Extract Type Character
involved
Why Paris? Why three years – and even more? Aba this is getting FDT Rica
too much now.
The aunties never agree with her mother’s decision to work there, FIT Rica
on a fake visa, as a domestic helper – ay naku, taking care of other
people’s children, while, across the ocean, her own baby cries
herself to sleep? Talaga naman!
She wants to earn good money and build us a house. Remember, I FDS Rica’s father
only work in a factory...
Her father had always defended his wife, until recently, when all NRTA Rica
talk about her return was shelved. It seems she must extend her
stay, because her employer might help her to become “legal.”
Then she can come home for a visit and go back there to work
some more --
Table 2 shows the different types of speech and thought presentations made in a single
paragraph. The first extract expresses Rica raising concerns about her mother not being with
her for more than three years now. It shows an unmediated narrator intervention into the
thought of Rica. The second sentence resembles her aunts’ disagreements over her mother’s
decision to work abroad. In mother-migration studies, aunts are left with the fathers serving
as caregivers to the children left behind. In a way, their opinions matter as it is accepted in a
Filipino culture. The next statement presents the father explaining to Rica her mother’s deci-
sion to leave them behind. It is also made known through a report of Rica’s thoughts how her
father has stopped defending his wife since the wife extended her stay.
The subsequent paragraphs have FDTs and FITs interfaced in predominantly plain
narrative or PN expressions (see Appendix A, para 17-23). The 18th paragraph starts with Cut-
lery noise–the image of a hearing sensation is presented to the readers.
The FDTs include:
Does she also check them? This has never happened before, her coming back after a lean meal.
Perhaps, she’s licking a spoon for any trace of saltiness, searching between prongs of a fork.
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 48
Then the narrator cleverly links the Big Lady’s hunger to Rica’s longing for her
mother’s calls (it is known here that her mother has lessened her frequency of communicating
with Rica) and explains, through a philosophical elucidation about hunger and grief (see Ap-
pendix A, para 19) the alarming situation of Rica that even her stick drawings show the “Big
Lady’s increasing girth.”
It is at this point of the story that Rica describes the features and actions of the Big
Lady by way of FDTs. Noticeable are the marked themes, particularly the presence of “No” at
the beginning sentences in these lines to contradict the previous statements given:
Mouth curved downward, she’s sad like her meals. No, she wears a smile, she’s happy
because she’s always full.
She can hardly walk, because her belly’s so heavy, she’s pregnant with leftovers. No, she
doesn’t walk, she flies like a giant cloud and she’s not heavy at all, she only looks heavy.
These expressions reflect how Rica is so affected by the Big Lady. The next paragraph
(see Appendix A, para 24) presents how real the Big Lady is to Rica.
The time element “nowadays” indicates the current period in the story. The readers
are led into concluding that the mother entered into a suspicious relationship as signaled by
the presence of a photograph. At this point, the father has totally relinquished his duties to his
daughter through a PN, narrating how he comes home late each night so as not to answer Rica’s
queries and to “improvise further on his three-year-old tale.”
Approaching the climax of the story is another noise in the kitchen, with Rica ex-
pressing through FDT and NRSA these words:
There it is again, the cutlery clunking against a plate – or scraping the bottom of a cup? She’s
searching for the hidden mouthfuls and platefuls and potfuls. Cupboards are opened. No, nothing
there, big one, nothing – Rica’s eyes are glued shut.
Rica is again drawn to the noise, surmising that it is the Big Lady. The first sentence
is a run-on, expressing a series of mental run-down: “There it is again,” can qualify for a sen-
tence, but a comma is used to indicate a continuous presentation of ideas. “The cutlery clunking
against a plate” may not be the Big Lady’s own doing, so Rica, at one point, is thinking whether
this act is caused by another person. A dash separates this thought to the next one, indicating
a strong force. “Or scraping the bottom of a cup?” – In Rica’s mind, she is wondering about the
Big Lady making the noise again. “No, nothing, big one, nothing”- Rica here is confronted with
confusing thoughts.
 49 Rachelle B. Lintao
The turning point of the story is well-emphasized, with each statement separated
from each other --- each ending with a dash --- emphasizing force and incessant happening.
A first glance may render the following as all PNs, but a closer look at them indicates that the
expressions are an amalgamation of FDTs and NRSAs. This is hinted by the use of the deictic,
“That’s,” indicating that Rica is the focalizer; that is, her thoughts and her perceptions of space
and time are the subject of this particular discourse.
That’s the rice pot being overturned – (FDT)
Her breaths make and unmake a hillock on the streets – (NRSA)
A plate shatters on the floor – (FDT)
Back to a foetal curl, knees almost brushing chin – (NRSA)
Another plate crushes – (FDT)
She screams – (NRSA)
The pot is hurled against the wall – (FDT)
She keeps screaming as she ruins out of the room, down to the kitchen – (NRSA)
And the cutlery, glasses, cups, more plates – (FDT)
Big Lady’s angry, Big Lady’s hungry, Big Lady’s turning the house upside down – (FDT)
Breaking it everywhere – (FDT)
Her throat is weaving sound, as if it were all that it never knew – (NRSA)
Each sentence above shows the much-awaited “explosion” of the Big Lady as seen
from Rica’s perspective and how Rica, in the same way, shows the same outburst as reported in
her screams and continuous screaming as she “ruins out of the room, down to the kitchen.”
It must be noted that in the paragraph 38 of the story, the words are all in capitals to
indicate increase in volume and pitch variation as compared with the rest of the speech:
SHUT UP!
The next sentence paragraph (see Appendix A, para 39) seems to be another com-
mentary of the omniscient narrator. Expressions, like “heart of the matter,” “vein of a plate,”
“within the aluminum bottom of a pot,” “copper fold of a spoon,” and “deep in the curve of a cup’s
handle,” show a foreshadowing of something to be revealed; the expressions bear resemblance–
to get to the core of the matter–a truth to be unveiled.
Ropes and ropes of scream – (NRSA)
“I SAID, SHUT UP!” (DS)
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 50
Her cheek stings. She collapses on the floor before his feet. (NRSA)
“I didn’t mean to, Dios ko po, I never meant to”– (DS)
Her dazed eyes make out the broken plates, the dented pot, the shards of cups, glasses, the cutlery
everywhere – (NRSA)
He’s hiccupping drunkenly all over her – (NRSA)
The first in the above extracts reports a continuous explosion. Right after it is the
father’s DS stating “I SAID, SHUT UP!” in all capitals, signaling the utmost emotion released
by him. It can be entailed that the father slapped Rica right after uttering the statement with
full force and emotions. “Dios ko po…” - indicates a deep remorse, a humbling down expressed
after hurting Rica and seeing her lose consciousness. It is at this point that truth comes out:
the noises in the kitchen thought of to be the Big Lady’s doing are made by the father being a
drunkard, especially after suspecting about his wife’s affair.
“I didn’t mean to, Rica, I love you, baby, I’ll never let you go –“ His voice is hoarse with anger and
remorse. (DS) (NRSA)
“She came back, Papa –” (DS)
“She can’t take you away from me –” (DS)
“She’s here again –” (DS)
“Just because she’s ‘legal’ now –” (DS)
“She might burst, Papa –” (DS)
“That whore–!” His hands curl into fists on her back. (DS) (NRSA)
In the above excerpts, dashes, which signify a dramatic pause, close each line and
indicate that the lines are spoken in a more dramatic or forceful way. The last seven exchanges
between Rica and father mostly in DS divulge the father’s fury toward his wife, wary of the
possibility of Rica being taken away from him. It is also significant to note how the two main
characters’ exchanges come from two different perspectives and not jive: Rica explains that the
Big Lady has come back, being in their midst and about to burst again, while the father talks
about the mother’s move to get Rica away from him and labeling his wife as a whore.
A description and commentary from an omniscient narrator, the last sentence of the
story signals that sadness will continue:
Big Lady knows, has always known. This feast will last her a lifetime, if she does not burst tonight.
 51 Rachelle B. Lintao Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 52

This may be the author’s subtle way of critiquing that as long as there are families like tablishes the voice pointed out by Bobis. In the same way that the human thoughts are ran-
that of Rica’s, sadness will persist and families will continue to experience turmoil and explo- dom, disassembled and continuous, the story’s voice is veined in such respect that readers must
sion. stay focused and conscientious to take hold of what is going on in the story.
Table 3 shows that out of the 155 sentences in the narrative, 54 or 35% are PNs while In summary, examining the story’s speech and presentation techniques reveals the
the NRSAs totaled to 11 or 7.1%. Emphasis must be given to how Bobis involves the main story centering on the main character, Rica, the focalizer; her thoughts; and the way the story is
character’s thoughts in the narrative with FDTs totaling to 31 or 20%, FITs having 28 or 18.1%, narrated from her own thoughts, perceptions, opinions, and vantage point. The different tech-
and NRTAs numbering to 12 or 8%. When combined, these three categories totaled 71 sen- niques used to reveal Rica’s thoughts (FITs, FDTs, NRTAs, and FDAs), perfectly being random
tences or almost half of the whole narrative (46.1%). This figure underscores the focus of and disturbed, jive with the distressed and unstable personality of Rica and the domineering
the story to the distressed Rica, being the most affected in this mother-migrant family setup. and evasive actuations of the father in the experiential processes, the distant or aloof father-
Meanwhile, the unrestricted-narrator account, expressed through FDS, totaled to eight or 5.2 %; DS daughter relationship, and the textual meaning filled with sadness, desperation, and negativity
numbered to ten or 6.5%; and one or 0.1% for IS. expressions and devices. The use of different speech and thought presentation techniques cre-
ated a “striking voice” on the part of the narrator, validating what Nestvold and Lake (2006)
Table 3 emphasize: “All the choices the writer makes, consciously, unconsciously or subconsciously
Use of speech and thought presentation techniques concerning point of view, perspective, language, tone and style create the story telling voice”
(para. 5).
Speech and thought presentation techniques Frequency of use Percentage Nestvold and Lake (2006) further explain that word choice affects the impact and
used
theme of the text, both in support of the voice and the development of tone, which is inex-
tricably linked with that voice. The story is a coalescence of kitchen, eating, and saltiness–all
PN 54 35%
related to sadness. In fact, a total of 93 out of the 2005 words in the story or 4.6% comprise
FDT 31 20%
FIT 28 18.1%
lexical terms about kitchen and eating. Among the words frequently used are plate/plates/
NRTA 12 8%
plateful numbering to 11, pot/pots to eight, and eat/eats and cup/cups to seven. The following
NRSA 11 7.1%
part of the story presents the heterodiegetic narrator’s take about the interweaving of hunger
DS 10 6.5 %
and sadness:
FDS 8 5.2 %
IS 1 0.1 % Unknown to Rica, Big Lady is wise, an old hand in this business. She senses that there’s more to
a mouthful of sadness than meets the tongue. A whisper of salt, even the smallest nudge to the
Total 155 100% palate, can betray a century of hidden grief. Perhaps, she understands that, for all its practice,
humanity can never conceal the daily act of futility at the dinner table. As we feed continually, we
In her own book A Novel-in-Waiting. Creative Research: Towards Writing Fiction, Bo- also acknowledge the perennial nature of our hunger. Each time we bring food to our mouths, the
bis (2004) reveals that from her own experience of reading and writing, she has found out that gut – emptiness that we attempt to fill inevitably contaminates our cutlery, plates, cups, glasses,
the primordial elements that make a fiction (novel) include voice (closely bound with style), our whole table. It is this residual contamination, our individual portions of grief, that she eats, so
image, story, and theme. She stresses voice “as the timbre of the text, the psychological and we do not die from them – but what if we don’t eat? Then we can claim self – sufficiency, a fullness
emotional register of the characters, focuses narrative and establishes the relationship between from birth, perhaps. Then we won’t betray our hunger.
the next and the narrator with the reader” (p. 37).
“The Sadness Collector,” unfolding in a conglomeration of the different speech and This narrator’s remark underpins what Genette (1980 as cited in Bradford, 1997) as-
thought presentation types, most of which present the thoughts of the character, very well es- serts; that is, while there are different kinds of narrator depending on their degree of control in
 53 Rachelle B. Lintao
the narrative, every kind of narrator is “to some degree intradiegetic, that is to say involved in
the story; the opinion, the knowledge and the style of the narrator will always have some effect
upon the various elements of the narrative…” (p. 59).
4. Conclusion
This study demonstrates a substantial stylistic analysis to describe the effects of sty-
listic features in extrapolating the meaning and sociocultural realm of the literary text “The
Sadness Collector.”
The story’s theme, the breakdown of a family brought about by migration, is creatively
achieved through the author’s prolific utilization of a narrative style as revealed in the speech
and thought presentation techniques analyzed.
This study applied Widdowson’s (1996) premise regarding the contribution of stylis-
tics: “By investigating the way language is used in a text, it can make apparent those linguistic
patterns upon which an intuitive awareness of artistic values ultimately depend. It provides a
basis for aesthetic appreciation by bringing to the level of conscious awareness features of the
text otherwise only accessible to trained intuition” (p.139).
Some pedagogical implications can be drawn from this study. A teacher’s indispensa-
ble duty is to provide a meaningful learning experience and prepare students for life. Meredith
(2002 as cited in Meredith & Steele, 2011) asserts that true learning happens when “knowledge
level is sufficient to foster critical thought and informed actions” (p. ix). Doing a stylistic
analysis of a text, like “The Sadness Collector,” can very well help students exhibit their critical
thinking skills as stylistic analysis unearths meanings by actively engaging with the content,
carefully analyzing the language and context in which language is used. It requires students’
careful analytical thoughts in determining how language works for a text to achieve its pur-
pose.
Moreover, concerns have been raised that social networking, like Facebook, is creat-
ing a youth culture of self-centeredness or egotism and that the Youtube generation are more
interested in self-expression than in learning about the insider world–oblivious of what is hap-
pening in the society. Exposing students to literary texts, like “The Sadness Collector,” allows
them to engage in social reality. Studying texts that have themes, such as the corpus utilized,
can help the young people be more responsible citizens, who are aware of the social issues be-
setting the nation and are not ignorant and insensible of the country’s basic concerns.
Dalisay (2012) in his article “The Literary Lopez” presents his observation about how
he sees the generation of today and admonishes this generation to follow Salvador P. Lopez’s
mantra on engaging with social reality:
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 54
The “precocious cynicism” that Lopez bemoaned is all over the Internet,
the beguiling anonymity of which has encouraged slash-and-burn ranting,
a kind of generalized complaint about the state of everything without the
slightest acknowledgment of complicity, culpability, or responsibility. In-
stead of engagement, we find a sense of entitlement, a puerile demand to be
bathed and fed without any personal investment in the messy processes of
growth and change.
This, of course, goes beyond literature. But speaking of literature, I have
more than once expressed my concern over what I perceive to be the denial
or erasure of a sense of nation in the work of some of our writers enamored
of what they may imagine to be supranational fantasy, but which on closer
inspection is merely another import from elsewhere, particularly the West.
We dream of a borderless world and delude ourselves into thinking that the
Internet has created precisely that, forgetting that the terms of discourse on
the Internet, literary or otherwise, are still largely established in and by the
West…
Salvador P. Lopez’s urgings for writers to be grounded in the society that pro-
vides them there material and their sustenance cannot be lost on us teachers
of literature and writing, who are in a position to remind our students that,
aside from artistic expression, writers serve a goal “none more worthy than
the improvement of the condition of man and the defense of his freedom.”
(para 11-13).
For a richer and a more detailed stylistic study of the narrative, other stylistics do-
mains may be included in the analysis of the selection such as intertextuality, characterization
on action and events, and transitivity. Moreover, other research can explore more recent liter-
ary works that mirror social reality.
References
Bobis, M. (2004). A novel-in-waiting. Creative research: Towards writing fiction. Manila: The Center for
Intercultural Studies and the University of Santo Tomas.
Bradford, R. (1997). Stylistics. New York: Routledge.
Carter, R. (Ed.). (1982). Language and literature. An introductory reader in stylistics. Great Britain: George
Allen and Unwin.
 55 Rachelle B. Lintao Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 56

Dalisay, B. (2012, January 30). The literary Lopez. The Philippine Star. Retrieved from http://philstar. She turns on the lamp. It’s girlie kitsch like the rest of the decor, from the dancing lady wallpaper to
staging.exist.com/arts-and-culture/772126/literary-lopez the row of Barbie dolls on a roseate plastic table. The tiny room is all pink bravado, hoping to com-
Jeffries, L., & McIntyre, D. (2010). Stylistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pensate for the warped ceiling and stained floor. Even the unhinged window flaunts a family of pink
Kirsznr, L.G., & Mandell, S.R. (2002). The Holt handbook (6th ed.). Orlando: Harcourt College Publishers. paper rabbits.
Laurenson, D., & Swingewood, A. (1972). The sociology of literature. London: Paladin.
Leech, G.N., & Short, M. (1981). Style in fiction. A linguistic introduction to English fictionist prose. Lon- 6
Are you there?
don and New York: Longman.
Meredith, K.S., & Steele, J.L. (2011). Classrooms of wonder and wisdom. Reading, writing, and critical 7 Her father says she never shows herself to anyone. Big Lady only comes when you’re asleep to eat
thinking for the 21 century. USA: Corwin.
st
your sadness. She goes from house to house and eats the sadness of everyone, so she gets too fat. But
Nestvold, R., & Lake, J. (2006). Narrative voice and authorial voice. Retrieved from http://www.irosf there’s a lot of sadness in many houses, it just keeps on growing each day, so she can’t stop eating, and
.com/q/zine/article/10317 she can’t stop growing too.
Simpson, P. (2004). Stylistics. New York: Routledge.
Toolan, M. (1996). Language in literature. London: Hodder Education. 8 Are you really that big? How do you wear your hair?
Trevathan, M., & Goff, H.S. (2007). Raising girls. Michigan: Zondervan.
Widdowson, H.G. (1996). Stylistics: An approach to stylistic analysis. In J.J. Webber (Ed.), The stylistic 9 Dios ko, if she eats all our mess, Rica, she might grow too fat and burst, so be a good girl and save her
reader. Great Britain: St. Martin’s Press, Inc. by not being sad – hoy, stop whimpering, I said, and go to bed. Her father is not always patient with
his storytelling.
Appendix A
10
All quiet now. She’s gone.
The Sadness Collector
(Merlinda Bobis) 11 Since Rica was three, when her father told her about Big Lady just after her mother left for Paris,
she was always listening intently to all the night – noises from the kitchen. No, that sound is not the
1 And she will not stop eating, another pot, another plate, another mouthful of sadness, and she will scurrying of mice – she’s actually checking the plates now, lifting the lid off the rice pot, peeking into
grow bigger and bigger, and she will burst. cups for sadness, both overt and unspoken. To Rica, it always tastes salty, like tears, even her father’s
funny look each time she asks him to read her again the letters from Paris.
2 On the bed, six-year-old Rica braces herself, waiting for the dreaded explosion –
12 She has three boxes of them, one for each year, though the third box is not even half-full. All of them
3 Nothing. No big bang. Because she’s been a good girl. Her tears are not even a mouthful tonight. tied with Paris ribbons. The first year, her mother sent all colours of the rainbow for her long, unruly
And maybe their neighbours in the run-down apartment have been careful, too. From every pot hair, maybe because her father did not know how to make it more graceful. He must have written
and plate, they must have scraped off their leftover sighs and hidden them somewhere unreach- her long letters, asking about how to pull the mass of curls away from the face and tie them neatly
able. So Big Lady can’t get to them. So she can be saved from bursting. the way he gathered, into some semblance of order, his own nightly longings.

4 Every night, no big bang really, but Rica listens anyway. 13 It took some time for him to perfect the art of making a pony-tail. Then he discovered a trick un-
known to even the best hairdressers. Instead of twisting the bunch of hair to make sure it does not
5 The house is quiet again. She breathes easier, lifting the sheets slowly from her face – a brow just come undone before it’s tied, one can rotate the whole body. Rica simply had to turn around in place,
unfurrowing, but eyes still wary and a mouth forming the old silent question – are you really there? while her father held the gathered hair above her head. Just like dancing, really.
 57 Rachelle B. Lintao
14 She never forgets, talaga naman, the aunties whisper among themselves these days. A remarkable
child. She was only a little thing then, but she noticed all, didn’t she, never missed anything, com-
mitted even details to memory. A very smart kid, but too serious, a sad kid. perhaps. Then we won’t betray our hunger.
15 They must have guessed that, recently, she has cheated on her promise to behave and save Big Lady.
But only on nights when her father comes home late and drunk, and refuses to read the old letters
from Paris – indeed, she has been a very good girl. She’s six and grown up now, so, even if his refusal
has multiplied beyond her ten fingers, she always makes sure that her nightly tears remained small
and few. Like tonight, when she hoped her father would come home early, as he promised again.
Earlier, Rica watched TV to forget, to make sure the tears won’t amount to a mouthful. She hates
waiting. Big Lady hates that, too, because then she’ll have to clean up till the early hours of the morn-
ing.
16 Why Paris? Why three years – and even more? Aba, this is getting too much now. The aunties never
agree with her mother’s decision to work there, on a fake visa, as a domestic helper – ay naku, taking
care of other people’s children, while, across the ocean, her own baby cries herself to sleep? Talaga
naman! She wants to earn good money and build us a house. Remember, I only work in a factory...
Her father had always defended his wife, until recently, when all talk about her return was shelved.
It seems she must extend her stay, because her employer might help her to become “legal.” Then she
can come home for a visit and go back there to work some more – but certainly a source of comfort. And always Big Lady as object of attention. Those days when Rica
17 The lid clatters off the pot. Beneath her room, the kitchen is stirring again. Rica sits up on the bed
– the big one has returned? But she made sure the pot and plates were clean, even the cups, before
she went to bed. She turns off the lamp to listen in the dark. Expectant ears, hungry for the phone’s
overseas beep. Her mother used to call each month and write her postcards, also long love letters,
even if she couldn’t read yet. With happy snaps, of course. Earlier this year, she sent one of herself
and the new baby of her employer. to turn six. A perfect Parisienne winter hat for a tiny head in the tropics. It came with a bank – draft
18 Cutlery noise. Does she also check them? Thi s has never happened before, her coming back after a
lean meal. Perhaps, she’s licking a spoon for any trace of saltiness, searching between the prongs of
a fork. Unknown to Rica, Big Lady is wise, an old hand in this business. She senses that there’s more
to a mouthful of sadness than meets the tongue. A whisper of salt, even the smallest nudge to the
palate, can betray a century of hidden grief. Perhaps, she understands that, for all its practice, hu-
manity can never conceal the daily act of futility at the dinner table. As we feed continually, we also
acknowledge the perennial nature of our hunger. Each time we bring food to our mouths, the gut –
emptiness that we attempt to fill inevitably contaminates our cutlery, plates, cups, glasses, our whole
Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 58
table. It is this residual contamination, our individual portions of grief, that she eats, so we do not
die from them – but what if we don’t eat? Then we can claim self – sufficiency, a fullness from birth,
19 But Rica was not philosophical at four years old, when she had to be cajoled, tricked, ordered, then
scolded severely before she finished her meal, if she touched it at all. Rica understood her occasional
hunger strikes quite simply. She knew that these dinner quarrels with her father, and sometimes her
aunties, ensured dire consequences. Each following day, she always made stick drawings of Big Lady
with an ever-increasing girth, as she was sure the lady had had a big meal the night before.
20 Mouth curved downward, she’s sad like her meals. No, she wears a smile, she’s happy because she’s
always full. Sharp eyes, they can see in the dark, light-bulb eyes, and big teeth for chewing forever.
She can hardly walk, because her belly’s so heavy, she’s pregnant with leftovers. No, she doesn’t walk,
she flies like a giant cloud and she’s not heavy at all, she only looks heavy. And she doesn’t want us to
be sad, so she eats all our tears and sighs. But she can’t starve, can she? Of course, she likes sadness,
it’s food.
21 Fascination, fear and a kinship drawn from trying to save each other. Big Lady saves Rica from sad-
ness; Rica saves Big Lady from bursting by not being sad. An ambivalent relationship, confusing,
drew stick – drawings of her, she made sure the big one was always adorned with pretty baubles and
make-up. She even drew her with a Paris ribbon to tighten her belly. Then she added a chic hat to
complete the picture.
22 Crimson velvet with a black satin bow. Quite a change from all the girlie kitsch – that her mother
had dredged from Paris’ unfashionable side of town? The day it arrived in the mail, Rica was about
for her party.
23 She did not try it on, it looked strange, so different from the Barbies and pink paper rabbits. This latest
gift was unlike her mother, something was missing. Rica turned it inside out, searching – on TV,
Magic Man can easily pull a rabbit or a dove out of his hat, just like that, always. But this tale was
not part of her father’s repertoire. He told her not to be silly when she asked him to be Magic Man
and pull out Paris – but can she eat as far as Paris? Can she fly from here to there overnight? Are
their rice pots also full of sad leftovers? How salty?
 59 Rachelle B. Lintao Traversing the speech and thought presentation... 60

24 Nowadays, her father makes sure he comes home late each night, so he won’t have to answer the 39 Big Lady wants to break all to get to the heart of the matter, where it’s the saltiest. In the vein of a
questions, especially about the baby in the photograph. So he need not to improvise further on his plate, within the aluminum bottom of a pot, in the copper fold of a spoon, deep in the curve of a
three-year-old tale. cup’s handle –

25 There it is again, the cutlery clunking against a plate – or scraping the bottom of a cup? She’s search- 40 Ropes and ropes of scream –
ing for the hidden mouthfuls and platefuls and potfuls. Cupboards are opened. No, nothing there,
big one, nothing – Rica’s eyes are glued shut. The sheets rise and fall with her breathing. She wants 41
“I SAID, SHUT UP!”
to leave the bed, sneak into the kitchen and check out this most unusual return and thorough-
ness. 42 Her cheek stings. She collapses on the floor before his feet.

26 That’s the rice pot being overturned – 43 “I didn’t mean to, Dios ko po, I never meant to -”

27 Her breaths make and unmake a hillock on the streets – 44 Her dazed eyes make out the broken plates, the dented pot, the shards of cups, glasses, the cutlery
everywhere –
28 A plate shatters on the floor –
45 He’s hiccupping drunkenly all over her –
29 Back to a foetal curl, knees almost brushing chin –
46 “I didn’t mean to, Rica, I love you, baby, I’ll never let you go –” His voice is hoarse with anger and
30
Another plate crushes – remorse.

31
She screams – 47
“She came back, Papa –”

32 The pot is hurled against the wall – 48 “She can’t take you away from me –”

33 She keeps screaming as she ruins out of the room, down to the kitchen – 49
“She’s here again –”

34 And the cutlery, glasses, cups, more plates – 50 “Just because she’s ‘legal’ now –”

35 Big Lady’s angry, Big Lady’s hungry, Big Lady’s turning the house upside down – 51
“She might burst, Papa –”

36
Breaking it everywhere – 52 “That whore - !” His hands curl into fists on her back.

37 Her throat is weaving sound, as if it were all that it never knew – 53 Big Lady knows, has always known. This feast will last her a lifetime, if she does not burst tonight.

38
“SHUT UP – !”


Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit
knowledge of Filipino and Korean college students in
responding to English tests
Selwyn A. Cruz
Department of Applied Linguistics
De La Salle University
selwyn.cruz@dlsu.edu.ph
The study explores the manifestation of explicit and implicit knowledge among English as a
Foreign Language (EFL) and English as a Second Language (ESL) learners of a university in
Manila. Using a theoretical framework pioneered by Rod Ellis (2005), the researcher admin-
istered to 60 college students a Grammaticality Judgment Test (GJT) designed to elicit their
explicit knowledge, and a Free Writing Test (FWT) used to test their implicit knowledge. Us-
ing the statistical test of 2x2 factorial design for the GJT and the FWT, the research found that
the students used explicit knowledge and implicit knowledge for English tests that require
their knowledge of rules and their personal judgment. The study likewise yielded several use-
ful implications for teaching the English grammar in the Philippine context, particularly in
the participants’ learning, such as both the EFL and the ESL learners’ ability to access either
type of knowledge in language tests and the EFL learners’ ability to progress in their language
development in a mixed-ability class.
Keywords: Language learning, second language acquisition (SLA), implicit knowledge,
explicit knowledge
1. Introduction
Since Polanyi’s (1966) introduction of the concept of tacit knowledge or implicit
knowledge, a number of studies (Reber, 1976; Ellis, 1991; Ellis, 2005) relating to how it is used
and measured have been conducted. In terms of linguistic knowledge, the issue with respect
to how students use their implicit and explicit knowledge in language learning has been at-
tracting more attention from the research circle as observed in previous studies like those of
Reber (1989) and Ellis (2002). However, these studies differed in their foci; some investigated
the implicitness and the explicitness of language learning in general, and others explored the
Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 62
learners’ use of implicit and explicit knowledge when prompted by different linguistic tasks.
The current study gave attention to the second focal point.
Explicit knowledge is the knowledge that can be explained by the learner (Hulstijn
& Hulstijn, 1984). Focusing on second language acquisition, Dummett (1991) defines explicit
knowledge as the knowledge that the L2 learner can fully explain by means of a verbal state-
ment. L2 learners are said to have explicit knowledge of a particular rule if they can elicit
something from a statement through suitable inquiry or prompting. Additionally, it is the
knowledge that can be quantified, written down, and clearly communicated to another person
and is governed by a rule (Bogue, 2006). On the other hand, implicit knowledge is essentially
personal in nature and seemingly difficult to extract from L2 learners (Polanyi, 1966). Specifi-
cally, it manifests when learners are unaware of the knowledge they possess or the rules that
govern a particular domain (Dummett, 1991). Hence, as the innatist position of Chomsky
would call it, implicit knowledge is closer to knowing that, a result of reflective thinking, than
knowing how, which is emergent from experiences or practices (Dienes & Perner, 1999). Im-
plicit learning takes place when a learner acquires knowledge without intending to learn them.
In fact, connectionists in the field of SLA (e.g., Keenan, 1993) claim that implicit learning
happens primarily before explicit learning. Despite its relatively effortless manner, one com-
mon misconception about implicit learning is that it hardly requires attention to the subject
matter. Sun, Mathews, and Lane (2007) stress that learners utilizing implicit knowledge attend
to a task; they are just unintentionally trying to acquire certain aspects of the task stimuli that
are the foci of assessments. Furthermore, closely related to the issue of exploring implicit and
explicit knowledge is Krashen’s (1981) categorization of language development into two differ-
ent processes–learning and acquisition. According to Krashen, acquisition is the unconscious
construction of grammar rules by a language learner which occurs to understand the message
conveyed by the language the learner hears, thus, demonstrating implicitness. Learning, on
the other hand, is characterized by the conscious attention to structure and rules, which ap-
pears to be a manifestation of explicitness.
Several studies on SLA show how implicit and explicit knowledge are used by learners
in answering grammar tests or grammar-related tests. For instance, Green and Hecht (1992)
investigated the implicit and explicit knowledge on L2 grammar of 300 German learners of
English. The participants were asked to correct and explain the ungrammaticality of a set of
sentences. In many cases, the participants were able to correct the sentences but were unable
to verbalize the rules the mistakes violated. The two researchers concluded that explicit rules
were only a subset of the participants’ implicit knowledge.
Dekeyser (1995) conducted a study where he attempted to determine the effects of
explicit-deductive and implicit-inductive instruction on two kinds of rules in an artificial

63 Selwyn A. Cruz
grammar that featured simple categorical rules. He used a computerized experiment with a
miniature linguistic system, consisting of five morphological rules and a lexicon of 98 words.
It was found that those who learned through explicit-deductive condition had the ability to
produce the simple categorical rules in new contexts and performed better than those who
learned through the implicit-inductive condition. The study implies that in the case of simple
grammatical forms, the teaching of explicit knowledge precedes practice, thus, facilitating the
production of the target language.
Ellis, working with Han in 1998, explored ways of measuring implicit and explicit L2
knowledge. Four tests, which focused on learners’ knowledge of English verb complementa-
tion, were administered using factor analysis. It was found that there was correlation among
the scores in the secondary level English proficiency test. There was, however, only one test
found to have significant correlation with the scores in TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign
Language).
A similar study by Dienes and Perner (1999) attempted to discover if learners have
conscious and unconscious knowledge. The study used the higher-order thought theory and
functional theories of representation. It was revealed that learners were conscious of mental
states when explicit knowledge was purely based on implicit knowledge.
Macrory and Stone (2000) investigated the relationship between knowing and us-
ing the perfect tense among French students in a British secondary school. To determine the
students’ perception of French perfect tense, these cross-validating instruments were utilized:
self-report, informal interview, gap-filling exercises, and free-writing. The results indicated
that the students had a fairly good explicit understanding of the perfect tense. Overall, the
study revealed that there were weak relationships among the participants’ perceptions, their
performance in the gap-filling exercises, and their use of the tense in free-production tasks.
To determine whether explicit knowledge is available for utilization in tasks which are
believed to require the use of implicit knowledge, Hu (2002) investigated the factors that af-
fected the use of metalinguistic knowledge in spontaneous writing. A total of 64 Chinese learn-
ers of English participated in the study and were asked to perform two spontaneous writing
tasks, followed by error-correction tasks (both timed and untimed) and a rule-verbalization
task. Hu found that when learners were alerted about the target linguistic aspects, they were
able to access their metalinguistic knowledge to help raise their performances.
In 2004, Roehr conducted a small-scale empirical investigation to know the role of
explicit knowledge in L2 learning. The participants’ L2 proficiency, metalinguistic ability, and
use of language learning strategies were assessed by means of a language test. Supplementary
interview data were collected from five volunteers. The researchers found moderate correlation
Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 64
between metalinguistic ability and L2 proficiency, which contrasted with generally positive
learner perceptions of pedagogical grammar.
Ellis (2005), observing the low number of reliable valid experiments in the field of
SLA, devised a battery of five tests for assessing implicit and explicit knowledge. The instru-
ments included an oral imitation test on grammatical and ungrammatical sentences, an oral
narration test, a timed grammaticality judgment test, an untimed grammaticality judgment
test, and a metalinguistic test. The first three tests were designed to measure implicit knowl-
edge, and the rest were used to measure explicit knowledge. A total of 111 ESL learners partici-
pated in the study, which revealed that the tests of explicit and implicit knowledge were valid
and reliable.
Using elicited imitation tests, Erlam (2005) conducted a study to measure L2 learn-
ers’ implicit knowledge. The design of such tests was different from other elicited imitation
instruments because it required test takers to focus on the meaning of the utterance before
repeating it and that the sentences presented to the test takers were a mixture of grammatical
and ungrammatical utterances. The participants were asked to repeat sentences in correct Eng-
lish. This kind of testing is claimed to reduce the likelihood that the participants will explicitly
focus on the form, and spontaneous correction of erroneous sentences indicate constraints on
the learners’ ability to approximate the utterance being imitated. Test results indicated that the
elicited imitation-test design could be a valid measure of implicit and explicit knowledge. On a
slightly different view of measuring proficiency in production, Macaro and Masterman (2006)
investigated the effect of explicit grammar instruction on grammatical knowledge and writing
proficiency. A group of 12 French first-year students was given a short but intensive course
of explicit instruction. Within five months of explicit approach, the students gained evident
improvement in some aspects of grammar tests, but not in accuracy in free writing.
Several tests utilized Ellis’s (2005) instruments in measuring implicit and explicit
knowledge. In 2007, for instance, Fatahi Milasi and Pishghadam conducted a study to verify if
explicit knowledge plays an important role in general language proficiency and to discover the
interplay of explicit and implicit knowledge in grammaticality judgments. A general proficien-
cy test was used to measure the general language ability of 30 native speakers and 30 nonnative
speakers. The use of Ellis’ (2005) grammaticality judgment measured the participants’ ability
to verbalize their knowledge of rules. The results indicated that there was significant relation-
ship between the use of rule of both native speakers and ESL learners and their mean scores in
grammaticality judgment tests. Moreover, the findings revealed that there was a vague interac-
tion between implicit and explicit knowledge among the test takers.
Still on SLA, a study conducted by Ellis, Loewen, and Erlam (2006) focused on the
effects of implicit and explicit corrective feedback on the acquisition of past tense forms. Three
 65 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 66

groups (two experimental groups and one control group) participated in two communica- and valid tools in determining which of the two types of knowledge students use in answering
tive tasks of recasting sentences (implicit knowledge) and metalinguistic explanation (explicit grammar tests, i.e., Ellis’s (2005) untimed grammatical judgment test (GJT) and free-writing
knowledge) as forms of response to ungrammatical utterances. After three testing sessions, test. The GJT was administered to measure the participants’ explicit knowledge of grammati-
statistical comparisons showed that explicit feedback was proven to be more effective over cal correctness and incorrectness of 30 sentences. The free-writing test, on the other hand, was
implicit feedback. The result was an indication that explicit feedback benefited implicit and employed to measure the participants’ implicit knowledge of grammar as manifested in their
explicit knowledge. written outputs. Additionally, the study forwards pedagogical implications, particularly in the
Bowles (in press, in Bowles 2011) validated the instruments formulated by Ellis by Philippine context, in which the issue of implicit learning and teaching has recently received
way of tests given to L2 and heritage learners of Spanish. The results showed that the test criticisms for its low effectiveness. This paper also aims to identify the type of knowledge Ko-
scores loaded on a two-factor model, as in Ellis, proved the construct validity for the tests for a rean and Filipino college students access in answering grammar tests and in composing essays.
population of heritage learners who have little explicit knowledge by virtue of the environment Specifically, the study explores if there is a significant difference between Koreans and Filipinos
where they acquired Spanish. and between males and females on the following variables: confidence, nonconfidence, rules,
In a similar vein, Rebuschat and Williams’s (2012) study investigated whether SLA feelings, implicit, and explicit knowledge.
could result in implicit knowledge. In the study, adult learners were trained on an artificial
language under incidental learning conditions and were tested by means of grammaticality 2. Method
judgments and subjective measures of awareness. The test results revealed that incidental ex-
2.1 Participants
posure to second language structure could result in implicit knowledge. Additionally, it was
found that explicit (but unverbalizable) knowledge was linked to improved performance in the
Sixty English majors from the College of Education of a university in Manila partici-
grammaticality judgment test.
pated in the study. The students, half of which are Koreans while the rest are Filipinos, were,
In summary, the review of previous studies on implicitness and explicitness of learn-
at the time of the study, enrolled in a research writing course. They previously took the course
ers’ knowledge show different methods, strategies, and results. However, despite the persis-
Basic Communication Skills in Reading and Writing; hence, they were presumed to have basic
tence of these scholars to explain how learners acquire their L2, it appears that the findings
knowledge of English. The study used the purposive sampling technique because the other
concerning the role of explicit and implicit knowledge in answering English tests are inconclusive.
colleges in the university did not have as many Korean enrollees compared with the College
Whether students make use of implicit knowledge or explicit knowledge in language
of Education. The participants already took the English Communication Course for first-year
learning is still an issue that needs to be clarified. The current study specifically attempted to
college students.
confirm if the two types of knowledge are utilized in instances in which they are supposed to
Additionally, the selection of the participants was based on two considerations: (1)
be accessed. Second language teachers can use this study as a reference to address the seem-
the availability of the subjects of the current study and (2) the participants’ overall academic
ingly deteriorating performance in English language use of students. In addition, since there
achievement levels, general English test performances, and teachers’ assessment. Based on
is an influx of foreign students who enroll in Philippine universities, it will be interesting to
these data, the participants were assessed as proficient in English grammar. It is worth noting
ascertain if EFL students successfully learn in an ESL classroom. More importantly, English
that these students passed the university admission test, a test written in English. The group
language learners can benefit from the current study since the tests can measure their gram-
of participants appeared to match the nature of the study instruments, which required partici-
matical proficiency, thus, allowing them to know what to improve in their knowledge of the
pants to have high proficiency of the English language to judge grammaticality of sentences.
English language. The study also confirms the students’ ability to use the type of knowledge
This was based on the teacher’s assessment as Ellis (2002) recommends only learners with
needed in different situations concerning grammar proficiency.
known proficiency in the L2 are likely to take the grammar tests.
With the different views about implicit and explicit knowledge and their perceived
role in language learning, the present study attempts to establish a clear distinction between
the aforementioned two types of knowledge. Furthermore, the study intends to utilize reliable
 67 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 68

2.2 Instruments Table 1

Operationalizing the constructs of L2 implicit and explicit knowledge
The study adapted the untimed Grammatical Judgment Test (GJT), the spontaneous
narrative test, and the definitions set by Ellis (2005). The GJT contained 30 sentences (both
grammatically correct and incorrect) arranged in no particular order. It involved three tasks: Criterion Implicit knowledge Explicit knowledge
(1) the participants had to judge 30 sentences according to whether they are grammatically
correct or incorrect; (2) they needed to indicate whether or not they are confident of their Degree of awareness Responses according to feelings Responses using rules
answers; and (3) they were tasked to report whether their responses were based on feelings (in- Focus of attention Primary focus on meaning Primary focus on form
tuition) or on rules they learned. This test primarily aimed to measure the participants’ explicit
Systematicity Consistent responses Variable responses
knowledge of grammatical correctness and incorrectness of the 30 sentences. The judgment
Certainty High degree of certainty in Low degree of certainty in
was objective, but the participants’ self-report on their confidence and the use of rule or feel- responses responses
ings were subjective enough for the present study to consider. The criteria in modifying the
Metalinguistic knowledge Metalinguistic knowledge not Metalinguistic knowledge
GJT are described in Table 1. required responses
The first criterion is the conscious awareness to which learners do not have to prove Learnability Early learning favored Late, form-focused instruction
the existence of the knowledge they possess. This is measured by the learners’ indication of favored
their usage of feel or rule when answering a grammatical test. Secondly, the focus of attention
refers to either fluency for meaning or accuracy for form. The next principle is systemati- (Adopted from Ellis, 2005, p. 152)
city that focuses on whether learners display consistency or variability in answering tasks for
implicit knowledge and explicit knowledge, respectively. The fourth criterion is the certainty The second test, the Free Writing Test (FWT), adapted from Ellis (2005), was em-
of learners in producing outputs that are widely accepted in the target linguistic rule. The last ployed to measure the participants’ implicit knowledge of grammar as manifested in their writ-
is the use of metalinguistic knowledge versus explicit knowledge. The learners’ metalinguis- ten outputs. The present study modified the said instrument by using a free-writing task in-
tic knowledge is linked with their explicit knowledge and not with their implicit knowledge. stead of the oral narrative test in order to maximize the students’ outputs, particularly in terms
Learnability, on the other hand, was found applicable considering the Filipino participants’ of the statistical data, for analysis. Given the time limit of ten minutes, the participants were
background in learning their L2 and the foreigners’ exposure to the English language. It is asked to write freely and nonstop about whatever their minds came up with. Meaning was the
worth mentioning that one criterion, i.e., time allotment, is excluded in operationalizing this focus over structure in this test.
study. Such a criterion is not applicable since the participants manually answered the ques- The criteria postulated by Ellis (2005) were the bases of measurement for distinguish-
tions, and they were not given sufficient time to carefully plan their answers, contrary to what ing implicit and explicit knowledge. These include the degree of awareness, focus of attention,
Ellis’s framework suggests. and metalinguistic knowledge. Table 2 displays how these criteria were applied in the two
tests. In the GJT, the participants were required to use their metalinguistic knowledge, have a
high degree of awareness, and give attention to forms. The case was different with the FWT.
 69 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 70

Table 2 Table 3
Design features of the tests Grammatical aspects measured in the study

Structure Example of a learner’s mistake

Criterion Grammatical Judgment Test Free Writing Test

Article I am interested in seeing the many animals in the zoo.

Degree of awareness Rule Feel
Preposition He's a friend that you can depend *.
Focus of attention Form Meaning
Metalinguistic knowledge Yes No (or very little) Subject-verb agreement She think that the class is getting worse.
Tense Where did he went?
(Adapted from Ellis, 2005) Transitive-intransitive verb I hope you will visit again here.

Noticeably, whereas the first test was grammar-based and structural in nature, the
second test was of spontaneous production type in which the participants needed to employ
their implicit knowledge to perform the given tasks. Meaning is the focus of the FWT, and ide-
ally, no metalinguistic knowledge is required. However, as Ellis (2002, p. 234) explained, free-
production tasks “make it difficult but not impossible for learners to perform on the basis of
explicit knowledge.” In other words, the participants can make use of their explicit knowledge
of grammar while doing those spontaneous tasks, especially the writing one. This observation
was specifically considered in the study.
Importantly, although the two tests were similar in design with those used in the
previous studies – Ellis (2005) and Hu (2002) – the grammatical aspects to be measured in the
current study necessarily had to be different. To suit the Filipino learning context, the selection
of the target grammatical aspects was based on Bautista’s (2000a, 2000b, 2000c) works which
empirically investigated Philippine English across disciplines. Five grammatical aspects, which
Bautista found to be prevalent mistakes made by Filipino speakers of English in their speeches
or writings, were covered in the study. Table 3 lists these five features and their corresponding
examples.
2.3 Procedure
The data gathering was undertaken during the second term of the academic year
2011-2012. A week before the testing proper, a pilot test was conducted among a group five
ESL and five EFL learners of a comprehensive university, all of whom were first-year college
students and qualified as participants for such a test because of their accessibility and same
age level. The pilot test enabled the researcher to have an overview of how the tests would
materialize, thus, allowing him to prepare for any situation that may likely occur in the actual
test. The pilot test went on smoothly; the students cooperated well and stayed focused while
answering the test. Also, it is important to note that the pilot test was conducted to a separate
group of EFL students with similar proficiency level to avoid giving the study participants a
preconceived idea of what they need to do when they repeat the task. Additionally, the partici-
pants of the pilot test were chosen based on their availability.
The GJT was the first test given to the participants followed by the FWT. The sched-
ules of the target participants were first determined. Then, the researcher coordinated with the
respective English teachers with regard to a possible testing period.
A total of 60 Koreans and Filipinos of the same proficiency level were gathered. The
first test was conducted on October 14, 2011, and the second was on October 17, 2011. As
mentioned, the test was divided into two sets. The GJT lasted for 20 minutes while the FWT
was administered for 10 minutes on both testing dates. There was a five-minute gap between
the two tests to give the respondents ample time to rest.
 71 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 72

The researcher marked the GJT outputs as soon as the second test was conducted. 3. Results and Discussion
The FWT outputs were marked the next day. Two professors of English Communication from
the same university were tapped as inter-raters of the participants’ essays. The said teachers Measuring confidence in answering a grammar test is deemed to be a significant as-
were also enrolled in the Ph.D. in English program of another university. The inter-raters vali- pect of the study since it is said to be one of the factors in a learner’s willingness to engage
dated the analysis of errors initially done by the researcher. A conference among the researcher himself or herself in a foreign language (MacIntyre, DÖrnyei, Clément, & Noels, 1998), such as
and the inter-raters was conducted to arrive at an agreement regarding the categorization of English in the case of Koreans. As seen in Table 4, the students (N=60) claimed that they were
errors identified in the participants’ essays. confident in answering majority of the questions in the GJT. Specifically, the students claimed
that they were confident in at least 23 of the 30 sentences presented (M=24.28; SD=5.08).
2.4 Data Analysis Although with small discrepancy, male and female Filipinos (M=25.09; SD=4.95) appeared
to be more confident than the Korean students (M=23.36; SD=5.17). In terms of gender, the
The statistical test of 2x2 factorial design was used for the GJT. The said method was males (M=25.16; SD=5.1) seemed to be more confident than females in answering the GJT
used to arrive at a comprehensive data interpretation on the differences of the dependent and (M=23.66; SD=5.05).
independent variables. The dependent variables were the GJT results, the FWT results, the
confidence of the students, and the use of rule, while the independent variables were the par- Table 4
ticipants’ nationality and gender. The mean and standard deviation of the test scores were also Mean scores and standard deviation of the confidence of Filipinos and Koreans in answering
computed. the GJT
In scoring the FWT, it is important to note that within the ten minutes given, the said
test generated considerably different written outputs. It was predicated that there would be an N Confident Confident Not Not
confident confident
apparent variation in writing fluency and length. Since it was a free-writing task, there was no
control, in any form, imposed, and the participants enjoyed total freedom in choosing what to M SD M SD

write and how much to write within the time set. The marking of the written outputs was done
Total 60 24.28 5.08 5.72 5.08
both analytically and holistically. In an analytical way, mistakes were counted and marked
Nationality Korean 28 23.36 5.17 6.64 5.17
against the total number of the target grammatical features found in each participant’s writ-
Nationality Filipino 32 25.09 4.95 4.91 4.95
ing. This gunning for specific mistakes would focus the marking on the target grammatical
aspects. On the other hand, holistic scoring was used since the score for the accurate use of the Gender M 25 25.16 5.1 4.84 5.1

target grammatical features had to be balanced with the overall clarity and communicability Gender F 35 23.66 5.05 6.34 5.05
in each of the sentences in the compositions. This combination is justified by the fact that the Nationality*Gender Korean M 11 24 4.77 6 4.77
free-writing task focuses on meaning, and the participants would write instantly, supposedly Nationality*Gender Korean F 17 22.94 5.51 7.06 5.51
without consciously attending to correct their mistakes. It would be problematic to grade their Nationality*Gender Filipino M 14 26.07 5.33 3.93 5.33
outputs by basing solely on the number of target grammatical aspects accurately used since Nationality*Gender Filipino F 18 24.33 4.64 5.67 4.64
this kind of marking would prove to be unfair, especially when it comes to the extreme cases
of short writings with many correct formulaic expressions and page-long compositions with
many mistakes. Accuracy, however, remained as one of the primary criteria. Relatively, as the The claim of the students’ general use of confidence in answering the GJT could mean
participants were expected to produce their outputs of different lengths, it was necessary to that they have certainty in judging whether sentences are grammatically correct or otherwise.
rate the outputs holistically. It was also more logically plausible to follow criterion-reference The Filipinos appeared to be more confident than the Koreans in answering the said test, which
rather than norm-reference marking methods. could be attributed to the fact that English is still a foreign language among Koreans but a
 73 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 74

second language or even first language among Filipinos. However, the use of confidence in the
test in the current study is deemed important to the proficiency of the students, contrary to the
findings of the studies like that of Lockley and Farrell (2011) in which students’ confidence was
found to be insignificant. Further, between similarity ratings and confidence, learners choose
similarity ratings to make grammaticality decisions (Tunney, 2010).
Table 5 shows the descriptive data on the use of rule and feeling of the subjects in
answering the GJT. The data indicate that both the Filipinos and the Koreans claimed their
use of rules more than their intuition in identifying the grammaticality of sentences. The stu-
dents reported that they used their knowledge of grammar rules in at least 20 of the 30-item
test (M=21.3; SD=6.34). Meanwhile, the male Filipinos did not use their knowledge of rules
in answering the GJT as much as the other groups did (M=19.43). There, however, cannot be
a huge implication on this aspect of the data since the figures are not too far from the mean
of other groups. As a result, the male Filipinos claimed to make use of feelings (M=10.57) in
answering grammar test. In general, the males, both Koreans and Filipinos, though still rely-
ing on rules in most of the test items, made use of feelings (M=9.4; SD= 7.07) more than the
number of times that the female population used their intuition (M=8.2; SD=5.82). It is also
worth mentioning that the students had almost the same claim in their use of rules since they
just finished their course in English Communication, which was partly a review of the English
grammar rules.
Table 5
Mean scores and standard deviation of the use of feeling and rule in answering the GJT
N Feel Feel Rule Rule
M SD M SD
It was found in Ellis’s (2005) study that tests of explicit knowledge, like the GJT, were
strongly related to the use of rule. The current study demonstrates the use of explicit knowl-
edge in tests like GJT that elicits grammatical judgment of the students, thus, supporting El-
lis’s study in terms of test validity. Additionally, Ellis’s study indicated that the students were
not very confident when they had access to their explicit knowledge. On the contrary, the
participants of the present study, in general, seemed to be confident as they relied on their use
of rules in the GJT because most of them have been speaking English for more than ten years
now, including some Koreans who started their education in the Philippines. Fatahi Milasi and
Pishghadam (2007), Green and Hecht (1992), and Bowles (in press, in Bowles, 2011) maintain
that learners are prompted by explicit knowledge to make use of and access rules. Similarly,
the study also matches Macrory and Stone’s (2000) findings in terms of the weak relationship
between perception and proficiency. There, however, seems to be an issue on the verbaliza-
tion of the said rules (Rebuschat & Williams, 2011) since in the current study, metalinguistic
knowledge was not tested.
It could be observed from the data presented in Table 6 that the participants scored
higher in FWT (M=7.27; 72.7%.) and displayed lower performance in the GJT (M=17.33%;
57.76%). The GJT, which was designed to measure explicit knowledge, appeared to be difficult
for the participants who were reported to have relatively much exposure to explicit learning
of English grammar prior to the tests as they averaged slightly above 50% in the 30-item test.
Worth mentioning at this point is that the marking scheme employed in rating the written
outputs in the FWT also considered meaning and communicability. It was most likely that the
participants’ fluency in writing helped compensate their grammatical errors and elevated their
scores. The standard deviation for the participants’ FWT scores (SD= 2.31) was found to be
significantly much lower than the standard deviations for GJT (SD= 3.68). The results revealed
the almost homogenous scores the students obtained in the FWT.

Total 60 8.7 6.34 21.3 6.34

Nationality Korean 28 9.18 6.53 20.82 6.53
Nationality Filipino 32 8.28 6.25 21.72 6.25
Gender M 25 9.4 7.07 20.6 7.07
Gender F 35 8.2 5.82 21.8 5.82
Nationality*Gender Korean M 11 7.91 6.2 22.09 6.2
Nationality*Gender Korean F 17 10 6.78 20 6.78
Nationality*Gender Filipino M 14 10.57 7.7 19.43 7.7
Nationality*Gender Filipino F 18 6.5 4.27 23.5 4.27
 75 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 76

Table 6 writing. It was also predicted in Hu’s study that the test of implicit knowledge would elicit
Mean scores and standard deviation of the GJT and FWT scores more systematic responses compared with the test of explicit knowledge. In reference to Table
6, the results support Ellis’s (2005) findings, for the GJT has, in fact, a higher SD, which could
Grammar Grammar Writing Writing mean that the learners are more consistent in tasks that tap their explicit knowledge.
score score score score The data confirm the use of the rules when the students answer grammar tests such
M SD M SD as the GJT. However, the definite increase in their proficiency level cannot be presumed. The
Total 60 17.33 3.68 7.27 2.31 students are said to use explicit knowledge, but the proficiency based on the scores reflect
otherwise. The FWT, which was originally intended to check if the students use their implicit
Nationality Korean 28 15.43 3.62 6.54 2.4
knowledge, confirms their use of the explicit knowledge based on the scores.
Nationality Filipino 32 19 2.86 7.91 2.05
In fulfilling the second objective, ESL and EFL learners answered a battery of tests to
Gender M 25 17.76 3.37 7.64 2.29
determine their use of explicit and implicit knowledge. The succeeding section, composed of
Gender F 35 17.03 3.9 7 2.31 three tables, discusses the differences with respect to the variables in the study by means of 2x2
Nationality*Gender Korean M 11 16.36 2.69 6.18 2.71 factorial design.
Nationality*Gender Korean F 17 14.82 4.07 6.76 2.22 As indicated in Table 7, Koreans and Filipinos have almost the same scores in relation
Nationality*Gender Filipino M 14 18.86 3.53 8.79 0.89 to confidence; thus, there is no significant difference in terms of their confidence. Further-
Nationality*Gender Filipino F 18 19.11 2.32 7.22 2.44
more, there appears no significant difference between Koreans and Filipinos with regard to
being “not confident.” They have almost the same scores in relation to their not being con-
fident in answering the GJT. Lastly, with respect to nonconfidence, there is no interaction
Ellis’s (2005) study found timed and untimed grammaticality judgment tests valid effect among confidence and nonconfidence of the students in answering the GJT in terms of
because of the better performance of native English speakers as compared with the L2 learners. nationality. This shows that there is no relationship among the three variables.
In the current study, the L2 learners performed better than the EFL learners both in the GJT
and the FWT which, in turn, supports Ellis’s study. Gender was found to be of no significant Table 7
difference in terms of scores since the mean values for both male and female participants did Differences between Filipinos and Koreans; males and females on confidence in answering
not have a wide discrepancy. Additionally, the frequency counts of the participants’ reported the GJT
cases of being confident of their correct responses indicate that they were more confident when
they accessed explicit knowledge (rules) to judge the grammaticality of sentences. This result Not Not Not Not
Degree of Confident Confident Confident Confident confident confident confident confident
negates the idea that implicit knowledge increases learners’ confidence in the grammatical-
freedom SS MS F P SS MS F P
ity of language use, especially in the case of L2 learners. A possibility is that the participants
might not have been able to identify what errors some of the sentences in the GJT have. This Intercept 1 34245.24 34245.24 1324.521 0 1854.628 1854.628 71.73238 1.31E-11
possibility supports Bautista’s (2000c) findings that highlight the Filipinos’ difficulty in using Nationality 1 43.35272 43.35272 1.676775 0.200667 43.35272 43.35272 1.676775 0.200667
the English language specifically in those which are concerned with prepositions, subject-verb Gender 1 28.2699 28.2699 1.093409 0.30021 28.2699 28.2699 1.093409 0.30021
agreement, verb tense, article, and transitive/intransitive verbs. More studies, however, need Nationality*
Gender 1 1.667445 1.667445 0.064493 0.800461 1.667445 1.667445 0.064493 0.800461
to be done before arriving at definite conclusions.
Error 56 1447.87 25.85482 1447.87 25.85482
Adapting Hu’s (2002) untimed spontaneous writing test paved the way for determin-
Total 59 1524.183 1524.183
ing learners’ manifestation of implicit knowledge. Modifying the oral narrative test in Hu’s
study, the current research maintained the use of implicit knowledge in tests like spontaneous
 77 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 78

Ellis (2005) gave students’ certainty in answering a grammar test a considerable
amount of attention since learners are likely to use their implicit knowledge and are confident
about their answers when their explicit knowledge is “anomalous” (p. 152). The statistics on
differences regarding confidence imply that the nationality of students does not affect their
confidence in answering grammar tests. The result of the test is not in total congruence with
that of Brown’s (1977) and Krashen’s (1981) suggestion that personality factors, such as confi-
dence, help in understanding the input, hence, better acquisition. Hence, there is no signifi-
cant difference between EFL and ESL learners and their level of confidence while answering
the GJT. The level of confidence of the students may indicate that Koreans, a number of whom
claimed that they have had less than ten years of exposure to English, did not display the pre-
sumed apparent uncertainty in answering grammar tests.
Table 8 shows the difference in the use of rule and feeling in terms of the participants’
nationality. The scores reveal that firstly, there is no significant difference between the Koreans
and the Filipinos in terms of feeling since both groups have almost the same scores in using
intuition in answering the grammar test. Secondly, the data suggest that there is no significant
difference in relation to the use of knowledge of grammar rules. Overall, figures indicate that
there is no relationship between the respondents’ nationality and the use of feeling and gram-
mar rules in the GJT.
The study of Ellis (2005) devised the untimed GJT as a measure of the subjects’ aware-
ness of grammatical rules. The GJT of the current study supports Bowles’ (in press, in Bowles,
2011) findings which suggest the validity of the test in terms of being a test of explicit knowl-
edge and a test of grammar rules. This also implies that being an EFL or ESL learner does not
affect the use of feeling or rule in answering a grammar test. In general, there is no interaction
effect on nationality in terms of feeling and grammar-rule use. This could mean that in an-
swering the grammar test, both groups of learners depend on their knowledge of the English
grammar rules, which were part of the English course they took prior to the conduct of the
study. However, as mentioned earlier, Rebuschat and Williams (2011) suggest that a metalin-
guistic test be conducted in similar studies to validate students’ knowledge of grammar rules.
Ellis (2005) forwards the hypothesis that tests of explicit knowledge (GJT, in the pre-
sent study) encourage the use of rules, and tests of implicit knowledge (FWT, in the present
study) favor feelings. Table 9 shows the differences in the use of explicit and implicit knowl-
edge. Firstly, there is a significant difference between Koreans and Filipinos with respect to the
use of explicit knowledge. Filipino learners had significantly higher scores in grammar tests as
compared with the Koreans. This is also true for the scores in FWT in which the data indicate
that there is a significant difference between Korean and Filipino learners in relation to the use
of implicit knowledge since the latter obtained significantly higher scores in spontaneous writing.

Table 8 Table 9
Differences between Filipinos and Koreans; males and females on the use of rule and feeling Differences between Filipinos and Koreans; males and females on explicit and implicit
in the GJT knowledge

Degree of Feel Feel Feel Feel Rule Rule Rule Rule GJT GJT GJT FWT FWT FWT FWT
Degree of GJT Score Score Score Score Score Score Score Score
freedom SS MS F P SS MS F P
freedom SS MS F P SS MS F P

Intercept 1 4421.983 4421.983 112.4146 5.22E-15 26121.7 26121.7 664.0595 0

Intercept 1 17282.9 17282.92 1639.001 0 3029.671 3029.671 642.2599 0
Nationality 1 2.535727 2.535727 0.064463 0.800507 2.535727 2.535727 0.064463 0.800507
Nationality 1 166.1741** 166.1741 15.75889 0.000207 33.86946** 33.86946 7.179985 0.009662
Gender 1 14.17499 14.17499 0.360353 0.550732 14.17499 14.17499 0.360353 0.550732
Gender 1 5.97778 5.977783 0.566895 0.454649 3.474979 3.474979 0.736661 0.394391
Nationality*
Gender 1 137.232 137.232 3.48868 0.067026 137.232 137.232 3.48868 0.067026 Nationality*
Gender 1 11.6318 11.63177 1.103083 0.298102 16.6486 16.6486 3.529336 0.065501
Error 56 2202.838 39.33639 2202.838 39.33639
Error 56 590.508 10.54479 264.1634 4.717204
Total 59 2374.6 2374.6
Total 59 797.333 313.7333

 79 Selwyn A. Cruz
In summary, the findings support Ellis’s (2005) and Fatahi Milasi and Pishghadam’s
(2007) studies. The ESL learners (Filipinos) in this study, however, outperformed the EFL
learners (Koreans) because Filipinos use English as their second language while the Koreans
use it as a foreign language. The results imply that the ESL learners tend to effectively use their
explicit and implicit knowledge when needed. Further, the confidence of the participants does
not have any significant difference in terms of gender. The same is true for the nonconfidence
of the participants. Stated in another way, there is no relationship between the confidence and
nonconfidence variables and gender.
In addition, the participants, in terms of gender, did not have any significant differ-
ence with respect to their use of rules and feelings in answering the GJT. The figures show that
the insignificant difference of the variables results in the noninteraction effect between the use
of feeling and rule in terms of gender.
The figures also show that overall, there is no relationship between gender and use
of implicit and explicit knowledge. This result does not seem to support the findings of other
similar studies indicating that females have a higher level of motivation than males in language
use. Likewise, the study does not run parallel with other studies confirming gender as a fac-
tor in achieving a certain task. With these in mind, more similar studies can be conducted to
confirm the current study’s findings.
4. Conclusion
The study attempted to fulfill three objectives. With respect to the first goal, it was
found that students respectively use their explicit and implicit knowledge in answering spe-
cific types of test. It is noteworthy that both Filipino and Korean learners access their implicit
knowledge in the FWT as evident in their written outputs. The test was designed to measure
their implicit knowledge, and the markings done by the researcher and the inter-raters unani-
mously indicate the learners’ focus on meaning in writing their essays. Ellis (2005) concluded
that learners use their implicit knowledge in activities like oral production and written tasks.
In the same way, it was found that learners access their explicit knowledge when they are
prompted to verbalize their knowledge of linguistic structures. This is seen in their claim that
they use the learned rules in answering the GJT.
The second research objective examined the significant difference among the na-
tionality of learners and the dependent variables (i.e., confidence, use of rule and feeling,
and test scores). It was found, unsurprisingly, that there is a significant difference between
nationality and the scores of the subjects in the grammar (GJT) and free writing tests (FWT).
As for the third objective, nonsignificant differences were found among gender and the de-
pendent variables.
Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 80
The study also serves as an empirical work to confirm findings of previous research
by Bautista (2000c) regarding certain grammatical mistakes that are prevalently committed by
Filipino speakers of English. The GJT results support Bautista’s claim that the errors on subject-
verb agreement, tense, prepositions, articles, and transitive verbs are problematic for Filipinos.
The study also supports the test designs of Ellis (2005); that is, GJT could be employed to
measure explicit knowledge whereas FWT, most likely but not purely, requires participants to
depend their performance on implicit knowledge.
Out of the findings analyzed both quantitatively and qualitatively, several implica-
tions could be drawn. First, there were a few occasions when the FWT would seem to defy its
validity as an instrument to purely test implicit knowledge. To a certain degree, a few number
of students successfully made use of their explicit knowledge to monitor accuracy. Deletions
and corrections observed in the participants’ written outputs could serve as support for this oc-
currence. This shortcoming in the spontaneous-production test design was pointed out earlier
by Ellis (2005), i.e., there is a possibility that participants use their explicit knowledge to help
raise their performance no matter how spontaneous the task could reasonably be. As a recom-
mendation, this negative aspect of the instrument could be minimized by training participants
to conduct free writing on a regular basis to raise their fluency and automaticity in focusing
on meaning while doing the tasks. Another merit of such training is that participants would
be able to write fast within a shorter period of time and that there is a higher degree of likeli-
hood that they do not access their explicit knowledge to check their accuracy. Ideally, training
should be provided not only for the FWT but also for the other three types of test so that par-
ticipants would be familiarized with the test formats and, thus, be able to execute appropriate
strategies to achieve their best performance. Only then can the measurements of the implicit
and explicit knowledge be conducted with a more satisfactory level of validity and reliability.
In addition, there may be a need to distinguish the implicitness and explicitness of
grammatical knowledge from the other types of knowledge, such as morphological and lexi-
cal, since the distinction would predictably result in different instrument designs employed to
approach the target research focus, thus, obtaining new research findings.
As far as the case of the participants in the current study is concerned, it would be
justifiable to recommend a higher degree of explicitness in teaching and learning approaches.
In light of the study findings that there were mistakes repeatedly and prevalently made by
the participants, it may be of great value for the English lessons to explicitly direct students’
special attention to mistakes that should be avoided so that these mistakes will not eventually
become fossilized errors. Classroom activities, desirably, need not be structural in nature as in
a traditional classroom but should be implicitly communicative in nature while incorporating
and accommodating explicit grammar lessons when necessary. It should also be considered
 81 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 82

that teaching and learning need not to be based on the extreme ends of either implicitness or Bowles, M. (2011). Exploring the role of modality: L2-heritage Llearner interactions in the Spanish lan-
explicitness. On a continuum, classroom practices could vary according to students’ needs. Al- guage classroom. Heritage Language Journal, 8(1), 30-65. Retrieved from http://www.interna-
though the tests were designed based on the participants’ prior knowledge of the English lan- tional.ucla.edu/media/files/bowles-hlj-eightone-zz-eml.pdf
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two different groups of participants could be exposed to two different approaches of teaching Ellis, R. (2002). Does form-focused instruction affect the acquisition of implicit knowledge?: A review of
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practice. After a certain period, the participants could undergo certain tests to measure their guage Acquisition, 27, 141-172.
two types of knowledge. However, such an experiment would demand more time and work Ellis, R., Loewen, S., & Erlam, R. (2006). Implicit and explicit corrective feedback and the acquisition of
contributed by both the researcher and the participants. Other variables, such as learners’ L2 grammar. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 28, 339-368.
background as well as teaching inputs and techniques, should be carefully controlled not to Erlam, R.M. (2005). Language aptitude and its relationship to instructional effectiveness in second lang-
let these variables moderate the treatment. This framework was observed in several recent guage acquisition. Language Teaching Research, 9(2), pp 147-173.
studies (Salaberry, 1997; Mackey & Philip, 1998; Long et al., 1998; Williams & Evans, 1998; Fatahi Milasi, A.A., & Pishghadam, R. (2007). The interplay between explicit and implicit knowledge of
Murunoi, 2000 as cited in Ellis, 2002). However, the results of these studies were conflicting English native speakers and ESL learners. Iranian Journal of Applied Linguistics, 10(1), 15-43.
and inconclusive. It would, therefore, be significant for the next study to further investigate the Green, P., & Hecht, K. (1992). Implicit and explicit grammar: An empirical study. Applied Linguistics, 13
L2 learning issues of implicitness and explicitness, especially in the Philippine context. (2), 168–84.
Hu, G. (2002). Psychological constraints on the utility of metalinguistic knowledge in second language
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 83 Selwyn A. Cruz Rule or feel? The application of implicit and explicit knowledge... 84

Macaro, E., & Masterman, E. (2006). Does intensive explicit grammar instruction make all the difference? Appendix A
Language Teaching Research, 10(3), 297-327. Grammaticality Judgment Test
MacIntyre, P.D., Clément, R., Dörnyei, Z., & Noels, K.A. (1998). Conceptualizing willingness to commu-
nicate in an L2: A situational model of L2 confidence and affiliation. The Modern Language Name _________________________________ Nationality____________________
Journal, 82(4), 545-562.
Age ___________ Course/Major _________________
Mackey, A., & Philip, J. (1998). Conversational interaction and second language development: Recasts,
responses, and red herrings? The Modern Language Journal, 82, 338-356.
Macrory, G., & Stone, V. (2000). Pupil progress in the acquisition of the perfect tense in French: The re- Test I. Grammaticality Judgment Test

lationship between knowledge and use. Language Teaching Research, 4, 55-82. Directions:
Polanyi, M. (1966). The tacit dimension. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Read the following short selections and do the following tasks.
Reber, A. (1976). Implicit learning of synthetic languages: The role of instructional set. Journal of Experi- (a) Decide whether the selections are right or wrong. (Write R for right and W for wrong.)
(b) Indicate how confident you are about your answers. (Write C for confident and N for not confident.)
mental Psychology: Human Learning and Memory, 2, 88-94.
(c) Indicate whether you use the rule or your intuition (feeling) to judge the correctness of each sen-
Reber, A.S. (1989). Implicit learning and tacit knowledge. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, tence. (Write Ru for rule and F for feeling.). Write your answers on the answer sheet.
118(3), 219-235.
Rebuschat, P., & Williams, J. (2012). Implicit and explicit knowledge in second language acquisition. Ap- Example: May I get shirt I lent you in Puerto Galera?
plied Psycholinguistics, 33, 829-856. doi:10.1017/S0142716411000580
I am confident (C) about my answer that the sentence is wrong (W). I base my judgment on
Roehr, K. (2004). Exploring the role of explicit knowledge in adult second language learning: Language pro- the rule (Ru) that “shirt” is already identified clearly between the speaker and listener and thus needs to
ficiency, pedagogical grammar and language learning strategies. Centre for Research in Lan- be preceded by the article “the.”
guage Education. Lancaster University.
1. During the lecture, she ask many questions.
Salaberry, R. (1997). The role of input and output practice in second language acquisition. Canadian 2. An old lady knocked at Fred’s apartment. Eventually, old lady introduced herself as John’s
Modern Language Review, 53, 422-451. mother.
Sun, P., Mathews, R., & Lane, S. (2007). Implicit and explicit processes in the development of cognitive 3. One of these orchids bloom at night.
4. I had a hard time keeping my poise in the bus.
skills: A theoretical interpretation with some practical implications for science education. In
5. Even doctors find it hard to differentiate among dengue fever from high fever.
E. Vargios (Ed.), Educational psychology research focus (pp. 1- 26).New York: Nova Science 6. My classmates whom you saw a couple of days ago is leaving for Cebu.
Publishers. 7. We heard that George loves to stay long on the bed every morning.
Tunney, R. (2010). Similarity and confidence in artificial grammar learning. Experimental Psychology, 8. Do they believe Michael molested the children in his mansion?
9. Audience is mesmerized every time Streisand performs on stage.
57(2), 160-168.
10. I reminded Jenny of your reminder that if she happens to pass by the bookstore, she’ll buy
Williams, J., & Evans, J. (1998). What kind of focus and on which forms? In C. Doughty & J. Williams you ball pen.
(Eds.), Focus on form in classroom second language acquisition (pp. 139-155). Cambridge: Cam- 11. Rachelle lived in Riyadh since the Marcos regime.
bridge University Press. 12. Too much drinking is said to have bad effects to liver of those addicted to alcohol.
13. A delectable sushi must consist from fresh ingredients.
14. In Singapore, going to loading sections are like going for a brisk walk.
15. The reason why Ateneo accepts fewer freshman students are that they intend to keep
the cream of the crop.
16. I hope you will visit again here.
17. Susan is called Ms. Congeniality because of her good relationship with people, even strangers.
18. Peter’s lasagna was so delicious. Did you taste?
19. I am happy the Queen had left the Palace when the war started.
 85 Selwyn A. Cruz
20. The subscription for the website is too expensive and not too many people can afford.
21. Why are you still studying here when everybody else in the class studying?
22. Who are the town folks’ chosen muse going to be?
23. The last three people to stay in the contest will gain.
24. There seems to be too many people in the movie house.
25. NGO is organization which is in charge of helping poor communities.
26. Sheryl has moved in last week.
27. He bought me two things from Palawan: shirt and necklace.
28. In this event, I would like to thank Mr. Pangilinan on having patronized the products.
29. People need the food to eat and use it for everyday life activities
30. Robert was nice enough to offer to do the laundry for Suzie.
-End of Test-
Please wait for further instructions.
Appendix B
Differences between Filipinos and Koreans; males and females on explicit and implicit knowledge
Discourse organization of argumentative speeches:
Implications for teaching argumentative writing
Marie Claire Timbreza Duque
Department of English, Foreign Languages, and Linguistics
College of Arts and Letters
Polytechnic University of the Philippines
claire_duque@yahoo.com
This paper examines the discourse organization of argumentative speeches of the debaters of
Ateneo de Manila University (ADMU). A total of 20 constructive speeches were used as sourc-
es of data for this study. These speeches were taken from the following debate programs: ANC
Square Off: The Philippine Debate Championships; ANC Square Off: The AUDC; and ANC
Frank-ahan: The Drilon Debates. Frequency and percentage distributions were used to deter-
mine the discourse organization found in the argumentative speeches. Findings revealed that
the debaters use two-move patterns in the orientation, exposition, and summation blocks of
their speeches, namely, “orientation” and “focusing,” “inquiry” and “response,” and “rounding-
off ” and “final stance,” respectively. This study offers a more detailed explanation on how argu-
mentative essays may be structured through studying spoken discourse. Thus, student writers
may benefit from a more specific instruction in the discrete elements of an argument, including
how to formulate an effective claim, how to support a claim with evidence effectively, and how
to reach the requirements of the argumentative genre.
Keywords: Discourse organization, argumentative speech, debate, argumentative writing,
moves and steps in writing
87
Marie Claire Timbreza Duque
1. Introduction
Writing has a prominent role in second language teaching and learning. When writ-
ing, students have the opportunity to be adventurous with the language, to take risks, and to
go beyond what has been taught; they become involved with the language, with themselves,
and with their audience. In fact, the act of writing not only reflects one’s thinking but also helps
create a new line of arguments. ing, this research was conducted with an attempt to follow Mei Lin Ho’s (2004) framework in
Thus, the need for teaching argumentative writing should be underscored. For one
thing, the value of an open and rational debate on issues of national concern is becoming
increasingly apparent. Also, many aspects of people’s lives need to be reflected on or revised
largely because of the inevitable demands of the changing times. Very often, people have
varied opinions on each issue. However, be it as it should be, for the sake of moving forward,
they need to forge among themselves some kind of consensus or agreement. This is made
possible by a reasoned debate which will lead them to a deeper and broader understanding of
the issue at hand. Moreover, a course in argumentation and debate seeks to train students in
developing the skills necessary in a democratic society: critical and analytical thinking, clarity
of thought, open-mindedness, active listening, coherent and concise articulation of argu-
ments, and teamwork.
There is no doubt that argumentation is so much a part of a person’s life. One is
involved in argumentation daily both as a receiver and sender of ideas, thoughts, and expres-
sions. Argumentation represents a special type of communicative transactions in all cultures,
and in the Filipino culture, many of the most important executive, legislative, and judicial deci-
sions are made via argumentation. As a public activity, argumentation may be considered the
lifeblood of a democratic society. It takes place in both public and nonpublic occasions such as
political assemblies, business and formal meetings of organizations and clubs, problem-solving
discussions, classroom discourse, and informal social gatherings.
Argumentation is also an important tool in the academic setting. It is, in fact, essen-
tial for improving classroom success by consciously developing activities that use advocacy
and argumentation. As Wade and Zorwick (1999) assert, argumentation and debate transform
the classroom environment into an intellectually challenging and engaging world where ideas
are explored through discourse and argument. In the process, students develop their abilities
to identify, support, and articulate ideas.
In the Philippines, teachers use argumentation as an instrument to develop compre-
hension and analysis of content materials through teaching argumentative writing. However,
Filipino students, being second language learners, seem to have difficulty utilizing organiza-
tional strategies despite having relatively profound thinking skills. This was revealed in Regala-
Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 88
Flores’s (2007) study on the argumentative essays of college freshman students. She concluded
that “students seem to have difficulty with written argumentation, but the students appear
to have similar responses to the task and exhibit some development of logical reasoning and
somewhat elaborated arguments” (p. 43).
Considering the paramount importance of determining an outline or a pattern which
teachers could use as a guide in teaching students how to develop ideas in argumentative writ-
her study on the discourse features and strategies of students’ argumentative essays.
Ho’s framework on argumentative essays was generally based on John Swales’s early
work in 1990 which focused on the research article, particularly the introduction section of the
said genre. He named his model “Creating a Research Space,” more popularly known as CARS.
Since then, this model has become a widely used framework in analyzing the ways academic
writers justify and highlight concepts and ideas in linguistics, literary studies, and rhetoric.
This is done by identifying the moves and the steps present in written texts.
Genre, according to Swales (1990), is a class of communicative events that share some
set of communicative purposes. He views genre as consisting of a series of moves and steps. It
should be noted that Swales describes moves as parts that occur in a predictable order. It is a
semantic limit related to the speaker’s purpose. Each one is motivated and characterized by a
specific purpose and has a particular pragmatic function in the overall rhetorical organization
of the speech. A move, therefore, is a pragmatic, not a syntactic unit. Each move, in turn, is
seen to comprise a number of steps. The submoves or steps, which comprise the moves, can be
described in terms of interactional speech acts.
Swales’s genre-based approach in teaching writing has proved to be successful, for
much of mainstream English teaching is based on its principles (Sidaway, 2006). Hyland
(2008), in agreement, claims that genre is a robust pedagogical approach perfectly suited to
the teaching of academic writing in many contexts as it serves a key instructional purpose, that
is, illuminating the constraints of social contexts on language use. In addition, he claims that
there are potential advantages of genre-based writing instruction since genre teaching could be
explicit, systematic, needs-based, supportive, empowering, critical, and consciousness-raising.
Although Swales’s framework is used in analyzing written outputs, the researcher
attempts to use it in discovering the discourse features of a spoken discourse since debate
speeches are, in fact, written first before they are delivered verbally (Phipps et al., n.d.).
Thus, this study was conducted to investigate the discourse organization embodied
in the argumentative speeches of the debaters of the Ateneo de Manila University (ADMU).
This investigation aims to integrate this discourse organization in the teaching of writing to
improve students’ ability in composing argumentative essays since debate, in fact, is a mixed
 89 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 90

medium. In this speech genre, speaking and writing are mutually dependent. The debaters are Figure 1
given 30 minutes to prepare for the speech; thus, ideas or arguments verbally expressed are first Ho’s (2004) model of a possible discourse structure for a GP essay
organized in writing.

Specifically, this study aims to answer three main concerns:

1. What are the moves present in the structure of the orientation, exposition,
and summation blocks of the argumentative speeches of the following
speaker roles?
a. Prime Minister (PM)
b. Deputy Prime Minister (DPM)
c. Leader of the Opposition (LO)
d. Deputy Leader of the Opposition (DLO)
2. What are the steps present in the structure of the orientation, exposition,
and summation blocks of the PM, DPM, LO, and DLO speeches?
3. What are the implications of the discourse organization analyses for second
language writing and teaching?

1.1 Theoretical Framework

In her genre-based analysis of the discourse structure of the General Paper (GP) es-
say, a compulsory paper for all students taking the General Certificate of Education (GCE)
“A” level examination in Singapore, Ho (2004) identified the common features and patterns of
organization that characterize the GP essay as a distinct genre. She indicated in her study that
GP essays contain three blocks, namely, Orientation, Exposition, and Summation, and each of
these blocks consists of specific moves and sequences of steps. Ho theorized that the discourse
structure of a typical GP essay may be represented by the following model.
 91 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque
According to Ho, the Orientation Block serves the function of mapping or signpost-
ing for the reader by explaining the thesis of the essay–what the writer is going to do and how
the structure of the essay will be laid out. As shown in Figure 1, the Orientation Block com-
prises moves that enable students to feel their way around the topic. This is followed by moves
that focus on a specific area for discussion, labeled as Focusing.
The second block, termed Exposition, through a basic pattern of two moves (Inquiry
and Response), develops the writer’s main ideas in the essay. This basic two-move pattern
is realized in different forms, namely, Statement of a Claim/Counterclaim; Problem Raising/
Resolving Problem; Gap-Raising/Gap Filler. The Exposition Block, according to Ho, is less
predictable than the Orientation and Summation blocks in terms of its length and number of
sequence of moves and steps.
Ho claims that the closing block, Summation, is made up of moves that serve to round
off the essay where the main points or key concerns raised are summarized (Rounding Off)
and/or where the writer’s main stand or thesis is reiterated (Final Stance), paralleling what was
stated in the Orientation Block.
As shown in the model, each block is seen to be made up of moves. According to
Dudley-Evans (2004 as cited in Ho, 2004), moves are parts that occur in a predictable order.
McKinlay (2004 as cited in Ho, 2004) defines a move as a semantic unit which is related to
the writer’s purpose. Ho explains that each move is motivated and characterized by a specific
purpose and has a particular pragmatic function in the overall rhetorical organization of the
discourse. She concludes that a move is a pragmatic, not a syntactic unit.
Finally, the model of Ho shows that each move, in turn, is seen to comprise a num-
ber of steps. Citing Swales (1990) and Tirkkonen-Condit (1996), Ho (2004) stresses that the
submoves or steps comprising the moves can be described in terms of interactional roles that
correspond to speech acts. The following terms were adopted by Ho to describe the steps in
her model (See Appendix A for their meanings.): General statement, Specific statement, Defi-
nition, Situation, Problem, Justification, Elaboration, Exemplification, Evaluation, Solution,
Reformulation, Conclusion, and Metastatement.
In this study, the speeches were divided into three parts–orientation, exposition, and
summation–which were then subdivided into moves and steps.
Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 92
2. Method
2.1 Study Corpus
A total of 20 constructive speeches were used as sources of data for this study. These
speeches were taken from the following debate programs: ANC Square Off: The Philippine
Debate Championships; ANC Square Off: The AUDC; and ANC Frank-ahan: The Drilon De-
bates. The motions used in these competitions mostly dealt with sociopolitical issues, like ban-
ning public zoos, banning direct media attention to terrorist groups, and using military forces
against Somali pirates. These debates all took place in 2007 to 2009. During these years, the
Ateneo De Manila University Debate Society (ADS) dominated almost all debate competitions
nationwide (i.e., Philippine Intercollegiate Debating Championships, National Debate Cham-
pionships, Philippine Schools Debate Championship, and several other invitational debates).
These constructive speeches were delivered by members of the ADS. The ADS was
founded in 1991 and is the most-awarded debate institution in the Philippines, winning eight
out of ten National Debate Championships and eight out of nine Asian Championships. In ad-
dition, ADS was named one of the Ten Accomplished Youth Organizations in the Philippines
by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
The ADMU debaters, who have been winning and receiving major awards in sev-
eral prestigious debate competitions of national and international caliber, could be considered
competent debaters and, therefore, good models for aspiring debaters. Thus, the researcher
used the speeches of the ADMU debaters as the study corpus. These argumentative speeches
could be analyzed to draw the underlying structure upon which the strength of these debaters
lies.
These speeches were classified into constructive (or substantive or opening) and reply
(or closing) speeches. Each of the two debaters (Prime Minister or PM and Deputy Prime
Minister or DPM for the government side and Leader of the Opposition or LO and Deputy
Leader of the Opposition or DLO for the opposition side) delivered a constructive speech, and
only one of the two from each side delivered a reply speech. Only the constructive speeches
of the speakers were analyzed in this study. This study excluded the speeches of the Member
of the Government (MG), Member of the Opposition (MO), Government Whip (GW), and
Opposition Whip (OW) since this paper focuses mainly on constructing and building cases.
Given that rebuttals are also present in the speeches of the PM, DPM, LO, and DLO, the re-
searcher opted to disregard the speeches of the MG, MO, GW, and OW.
 93 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 94

2.2 Research Procedure Table 1

Frequency and percentage distributions of the moves used in the argumentative speeches
The study analyzed, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the discourse organization
of the argumentative speeches. The quantitative analysis determined the frequency and per- Move Frequency Percentage
centage distributions with regard to the number of times the debaters used the moves and the
Two-move pattern (i.e., Orientation Block: Orientation/Focusing; 20 100%
steps in their speeches. Qualitative analysis, on the other hand, involves coding the data in Exposition Block: Inquiry/Response; Summation Block: Rounding
terms of its discourse structure. The speeches were first transcribed verbatim and were divided off/Final Stance)
into three parts: orientation, exposition, and summation. Each part was analyzed to identify Non-two-move pattern 0 0%
the moves and the steps present in the speeches. The moves and the steps were identified using
Total 20 100%
the definitions provided by Ho (2004). The researcher examined the speeches and looked for
signposting expressions, such as “My first argument is…,” “Before I begin with my arguments,
let me first tell you the context of this debate,” and “What I have been telling you so far, Mr. 3.1.2 Steps used in the orientation block
Speaker…” as marks for the identification of the specific moves and steps.
Speeches were distributed to four graduate school teachers who served as intercoders By the Prime Minister
of the study. These teachers are doctorate degree holders who teach linguistics. They reviewed
the transcription, suggested improvements, and validated the results to ensure accuracy and Table 2 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the discourse organiza-
reliability. tion of the orientation block of the prime ministers’ speeches. Table 2 reveals that the ori-
entation block contains the following steps: 13 (or 28.26%) specific statements; 8 (or 17.4%)
3. Results and Discussion elaborations; 5 (or 10.9%) situations; 5 (or 10.9%) justifications; 4 (or 8.7%) exemplifications; 3
(or 6.52%) general statements; 3 (or 6.52%) definitions; 3 (or 6.52%) problem statements; and
3.1 Discourse organization of the speech blocks 2 (or 4.34%) metastatements.

3.1.1 Moves Table 2

Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the Prime Ministers’ orientation
Table 1 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the moves used in the block
argumentative speeches. It is shown that 20 or 100% of the speeches analyzed in the study fol-
Step Frequency Percentage
lows the two-move pattern (i.e., Orientation Block: Orientation/Focusing; Exposition Block:
Inquiry/Response; Summation Block: Rounding Off/Final Stance). This is further illustrated in General Statement 3 6.52%
Situation 5 10.9%
the excerpts shown in the steps used in each block.
Definition 3 6.52%
Problem Statement 3 6.52%
Specific Statement 13 28.26%
Justification 5 10.9%
Elaboration 8 17.4%
Exemplification 4 8.7%
Metastatement 2 4.34%

Total 46 100 %
 95 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 96

The following extract shows how the steps general statement, specific statement, elab- By the Deputy Prime Minister
oration, and situation are used in one PM speech:
Table 3 reveals that the deputy prime ministers’ orientation block contains the fol-
lowing steps: 27 (or 27.84 %) specific statements; 22 (or 22.68%) problem statements; 18 (or
Block: Orientation Move Step 18.56%) elaborations; 10 (or 10.31%) metastatements; 9 (or 9.28%) exemplifications; 7 (or
7.22%) justifications; 6 (or 6.19%) reformulations; 3 (or 3.09%) general statements; and 1 (or
Many of the objections with the practice of Move 1: General statement 1.03%) situation.
torture have to do with fears of abuse and its Orientation
no visibility as a difficulty in monitoring.
Table 3
But, right now, the US legislative faces a Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the Deputy Prime Ministers’ ori-
Situation
dilemma. They can either choose to have a entation block
rigid allegiance to traditional norms of pris-
oner treatment or they can break free of these Step Frequency Percentage
straight jackets in order to combat terrorists General Statement 3 3.09 %
who will stop at nothing to harm innocent Specific Statement 27 27.84 %
civilians. Situation 1 1.03%
Problem Statement 22 22.68%
We, on the government side, believe that Move 2: Focusing Specific statement Justification 7 7.22%
torture is an ethical necessity, and we want the Elaboration 18 18.56%
US legislative to enact it into a law, a model Exemplification 9 9.28%
proposed by Harvard law professor, Dirsovitz, Metastatement 10 10.31%
a civil liberties lawyer, that authorizes judicial Reformulation 6 6.19%
torture. Total 97 100 %

Basically, under this model, the FBI and the Elaboration

CIA will present individual cases to state
judges and apply for torture warrants. Judges The following extracts show the steps used in one DPM speech:
will decide each application on an individual
basis based on the following criteria. A) that Block: Orientation Move Step
the person involved is a high level terrorist.
How can we know this? There should be a We think, absolutes are dangerous when you Move 1: Orientation General statement
probable cost that the person has valid, valu- need to protect people.
able information. So, this person
should have probably proclaimed, that he is a
head or the spokesperson for terrorist groups, The first thing he said was, well, you create Problem
has actively threatened the public, there’s con- abuse because the judges are prone to pres- statement
crete proof that he has appeared in videos and sure.
issued directives to other terrorists.
We say judges are unelected. Move 2: Focusing Specific statement
 97 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 98

The use of the steps general statement, specific statement, elaboration, and exemplifi-
They are accountable to people who appoint Elaboration cation are seen in the following LO speech:
them, both democrats and republicans. And
mind you, both democrats and republicans Block: Orientation Move Step
are very cautious about torture.
Good evening everyone. Granting that the Move 1:Orientation General statement
By the Leader of the Opposition MILF has committed acts of violence and
granting that some factions of the MILF still
Table 4 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the discourse organiza- have not abandoned their secessionist aims,
tion of the orientation block of the leader of the oppositions’ speeches. The Leaders of the Op- we say that the group is very diverse right
now and ideally, we do not want to reward
position’s orientation block contains the following steps: 20 (or 29.41%) specific statements; 12
violence at all.
(or 17.65%) problem statements; 9 (or 13.23%) justification; 9 (or 13.23%) elaborations; 7 (or
10.29%) exemplifications; 5 (or 7.35%) general statements; 5 (or 7.35%) metastatements; and 1
But, we say that given the complex situation Move 2: Specific statement
(or 1.47%) reformulation. where things are not as black and white as Focusing
they make it out to seem, what we need is a
Table 4 more calibrated response.
Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the Leaders of the Opposition’s
orientation block To respond to what the first speaker said, we Elaboration
do have promising developments in the status
quo. There are certain factions of the MILF
Step Frequency Percentage that dominant hierarchy, actually, that are
General Statement 5 7.35 % very open to peace talks, and that are disasso-
Specific Statement 20 29.41 % ciating themselves from the splinter groups or
Problem Statement 12 17.65 % the rebel groups that carried out these attacks
Metastatement 5 7.35 % on US Marines or that resort to extortion,
Justification 9 13.23 % banditry, kidnapping and hostage taking.
Elaboration 9 13.23 %
Exemplification 7 10.29 % If for example, the chief negotiator of MILF, Exemplification
Reformulation 1 1.47 % the current peace talks said that they weren’t
responsible for the mutilation and for the kill-
Total 68 100 % ing of fourteen marines.

By the Deputy Leader of the Opposition

Table 5 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the discourse organiza-
tion of the orientation block of the deputy leaders of the oppositions’ speeches. Table 5 reveals
that the deputy leaders of the opposition’s orientation block contains the following steps: 28
 99 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 100

(or 28%) specific statements; 25 (or 25%) problem statements; 14 (or 14%) elaborations; 13 (or
13%) justifications; 8 (or 8%) exemplifications; 6 (or 6%) metastatements; 4 (or 4%) general The argument is, there is something intrinsically Move 2: Specific
statements; and 2 (or 2%) reformulations. wrong with government’s ownership of zoos. And Focusing statement
we’re saying that we do not agree with the ban
Table 5 because there is nothing intrinsically wrong with the
government owning zoos.
Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps in the Deputy Leaders of the Opposition’s
orientation block
And sometimes, in certain instances, there is a Justification
value to government ownership of zoos, not all the
Step Frequency Percentage time not in every area, but in certain areas, there is
a role for the government ownership of zoos or there
General Statement 4 4% is something for the government to gain in owning
Problem Statement 25 25 % zoos in that particular area.
Specific Statement 28 28 %
Metastatement 6 6%
A closer look at the preceding tables on the orientation block of the debaters may lead
Justification 13 13 %
one to infer that the introduction of a debater’s speech is not only intended to arouse interest
Elaboration 14 14 %
Exemplification 8 8% and attention among listeners, announce the purpose of the speech, and preview content and
Reformulation 2 2% organization (Elizabeth, 2003). Rather, it is so constructed in such a way that it helps the de-
bater perform his speaker role as a prime minister (PM), deputy prime minister (DPM), leader
Total 100 100 % of the opposition (LO), or deputy leader of the opposition (DLO) as the case may be.
The following shows how DLOs present their speeches using these steps: As the first member of the Opening Government (OG) team, the PM has the duties
and responsibilities to: define the motion; set the parameters; forward the government’s case;
Block: Orientation Move Step state the team split; and signpost the DPM. To accomplish these tasks, the PM has to make his
listeners feel their way around the topic and focus on a specific area for discussion. As a result,
the orientation and focusing moves are present in the orientation block of his speech. The PM
This is La Salle’s principle debate at its best. You Move 1: General
uses the move orientation to state in general terms what the debate is about, thus, defining the
expect us to defend the shabby conditions in Manila Orientation statement
zoo, which of course, we smartly did not do, and we motion. He then moves on to contextualize the motion by setting the parameters and stating
have every right as opposition to discuss a better the team split, thus, the use of the focusing move.
counterproposal that has never responded to by this To further achieve his tasks, he is duty-bound to perform, among others, the follow-
side. ing acts: state in broad, general terms the state of affairs or a proposition; state a specific claim
Problem or proposition; explain or interpret the meaning of a concept or term; present the facts and cir-
Basically, when you propose a ban, you’re asking statement cumstances that provide background information and/or the setting for a full appreciation of
the government to legislate against itself commit- the problem; provide reasons in support of a given statement; provide details or particulars of
ting any action in the future, you want the govern-
a preceding statement; illustrate an aspect of the state of affairs or proposition expressed, in the
ment to ban itself from managing zoos again, in the
future. form of concrete data, specific examples or statistics; paraphrase or restate a preceding state-
ment; and tell the listeners explicitly that a stand is being taken (Bauzon, 2004). As a result, the
steps general statement and specific statement were used in the speeches to state the specific
 101 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 102

arguments of the case. To support these statements, the steps definition, situation, justification, Table 6
elaboration, and exemplification were used to further explain arguments and validate asser- Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the Prime Ministers’ exposition
tions. block
The LO, on the other hand, has the duties and responsibilities to: negate the motion;
Step Frequency Percentage
set own parameters; introduce opposition’s case; state the team split; and signpost the DLO. To
accomplish these tasks, the LO has to make his listeners understand the opposition’s case and Specific Statement 29 30.2 %
focus on a specific area for discussion (Bauzon, 2004). Therefore, just like the PM, the orienta- Problem Statement 11 11.46 %
tion and focusing moves are present in the orientation block of his speech. Justification 17 17.7 %
The LO also has to state a specific claim or proposition as a member of the opening Elaboration 20 20.83 %
opposition. This explains why he has to use the steps general statement and specific statement Exemplification 6 6.25 %
to tell the listeners explicitly that a stand is being taken. He has to make clear and distinctive Metastatement 9 9.38 %
claims about the motion which will then be further elaborated by presenting facts and circum- Reformulation 4 4.17 %
stances that provide background information and/or the setting for a full appreciation of the Total 96 100%
problem; reasons in support of a given statement; provide details or particulars of a preceding
statement; illustrations of aspects of the state of affairs or proposition expressed, in the form of The following extract shows how the steps are used in the exposition block of the
concrete data, specific examples or statistics; and paraphrase or restate a preceding statement. prime minister:
As a result, the steps situation, justification, elaboration, exemplification, reformulation, and
metastatement are present in the orientation block of his speech. Block: Exposition Move Step
The DPM and the DLO basically have the same patterns of speeches being the second
speakers of the opening government and the opening opposition. They use the orientation The question in today’s debate is, given that Move 1: Inquiry Problem
move to rebuild the first speakers’ cases by restating the theme of their side. They develop their the entire world has invested in the Myan- statement
speeches by using the focusing move to build their split through concentrating on a specific mar issue, why is intervention to this extent
area of discussion. justified and is necessary and effective? And
it is consistent with the responsibility of the
The steps general statement and specific statement are also used in their speeches to
international community. There are two things
state arguments clearly and further explain them by using the steps elaboration, justification, I wanna talk to you about today. Number one,
exemplification, metastatement, and situation. how it’s crucial to ensure the sustainability of
the protest, which is crucial in building long-
3.1.3 Steps used in the exposition block term democracy there, and second how it’s
important to move forward from the stale mate
in terms of dealing with Myanmar today.
By the Prime Minister

Let’s talk about sustaining protests. Metastatement

Table 6 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the steps found in the
exposition block of the PMs’ speeches. The data reveal that the exposition block contains 29
What has been the strategy of the junta in Move 2: Response Problem
(or 30.2%) specific statements; 20 (or 20.83 %) elaborations; 17 (or 17.7 %) justifications; 11 (or
terms of dealing with the protests because we’ve statement
11.46%) problem statements; 9 (or 9.38%) metastatements; 6 (or 6.25%) exemplifications; and seen similar instances in the past?
4 (or 4.17%) reformulations.
 103 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 104

Like the PM speeches, the DPM speeches use more specific statements in the exposi-
What it usually does is to give tokenistic Specific statement tion block, as shown in the following extract:
concessions to placate the international com-
munity. Block: Exposition Move Step

Okay, we’ll negotiate with the democratic
party, but while saying this, they also crack
down on the protesters. So, when protesters
disappear, and when international pressure
disappears, they’re back to their old ways, and
this is a sustainable pattern, and we must
make sure that the pattern isn’t repeated this
time around because track record shows us
that it has happened before.
By the Deputy Prime Minister
Elaboration What am I going to discuss to you today, Mr. Move 1: Inquiry Problem statement
Speaker? First, I’ll talk to you about how this is a
necessary move for the international community
to solidify its commitment to this atrocity that is
happening in Burma, and second, I’ll talk about
how increasing the fishering of the military junta
and empowering more people to join protests in
the streets, make these protests sustainable and
allows for democracy in the long run.
Move 2:
Let’s go first to establishing stakes. Response Metastatement

Table 7 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the steps found in the Because, with any foreign policy tool, the real Specific statement
exposition block of the DPMs’ speeches. The findings indicate that there are 17 (or 26.56 %) way of establishing a stake in any country is
specific statements; 12 (or 18.75%) elaborations; 10 (or 15.62%) justifications; 9 (or 14. 06%) sending in their own soldiers, and sending in
metastatements; 7 (or 10.94%) exemplifications; 5 (or 7.81 %) problem statements; and 3 peacekeeper troops.
(or 4.69%) reformulations.
And because anytime the United States or the Exemplification
European Union sends in soldiers to a country, it
Table 7 means, they’re putting a stake there.
Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the Deputy Prime Ministers’
exposition block Because, if that soldiers gets into trouble, if that Elaboration
soldier dies, that country, in this case Myanmar,
Step Frequency Percentage knows that it’s going to get into trouble with the
Specific Statement 17 26.56 % United States, not just with Aung San Suu Kyi
Problem Statement 5 7.81 % and their national democratic party.
Justification 10 15.62 %
Elaboration 12 18.75 % When we discuss this counsel, we have to look Specific statement
at the cracks in it. This is actually a weakening
Exemplification 7 10.94 % junta in the status quo.
Metastatement 9 14.06 %
Reformulation 3 4.69 %
Total 64 100 %

 105 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 106

exposition block of the LOs’ speeches. There are 29 (or 30.21%) specific statements; 20 or
You have Shan Shue, who has a terminal illness, Exemplification (20.83%) elaboration; 17 (or 17.71%) justifications; 11 (or 11.46%) problem statements; 9 (or
you have the Buddhist monks who used to be the 9.37%) metastatements; 6 (or 6.25%) exemplifications; and 4 (or 4.17 %) reformulations.
source of their legitimacy are now their prime
enemies. Table 8
Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the Leaders of the Opposition’s
We say, these factions, these people defecting Elaboration exposition block
from the military are actually a phenomenon

that is happening right now. But, it’s happening
Step Frequency Percentage
very very slowly. Because these people are afraid
to go against the military, because there are no Specific Statements 29 30.21 %
military sources to back them up, see a general or Problem Statements 11 11.46 %
a lieutenant actually goes and says, okay, I’ll side Metastatements 9 9.37 %
with the people. Because, you need another mili- Justification 17 17.71 %
tary force to protect their families, for example,
Elaboration 20 20.83 %
from revenge attacks from the junta. You need
the military to assure them, we will protect you Exemplification 6 6.25 %
and safeguard your life, if let’s say, Shan Shue Reformulation 4 4.17 %
and his lieutenants come after you because you Total 96 100 %
defected.
Specific statement
It’s untrue that there is no viable opposition in The LO follows the same pattern like that of the first two speakers, as shown in the
Burma in the status quo. following extract:

We have the religious moral force, the old Burma Justification

Block: Exposition Move Step
Monks alliance, and you also have Aung San
Suu Kyi’s own political party.
Let’s go on however, to my argumentation. Move 1: Inquiry Metastatement
You have a legitimate opposition to prop up and Elaboration
we say, what you do now is, you do not want First, is the idea of the democratization of Problem statement
to reinforce the idea that like in 1988, or like in media and how that is really so important.
1990, or like in 1997, you will just ignore the
plight of the Burmese people. You have to prop The very distinguishing characteristic of Move 2: Response Specific statement
up these opposition leaders while you have a blogs is anyone with an internet connec-
chance. tion or has the ability to read and write or
participate in that discussion, blogs provide
By the Leader of the Opposition a platform to individuals who would not
otherwise be heard, and that’s very very
important.
Table 8 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the steps found in the
 107 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 108

The following extract shows one example of the exposition block of a DLO speech:
Because more blogs gain popularity, more Justification
and more individuals’ voices are heard and Block: Exposition Move Step
transmitted into a larger audience.
Basically, I wanna discuss today how the govern- Move 1: Specific statement
And their writings contain points of view Exemplification ment co-ownership of zoos is integral in mobiliz- Inquiry
that would not otherwise can get airtime, ing resources for animal welfare.
for example, due to limited space and
limited interest, for example in trimedia, We all agree that zoos are sources of profit espe- Elaboration
or because of the whims of the editors and cially if there is a tie-up with the government and
what have you. the private sectors, and we also agree that animals
is not a mainstream value.

By the Deputy Leader of the Opposition It’s very hard for the government to mobilize do- Justification
nations and public supports for animal rights and
Table 9 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the steps found in the things like that.
exposition block of the DLOs’ speeches. The data show that the block has 24 (or 34.29%)
specific statements; 17 (or 24.29%) justifications; 11 (or 15.71%) elaborations; 6 (or 8.57%) Why are zoos important? Problem statement
problem statements; 5 (or 7.14%) exemplifications; 4 (or 5.71%) metastatements; and 3 Move 2:
(or 4.29%) reformulations. Zoos are usually a source of these donations Focusing Specific statement

Table 9 because when the public is at its most vulnerable Justification

and softest, that’s when you have someone talk to
Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the Deputy Leaders of the Op-
them about animals that are sick in some regions
position’s exposition block and how you need help, and that’s when they’re
more willing to let money out of their pockets.
Step Frequency Percentage
Specific Statement 24 34.29 % More importantly, zoos make profits as well and Elaboration
that’s why you need government’s take in these
Problem Statement 6 8.57 % zoos, because the government needs to have access
Justification 17 24.29 % to those revenues and the government needs to
have access to those donations which you do not
Elaboration 11 15.71 %
have under your model because it has no stake or
Exemplification 5 7.14 % whatsoever in terms of ownership of the zoo.

Metastatement 4 5.71 %
Reformulation 3 4.29 %
Total 70 100 %
 109 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 110

And we say that the money it gets from these do-
nations and the money it gets from these revenues
will be the same money that it’s gonna use to help,
you know, preservations when there is no public
incentives to fund the preservations.
How the preservations keep running? You need
revenue from elsewhere, and that’s where the zoos
come in, and that’s where stakes in the zoos come
in.
And we say, that at the end of the day, private
actors are not gonna help those preservations, pri-
vate actors are not gonna get donations in behalf
of the government, that’s why you need govern-
ment’s stake there
dressed in the debate while the response move is used to answer these issues.
Specific statement Subsequently, the LO and the DLO build a case plan that involves a clash with the case
of the Government and discredit the latter’s proposal. The approaches available to them to de-
velop their case plan are the same as the Government’s. However, they can choose from several
ways to negate/clash with the case of the Government, like direct negation (simply reversing
the direction of the proposal presented by the Government) or indirect negation (by simply
going the “not-necessarily” way or the “not-always” way). To accomplish these tasks, the LO
Elaboration
and the DLO have to make a statement of claim or counterclaim, raise or resolve a problem,
and raise or fill a gap. As a result, the inquiry move is used to express the opposition’s clash
by stating the issues that they want to raise in the debate while the response move is used to
forward their own take on the issues presented by both sides.
Justification In this block, it is evident in all speeches that the steps general statement and specific
statement are used to make assertions about the motion. These are usually followed by the
steps elaboration, justification, exemplification, metastatement, and situation for clarification,
explanation, and substantiation.

3.1.3 Steps used in the summation block

The exposition block is more unpredictable and random than the orientation block.
However, when one examines this block, one may infer that the body of a debater’s speech
In the summation block, only two steps are used by the debaters; these are evaluation
mainly performs the function of presenting well-ordered arguments to defend the case and
and conclusion. Table 10 shows the frequency and percentage distributions of the steps found
discredit the opponent’s case. In an effort to influence the beliefs, attitudes, and actions of
in this block. Each step registers half of the total number of steps found in the summation
the listeners, debaters help the latter understand an event, a process, or a concept and seek
block of the examined debate speeches.
approval and acceptance of the fact or proposal they present. Knowing that listener accep-
tance of their ideas remains the general end of their speeches, they also realize that to gain this
Table 10
response from listeners, the latter’s beliefs, attitudes, and inclinations to act must be changed
Frequency and percentage distributions of the steps used in the debaters’ summation block
in a significant way. Therefore, they present well-ordered arguments supported by facts and
examples and make their listeners want to believe and act as they propose by providing strong
motive appeals related to listeners’ interests.
Step Frequency Percentage
As members of the Opening Government OG team, the PM and DPM build a case
plan that involves the defense of the motion by linking it to an issue. The approaches available Evaluation 40 50 %
to them include the discussion of the nature of the issue, the justification for the advocacy or Conclusion 40 50 %

adherence to the motion, the examination of conflicting ideas involved, and the presentation of Total 80 100 %

relevant examples to prove their arguments. To accomplish these tasks, the PM and the DPM

have to make a statement of claim or counterclaim, raise or resolve a problem, and raise or fill
a gap. As a result, the inquiry and response moves are present in the exposition block of their
speeches. The inquiry move is used to state the general issues (i.e., the team splits) to be ad-
 111 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 112

The following are examples of the summation blocks of the debaters: LO speech

PM speech Block: Summation Move Step
You have to let people make a personal con-
Block: Summation Move Step nection with these animals. You have to make Move 1: Evaluation
them feel that the animals are in the direct Rounding off
We do not want the junta being complacent, Move 1: Evaluation space, and that they are, can and will interact
thinking that they can get away with it again Rounding off with these animals that is important to the
this time, and if we send that strong message, country and important to the government,
and on an avenue that everyone agrees with because otherwise, why would they care with
anyway, we weaken the position of the junta a bunch of animals they don’t even see?
and we force it to negotiate in the future, es-
pecially since the military is weakened as well. And because of this, it is the public’s best Move 2: Conclusion
interest to run these zoos. Thank you. Final Stance
So, it’s a calibrated response, and it’s extreme- Move : Conclusion
ly necessary given with these circumstances. Final stance DLO speech
With that, we propose.
Block: Summation Move Step
DPM Speech
Is there a public good? There is a public good, Move 1: Evaluation
Block: Summation Move Step first, giving people access at lower rates, and Rounding off
second, mobilizing revenues and resources, so
Maybe following him is the right thing to do, Move 1: Evaluation you’re able to be more effective in your ani-
he seems to be getting the attention of the Rounding off mal protection campaigns elsewhere. Can the
world much more than the other people be- counter proposal work? Yes, it has worked in
cause he’s one being placed on TV, and we’ve other scenarios, you have a ban if you’re sure
told you that sensationalized TV is likely to there is no space for value at all in that thing
get more airtime. being done but that’s not the case.

This is exactly the kind of sensationalism Move : Conclusion We do not need a ban, we just need regula- Move 2: Conclusion
that we do not want to see in primetime, that Final stance tion. With that, we oppose. Final Stance
we do not want to expose the general public.
With that, we close. Thank you.

 113 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque
The conclusion of a debater’s speech mainly performs the functions of summarizing
his own case in one or two substantive sentences and signposting his second speaker (in the
case of PM and LO) to prepare the adjudicators for the second half of their case or signpost his
first speaker again and close their case by showing how both his and his first speaker’s speeches
prove their theme (in the case of DPM and DLO) (Bauzon, 2004). To accomplish these tasks,
the PM, DPM, LO, and DLO have to summarize the main points or key concerns raised in
their speeches or reiterate their main stand or thesis. The rounding-off move is, thus, used
to summarize the debaters’ case. Then, to leave a lasting impression on the audience and the
adjudicators, the debaters give one-liners that encapsulate their stance.
Each move then consists of one step (i.e., rounding off: conclusion, final stance: con-
clusion). In these steps, the debaters discuss the worth, validity, and degree of importance
of their statements; make an evaluative judgment of a given claim or proposition; present an
assertion or a statement that is justified or explained by preceding statements; state the conse-
quence of the cause specified in the preceding statement; reiterate ideas earlier expressed; and
summarize main points, events, or situation (Flynn, 2006).
4. Conclusion
On the whole, the discourse organizations that characterize the structure of a de-
bater’s argumentative speech are the blocks that are composed of moves which, in turn, are
comprised of steps. This structure is similar to that of Ho’s possible discourse structure of
a GP essay. The result of this study, thereby, adds empirical evidence that there is a possible
interconnectedness between written discourse and delivered speeches. It is, therefore, safe to
assume that debate speeches can be used as models for determining an outline or a pattern that
teachers could use in lessons on argumentative writing.
Thus, the researcher would like to recommend that ESL teachers allow their students
to construct argumentative speeches using the two-move patterns: orientation and focusing
for the orientation block, inquiry and response for the exposition block, and rounding off and
final stance for the summation block. This may be done by providing stimulating and interest-
ing activities or topics that lead to the use of these patterns. Such activities may be in the form
of dialogues, brainstorming, clustering, looping, idea starters, or interviewing. As Weissberg
(1994 as cited in Hubert, 2011) claims, “classroom dialogues may enhance learners’ use of the
composition process for cognitive growth, raising their awareness of the cognitive processes
involved in producing written text” (p. 172). Hubert (2011), in like manner, explains that
“mixing speaking and writing within the same instructional space helps language learners to
Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 114
gain more conscious control over their own writing processes, strengthening their executive
monitor…” (p. 172).
As for the steps, it is worth noting that there are some steps that are best used in
specific blocks. General statements, for example, are best used in the orientation block since
this step states in broad, general terms the proposition. Specific statements, on the other hand,
are used when a debater is giving specific arguments that are usually followed by elaboration,
justification, and exemplification. Lastly, the steps, evaluation and conclusion, are best used
in the summation block to round off the discussion on the topic. Hence, it is recommended
that ESL teachers provide exercises that can help students develop the skill of using these steps
in their argumentative speeches. This can be done by making them internalize expressions
or sentences associated with these steps. Some examples of these expressions and sentences
are: “We would like to operate on the theme that we should televise the execution of criminals
because we need to deliver a strong message against criminality” (general statement); “Clearly,
the Leader of the Opposition failed to establish televising the execution of criminals as a use-
less component of the fight against criminality” (specific statement); and “Before I begin with
my arguments, let me first state the issues…” (metastatement).
Pedagogical implications arise from this study. In a second language classroom, like
in the Philippines, argumentative writing is an essential tool for students who have to write
persuasively to make other people accept their points. Studying and writing persuasive essays
increase the chances that students will leave the classrooms well-trained and more thoughtful
about the world in which they live.
This study offers a more detailed explanation on how argumentative essays may be
structured through studying spoken discourse. Thus, student writers may benefit from a more
specific instruction in the discrete elements of an argument, including how to formulate an
effective claim, how to support a claim with evidence effectively, and how to reach the require-
ments of the argumentative genre. Such explicitness sets very clear outcomes and expectations
in writing rather than obtains the knowledge from unanalyzed samples, from repeated writing
experience, and from teachers’ comments and suggestions (Hyland, 2008).
Accordingly, teachers may provide exercises that help students develop the skill of us-
ing the two-move patterns in their argumentative speeches. This can be done by making them
internalize expressions or sentences associated with these moves. Some examples are: “Before
I begin with my case, allow me to qualify the conditions pertinent to the broadcasting of the
execution of criminals”; “Before I go on to my case, let me first rebut the case of the Prime
Minister”; “Allow me now to proceed to my case”; and “Televising the execution of criminals
does not make anything better for the nation; it will only make things worse.”
 115 Marie Claire Timbreza Duque Discourse organization of argumentative speeches... 116

Lastly, similar studies may be conducted to investigate the developmental patterns Appendix A
and discourse structures of the argumentative speeches of some of the country’s competent Steps in Ho’s model
debaters from other colleges and universities. Since this study is not conclusive because it only
used one specific debate organization in the Philippines as subject, more samples from dif- Conclusion (Con.). This step presents an assertion or a statement that is justified or explained
ferent universities and colleges must be considered to obtain a more definite picture of the by the preceding statement. It may state the consequence of the cause specified in the preceding state-
discourse organization of argumentative speeches. ment, reiterate ideas earlier expressed, (Reiteration) or summarize main points, events, or situations
(Summary).
References Definition (Def.). This is a step that explains or interprets the meaning of a concept or term.
Elaboration (Elab.). This step provides details, particulars, and any other elaborations of the
Bauzon, P. (2004). Handbook in public speaking, argumentation and debate. National Bookstore: Manila. preceding statement.
Elizabeth, M. (2003). Painless speaking. Canada: Barron’s Educational Series, Inc. Evaluation (Eva.). This discusses the worth of a statement, its validity, and degree of impor-
Flynn, C. (2006). Roles in debate. The World Debate Website. Retrieved from http://www.debating.net/ tance. It makes an evaluative judgment of a given claim or proposition – Evaluation (Qualification of
flynn/foles.htm Stand). It also answers the question “How successful was this solution?” Positive evaluation follows the
Ho, C.M.L. (2004). Discourse features and strategies in students’ argumentative writing at “solution” and speculates on the feasibility or the outcome of the recommended solution. Negative evalu-
pre-University level. ACELT Journal, 8, 3-10. ation usually initiates the “problem” component.
Hubert, M.D. (2011). The speaking-writing connection: Integrating dialogue into a foreign language Exemplification (Exem.). This illustrates an aspect of the state of affairs or proposition ex-
writing course. Electronic Journal of Foreign Language Teaching, 8(2), 170-183. Retrieved from pressed in the form of concrete data, specific examples, or statistics illustrated by the writer to support his
e-flt.nus.edu.sg/v8n22011/Hubert.pdf arguments.
Hyland, K. (2008). Small bits of textual material: A discourse analysis of Swales’ writing. English for General Statement (Gen. Stat.). This is a step that states in broad, general terms the state of
Specific Purposes, 27, 143-160. affairs or a proposition.
Phipps, K., Tucker, E., & Tucker, W. (n.d.). Teaching argumentation & debate: An educator’s activities Justification (Just.). This step provides reasons in support of a given statement.
manual. Retrieved from http://www.stlouisurbandebate.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/ Metastatement (Meta.). This helps the reader organize, classify, interpret, evaluate, and react
Activities-Manual.pdf to the material or information about the subject of the text. Metastatement (stating a stand) is where the
Regala-Flores, E. (2007). Thinking skills reflected in argumentative essays of freshmen [sic] college stu- writer tells the reader explicitly that a stand is being taken.
dents: A descriptive analysis. The Asia-Pacific Education Researcher, 16(1), 33-43. Problem (Prob.). This step, which is an aspect of a situation, requires a response. It can be
Sidaway, R. (2006). The genre-based approach to teaching writing. In English, Spring, 24-27. realized in the form of a statement – Problem (Statement) or an explicit question – Problem (Question-
Swales, J. (1990). Genre analysis: English in academic and research settings. Great Britain: Cambridge Raising).
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Wade, J.M., & Zorwick, L.W. (1999). Assigned advocacy, argumentation, and debate in high school class- statement.
rooms. Rostrum, 48, 1-3. Situation (Sit.). This presents facts and circumstances that provide background information
and/or the setting for a full appreciation of the problem.
Solution (Sol.). This is a step which puts forward recommendations and proposals as to how
the “problem” could be solved.
Specific Statement (Spec. Stat.). This step states a specific claim or proposition.

The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes
by Filipino university freshman multilinguals
Eric E. Lebeco
Municipality of Pambujan, Northern Samar
lebecoeric@yahoo.com
Anchored on the Natural Order Hypothesis (NOH) (Krashen, 1981), this paper examines the
accuracy/acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes by Filipino university freshman
multilinguals and the influences of the ease (or difficulty) in acquisition. The participants were
determined through purposive sampling, and their language samples, which were produced
through prompts, were analyzed. Brown’s (1973) 90% norm for accuracy and Suppliance in
Obligatory Contexts (SOC) procedure, following Ellis and Barkhuizen’s (2005), were employed
in analyzing 585 sentences. For the overuse of morphemes, the Target-like Use Analysis (Pica,
1984) was used. Based on the Group Method Score (GMS), the following acquisition order was
drawn: (1) Auxiliary ‘be’ (is); (2) Article ‘the’; (3) Progressive (-ing); (4) Plural (-s); (5) Copula
‘be’ (is); (6) Irregular past; (7) Possessive (-‘s), and (8) Third Person Singular Present. The re-
sults counter the NOH for Auxiliary ‘be’ (is), Article ‘the,’ Progressive (-ing), and Copula ‘be’
(is) while affirming that the Irregular Past, Possessive (-‘s), and Third Person Singular Present
tend to be acquired late. Moreover, L1 transfer appears to be the chief determinant of accuracy/
acquisition order while the frequency of language input and the use of cognitive strategies, such
as overgeneralization, simplification, and incomplete application of rules may have affected the
ease (or difficulty) in acquisition.
Keywords: Multilingual, grammatical morphemes, accuracy level, acquisition order, inter-
language
The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 118
1. Introduction
The Philippines is a multilingual nation with more than 170 languages; 12 of which
are major languages based on the number of native speakers. Because of this linguistic di-
versity, learning languages is ordinary to many Filipinos (Ramos, 1979). Consequently, it is
neither surprising to hear Filipino children and adults speaking different Philippine languages
nor improbable that the Philippines is fertile for studies on language/s acquisition. That is why
describing multilingual university freshmen vis-a-vis their interlanguage (IL) or their language
development from their mother tongue (MT) toward the target language (TL) (where they are
at present and how far have they gone) is, on the whole, motivating. Mendiola (2005) points
out: studies on Filipino second language learners have a long way to go. Furthermore, Barrot
(2010) contends that there is a paucity of studies on Second Language Acquisition (SLA) gen-
erally on English morphemes and wholly on accuracy level and accuracy order of grammatical
morphemes in the written English of adult Filipinos acquiring English as a second language
(L2).
Much research in morpheme acquisition has shown that regardless of L1, number of
languages acquired, and age, learners undergo the same acquisition pattern (Larsen-Freeman,
1975); that is, there is invariance in the acquisition of English grammatical morphemes across
English language learners. In hindsight, however, it may not be possible to generalize the find-
ings to adult multilingual language learners, for these studies investigated the sequence by
children acquiring English as an L1 and adult learners acquiring English as an L2. Hence, the
acquisition order found to be invariant in children and adult bilinguals with different native-
language backgrounds may differ from multilingual learners. The present study assumes that
Filipino adult multilingual English language learners do not follow the predictable acquisition
patterns of English grammatical morphemes discovered by L1 and L2 researchers and that the
language development of adult multilingual learners of English as an additional language must
be examined exclusively from L2 development to understand language acquisition.
Morpheme-order studies began in the early 1970s to examine the independent gram-
mar assumption advanced by Universal Grammar (UG) (Kwon, 2005) and to find evidence
of the natural view of acquiring a language. The pioneering researchers (Brown, 1973; de Vil-
liers & de Villiers, 1973) who investigated English grammatical morphemes in L1 acquisition
by children found that 14 English grammatical morphemes are acquired in a predictable se-
quence. Prompted by this finding, some language acquisition researchers (Dulay & Burt, 1974;
Bailey, Madden, & Krashen, 1974; Larsen-Freeman, 1975; Pica, 1984) examined the same mor-
phemes in SLA and verified the results of the pioneering morpheme studies and found that
“there appears to be general agreement in the field of SLA that L2 learners of English follow the
pattern postulated by Krashen” ( Luk & Shirai, 2009, p. 722).

119 Eric E. Lebeco
According to the IL notion, a learner already has a set of abstract language principles–
a mental grammar or a natural language system that has linguistic rules and principles (White,
2003). Selinker (1972) proposed that the L2 learner’s linguistic behavior is determined in part
by this language system which differs from both the learner’s L1 and L2. So, this IL notion
–that learners have their own interim grammars–supports a universal mechanism playing in
language acquisition. Cook (1993) concluded that findings in morpheme studies lend support
to the independent grammar assumption that an infant is born with an innate predisposition
to acquire a language; that s/he must be exposed to a language for the acquisition process to
start; that s/he possesses an internal mechanism of unknown nature which enables him/her to
construct a grammar of a particular language from the limited data available (Corder, 1981).
Hence, IL is regarded to have given credence to UG and has shifted the focus of researchers
in the field of SLA to performance in order to recognize competence. Henceforth, IL becomes
an important feature in describing the learner’s L2 development and the language-learning
process (Corder, 1981).
Furthermore, Kwon (2005) holds that grammatical morphemes are rich sources of
measures in language acquisition. More importantly, investigating grammatical morphemes is
helpful in understanding SLA by adults (Krashen, 1981) and in explaining nonnative language
behavior and language acquisition (Tingstad, 1999.)
Grammatical morphemes are the basic building blocks for English words, thus, mak-
ing morpheme acquisition an integral component of the English language (Minn & Hui, 2000).
According to Paradis (2005):
Grammatical morphemes in English include both bound and free mor-
phemes. For example, verbal and nominal suffixes like past tense –ed in
“Brendan jump ed” and the plural –s in “dog s are running,” are grammatical
morphemes, as well as the verb BE in constructions like “Brendan is run-
ning,” “DO in “do you want a cookie?” and the articles in “the dog” and“a dog.”
In traditional linguistic classification, grammatical morphemes are closed-
class items that stand in opposition to open-class, content morphemes like
the nouns “dog” and “cookie” and the verbs “jump,” “run” and “want.” (p. 173)
While there is much research on grammatical morphemes in SLA, most of them are
conducted in North America (Brown, 1973; de Villiers & de Villiers, 1973; Dulay & Burt, 1974;
Bailey, Madden, & Krashen, 1974; Pica, 1984; Minn & Hui, 2000), leaving this area of research
productive. Assuming that Filipino university freshman multilingual learners may show vari-
ability in the acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes established by previous
morpheme investigations on children acquiring English as L1 and bilingual ESL learners, it
is particularly motivating to examine the English grammatical morphemes by adult multilin-
guals to shed light on the issue of generalizability of morpheme-acquisition order across learn-
ers. It is against this context, besides insufficient information concerning the acquisition of
The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 120
grammatical morphemes in the written English of adult Filipino multilinguals, that this study
was undertaken.
This study, therefore, investigated the acquisition of English grammatical morphemes
in the written English of selected Filipino university freshman multilinguals. The following
questions guided this investigation:
1. What is the accuracy level of grammatical morphemes in the student’s
composition?
2. What is the accuracy/acquisition order of grammatical morphemes in the
student’s composition?
2. Method
The descriptive method and the qualitative research approach were employed in the
analysis of the eight English grammatical morphemes in the written compositions of Filipino
university freshman multilinguals. According to Stern (1980), the use of the qualitative approach
gains novel understanding about existing phenomena. Since the goal of this investigation
seeks to describe the acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes by adult Filipino
multilinguals, the qualitative approach is enriching for its concern “is not how much data were
gathered or from how many sources, but whether the data collected are sufficiently rich” to
bring clarity to the understanding of phenomena (Polkinghorne, 2005, p. 140). Additionally,
qualitative research produces findings without using statistical procedures for the purpose of
understanding ideas and relationships among raw data (Strauss & Corbin, 1998).
2.1 Participants
Ten Filipino university freshman multilinguals enrolled in a private university
in Manila and from different regions in the Philippines were purposively drawn for this
investigation based on the following criteria: (1) age (16 to 19 years old), (2) educational
background (completed their elementary and high-school education in the Philippines), (3)
fluency (conversational level) in at least three Philippine languages, and (4) length of stay in the
Philippines (have neither lived nor stayed in any country where English is the L1 for the past
six months before the data gathering).
The participants’ mother tongues include Ilokano, Cebuano, Kapampangan,
Bicolano, Pangasinan, Ibanag, Pangalatok, and Waray. Other than their mother tongues, they
also speak Filipino, English, Japanese, Mandarin, and Fukien as a second, third, or fourth
 121 Eric E. Lebeco
L2. All the participants neither lived nor stayed in any English-speaking country for more
than six months prior to the data collection. At that point, they were still taking English 2
(Reading and Thinking Skills for Academic Study) for three hours a week after enrolling in a
prerequisite course–English 1 (Communication Skills). Likewise, at the time of data gathering,
the participants have been exposed to formal ESL instruction for almost 11 years, from basic
to tertiary education.
2.2 Corpus
Thirty compositions with 10,874 lexis and 585 sentences were collected and analyzed
based on two expository prompts and one narrative on the following topics: (1) explain how
not getting enough sleep affects your day; (2) some of our richest experiences take place
when we travel; tell about a memorable experience you had when you were travelling; and (3)
describe a person who is especially interesting. The range of words is between 3,117 to 3,930
while the range of sentences in all the compositions is between 160 to 217, all relatively close.
The compositions were utilized in establishing the accuracy/acquisition order of English
grammatical morphemes by the participants based on Larsen-Freeman’s (1975) argument that
the use of composition is productive in investigating the acquisition of English grammatical
morphemes by adult ESL learners. In fact, one way to find out how learners acquire an L2 is to
study how they use it in production (Ellis & Barkhuizen, 2005).
2.3 Data Collection
The data collection lasted for a week at a one-day interval. Three consecutive sessions
were allotted for collecting the data, each spanning for one hour. When there were concerns
regarding grammatical rules, usage, vocabulary, and any other conventions in writing, the re-
searcher hardly extended any form of assistance. The use of any equipment, such as electronic
and pocket dictionaries, mobile phones, and grammar books, was strictly prohibited.
2.4 Data Coding
All the compositions were distributed to two college English instructors for coding.
During the investigation, one of the raters was finishing his Ph.D. in English. The raters, who
were oriented of their tasks, read all the compositions and corrected the erroneous sentences
based on American Standard English by Celce-Murcia and Larsen-Freeman (1999). On occa-
sions when discrepancies appeared in the coding, the raters, who have been teaching English
courses for three years, and the researcher methodically conferred on the coding made and
reached agreement.
The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 122
2.5 Data Analysis and Procedure
The Suppliance in Obligatory Contexts (SOC) (Brown, 1973) was used in data ana-
lysis. Brown (1973) argued that grammatical morphemes are obligatory in certain contexts
where one can set an acquisition criterion in terms of output-where-required. Each obligatory
occasion is a kind of test item which the learner passes by either suppliance or nonsuppliance
of the required morpheme.
Meanwhile, Ellis and Barkhuizen’s (2005) basic procedure for calculating accuracy
level for individual morpheme scores based on SOC was followed to identify the accuracy in
the individual learners’ use of a range of grammatical morphemes:
1. Determine which morpheme is to be investigated.
2. Go through the data and identify obligatory occasions for use of the morpheme.
Count the total number of occasions.
3. Establish whether the correct morpheme is supplied in each obligatory context.
Count the number of times it is supplied.
4. Calculate the percentage of accurate use with this formula:
n correct suppliance in contexts
___________________________ x 100 per cent accuracy
total obligatory contexts
5. Repeat the procedure for the other morphemes to be investigated.
On the other hand, to account for the overuse of a morpheme, the Target-like Use Analysis
proposed by Pica (1984) was used with the following formula. According to Kwon (2005), this
formula is for scoring and comparing data on morpheme-acquisition order.
n correct suppliance in contexts
______________________________ x 100 = per cent accuracy
n obligatory contexts + n suppliance
in non-obligatory contexts
In illustrating the accuracy/acquisition order based on SOC and Target-like Use
Analysis percentages, the accuracy level score for each morpheme using the Group Method
Score (GMS) (Dulay, Burt, & Krashen, 1982) was established. By the GMS, the suppliance
scores for a particular morpheme were added and divided by the total number of obligatory
 123 Eric E. Lebeco The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 124

occasions for all the learners in the sample. The answer expressed as a percentage was obtained
by multiplying it by 100. In this method, even learners, who produced just one obligatory oc-
casion for a morpheme, were included in the group score. Upon determining the group scores
for individual morphemes, the morphemes were ranked in decreasing order of accuracy; that
is, the morpheme with the highest accuracy was placed at the top and the morpheme with the
lowest score, at the bottom (Ellis & Barkhuizen, 2005).
Brown’s (1973) 90% criterion (SOC), previously employed by Dulay and Burt (1974)
and Ramos (1979), was utilized in establishing the accuracy level of each grammatical mor-
pheme since it serves as a reputable criterion for identifying the accuracy level of English gram-
matical morpheme acquisition by the participants with different native-language backgrounds.
3. Results and Discussion
3.1 Accuracy level of the eight English grammatical morphemes by Filipino univer- Acquisition order of the eight English grammatical morphemes of adult multilingual learners
sity freshman multilinguals
It appears that the participants have nearly perfectly acquired the Auxiliary ‘be’ (is)
and the Progressive (-ing).
3.2 Accuracy/Acquisition order of the eight English grammatical morphemes of Fili-
pino university freshman multilinguals
Table 2 shows the accuracy/acquisition order of the eight English grammatical mor-
phemes examined in the participants’ compositions according to the Group Method Score
(GMS) (Dulay, Burt, & Krashen, 1982). For easy reference and comparison purposes, the mor-
phemes based on the acquisition order were grouped into three: G-1, G-2, and G-3. Notably,
the clusters tell the acquisition order of individual morphemes in this investigation.
Table 2

Table 1 reveals the participants’ acquired accuracy level of the following grammatical Rank Correct Usage Incorrect Usage
morphemes: Auxiliary ‘be’ (is) with 100 percent accuracy, Article ‘the’ with 98 percent accura-
cy, and Progressive (–ing) with 93.54 percent accuracy since the range of percentage is between 1 Auxilliary 'be' (is) 100
93.4 - 100 percent, all above the cut-off point. This means that the participants accurately 2 The 98 G1
produced the Auxiliary ‘be’ (is) in all obligatory contexts while performing exceptionally well 3 Progressive (-ing) 93.54
in obligatory contexts where they needed to supply the Article ‘the’ and the Progressive (-ing).
4 Plural (–s) 88.61
5 Copula 'be' (is) 86.66 G2
Table 1
Adult multilingual learners’ accuracy level of the eight English grammatical morphemes 6 Irregular Past 82.14
7 Possessive (-‘s) 69.69 G3

Grammatical Morpheme Correct Usage Incorrect Usage 8 Third Person Singular Present 69.47

Plural (–s) 88.61 11.39

Possessive (-‘s) 69.69 30.31
Based on the 90-percent accuracy level norm, Table 2 shows that the participants have
The 98 2
already acquired three English grammatical morphemes (Group 1), namely, Auxiliary ‘be’ (is)
Third Person Singular Present (–s) 69.47 30.53
with 100 percent accuracy, ranking first; Article ‘the’ with 98, second; and Progressive (-ing)
Irregular Past 82.14 17.86 with 93.54, third.
Auxiliary 'be' (is) 100 0 The English grammatical morphemes in Groups 2 and 3, namely, Plural (-s) with
Copula 'be' (is) 86.66 13.34 88.61 percent accuracy level, the Copula ‘be’ (is) with 86.66, Irregular Past with 82.14, Posses-
Progressive (-ing) 93.54 6.45 sive (-‘s) with 69.69, and Third Person Singular Present with 69.47 show a rather lower SOC
 125 Eric E. Lebeco
and Target-like Use Analysis percentages. These results suggest that the participants have yet to
acquire these morphemes. Seemingly, these morphemes in Groups 2 and 3, respectively, may
be acquired later in the participants’ IL development.
The present study demonstrates the variability of English grammatical morpheme
acquisition contrary to what was predicted by NOH (Krashen, 1981; Larsen-Freeman, 1975;
Dulay & Burt, 1974; Izumi & Isahara, 2004; Barrot, 2010; Brown, 1973; de Villiers & de Villiers,
1973; Hakuta, 1974; Chimombo, 1979). Clarifying the probable factors of this disagreement
may lead to L1 transfer as the chief determinant. It must be recalled that the seminal mor-
pheme studies and subsequent research in language acquisition were motivated by mapping
out the trajectory of morpheme acquisition by monolingual children and adult learners of
English as an L2, whereas this study attempted to describe the morpheme-acquisition order of
adult multilinguals.
Schachter and Otanes (1972) observed that one tense-aspect formation in English for
reporting events, such as the ongoing events represented by the nonpast progressive or past
progressive: ‘Mother is cooking some food,’ corresponds to the Filipino imperfective aspect
formation, as follows:
Nagluluto (na) ng pagkain ang nanay.
IMPER ENC PAR MK N/food DEF-DET N/ mother
Filipino and other Philippine languages have aspects; one of them is imperfective that
indicates an action which has begun but not yet completed or is ongoing. The imperfective as-
pect corresponds to the Progressive (-ing) aspect in English, hence, the high accuracy level per-
centage of the Progressive (-ing) morpheme apparently reflecting the acquisition of Progressive
(-ing) as a result of ‘positive transfer’ or the influence of the syntax of the participant’s MT on
producing the grammatical morphemes in obligatory contexts of the TL. Also, perhaps the
excellent accuracy level of Auxiliary ‘be’ (is) may also be largely attributed to the fact that is-are
usage is taught to Filipino students as early as Kindergarten or Grade 1. In the words of Wode
(1981), all language learners benefit from language input. In fact, Goldschneider and Dekeyser
(2001) posited that frequency of input is the second most commonly suggested determinant in
the grammatical-morpheme-acquisition order.
The examples below (1-9) show correct suppliance in obligatory contexts of the three
acquired English grammatical morphemes.
On correct suppliance of Auxiliary ‘be’ (is):
(1) Facebook has grew a lot and is continuing to improve.
(2) Also, when the teacher is discussing, I can’t really absorb the lesson that he/she is ADJ/new DEF-DET PL-MK N/book
trying to teach because my mind is thinking none other than sleep.
(3) Summer is coming and we are both excited to hang out again.
The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 126
The following are examples where the Progressive (-ing) was correctly supplied:
(4) ...I am carrying my bed on my back.
(5) When I’m walking my alertness is quite low....
(6) ...he is living every second of his life.
Yet again, it seems easier for the participants to acquire the Article ‘The’ with 98 per-
cent accuracy level possibly due to the equivalence of the definite determiner in Filipino ‘Ang’.
The Article ‘the’ in English also exists in Filipino as a free morpheme and is also congruent
in terms of usage. Also, while a subject in a grammatical English sentence may or may not
indicate indefiniteness, the topic of a Filipino sentence, which is the equivalent of a subject in a
grammatical English sentence by no means, expresses a meaning of indefiniteness (Schachter
& Otanes, 1972), thus, the ease of producing the Article ‘The’ in obligatory contexts by the
participants, as shown in the following examples:
(7) Having them in my life is the best thing that ever happened to me.
(8) During the whole drive we ate and chatted....
(9) The media and the innovation it brought to us changed how we communicate and
socialize with others.
By contrast, the following grammatical morphemes were not acquired, namely, Plural
(-s), Copula ‘be’ (is), Irregular Past, Possessive (-‘s), and Third Person Singular Present in which
the values were all below the cut-off point (90 percent). This seems to suggest that the partici-
pants have not yet acquired these morphemes.
Some examples of the Plural (-s) errors are:
(10) ...they are my number one fan.
(11) They are the one who make my life wonderful.
(12) We love to talk everything and laugh until our stomach hurts.
The nonaccuracy of the Plural (‘s) may be explained by the influence of the MT. For
instance, in Filipino and many other Philippine languages, the notion of plurality is not shown
through noun inflection, compared with the English expression of indicating ‘more than one.’
Instead, Filipino and some Philippine languages require determiners. To illustrate, the English
sentence ‘The books are new’ may be translated as:
Bago ang mga aklat/libro. ‘The books are new.’
In the preceding example, the noun aklat/libro cannot be inflected as aklats/libros to
refer to the Filipino equivalent of the countable English noun ‘books.’ As a result, the definite
article ang and the plural determiner mga are used obligatorily in Filipino syntax, as in the
 127 Eric E. Lebeco
sentence ‘Bago ang mga aklat/libro.’ Since nouns in Filipino do not have plural inflections, they
can be explicitly pluralized by using semantically similar to Plural (-s) plural markers ang mga,
which precede what they pluralize (Schachter & Otanes, 1972).
Masaya ang mga bata. ‘The children are happy.’
ADJ/happy DEF-DET PL-M N/PL children
According to Ramos (1979), this finding suggests L2 influence or language transfer,
showing that the participants have not yet incorporated into their IL the basic plural structure
of nouns in English.
Moreover, this nonacquisition of Plural (-s) lends support to the findings of Japanese
researchers (Hakuta, 1974; Izumi & Isahara, 2004; Onaha, 1992) probably because Japanese
and Filipino share similar syntactic features, particularly the absence of the notion of plurality
in Japanese grammar (Hakuta, 1974) as well as in Filipino, given that plurality in Filipino is not
a result of inflection. Conversely, this result challenges Dulay and Burt’s (1974) claim that the
Plural (-s) is the first grammatical morpheme acquired by L2 learners.
The participants of this study scored 86.66 percent for the Copula ‘be’ (is), suggesting
that they have not yet acquired such a morpheme, thus, corroborating Brown’s (1973) sequence
of acquisition when he revealed that the Copula ‘be’ (is) is relatively acquired late. Further, the
same holds true to Singaporean multilingual learners who also showed low SOC and Target-
like Use Analysis percentages in the acquisition of the Copula ‘be’ (is) (Minn & Hui, 2000).
The following examples show that the participants made errors in the use of Copula
‘be’ (is) in two ways: first is overuse, i.e., the participants supplied the morpheme in unobligatory
occasions; and second is verb-number agreement where the participants supplied the Copula
‘be’ (is) when not required.
(13) I have an average of seven to eight hours sleep per day which I believe is
appropriate for my age.
(14) For me the persons who is (are) especially interesting is (are) my parents....
(15) Smaller streets is (are) also there....
This result, on the other hand, seems to contradict previous morpheme-acquisition
order investigations (Barrot, 2010; Behjat & Sadighi, 2011; Widiatmoko, 2008; Izumi & Isa-
hara, 2004; Krashen, 1981; Dulay & Burt, 1974; Onaha, 1992; Larsen-Freeman, 1975). Once
more, this finding may be accounted by cross-linguistic influence since Copula ‘be’ (is) has no
equivalent form in Filipino and in other Philippine languages in the normal order in equa-
tional sentences:
Masaya ang bata. ‘The child is happy.’
ADJ/happy DEF-DET N/child
The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 128
However, Copula ‘be’ (is) manifests itself in an inverted word order:
Ang bata ay masaya. ‘The child is happy.’
DEF/DET N/child PAR ADJ/happy
Yet, L2 learners of English language have been observed to commit errors in the sup-
pliance of the Coupla ‘be’ (is) in obligatory contexts regardless of whether or not their language
has an equivalent form (Celce-Murcia & Larsen-Freeman, 2008).
Regarding the use of Irregular Past morpheme, the participants showed low percent-
age of suppliance in obligatory contexts, suggesting that the acquisition is delayed. The exam-
ple sentences appear to exemplify overgeneralization–a cognitive strategy in L1 acquisition
in which a learner uses one grammatical rule, such as past form or regular verb in all cases,
instead of irregular verbs required by the contexts as a result of his/her experience of other
structure/s of English previously learned.
(16) Before even creating facebook he made sites which catched the attention of the
students body.
As the foregoing example illustrates, the participant may have tried to assimilate a
grammar rule s/he had internalized–in this case the Verb plus -ed formation for the regular
past–instead of using a morphologically conditioned irregular past form. A probable reason
may lie in the fact that the participant may have hypothesized that all the past tense forms in
English are formed by adding the suffix -ed to the base form of the verb. In all, this nonsup-
pliance of Irregular Past forms in obligatory contexts is possibly due to the learners’ attempt
to reduce their linguistic burden (Richards, 1975) of using different past forms with irregular
verbs.
Frequent errors in the use of Irregular past were noted:
(17) When we got there our tourist guide was waiting for us and we immediately ride
on the bus....
(18) But in that very the same event, we almost all together say farewell to this world.
(19) As my friend overtakes one car at a very high speed, there was this big truck
along our way.
Possessive (-‘s) morpheme appears to be the second most difficult morpheme to ac-
quire by the participants, as shown by the SOC and Target-like Use Analysis which is rather
far removed from previous findings (Barrot, 2010; Dulay & Burt, 1974; Krashen, 1981; Larsen-
Freeman, 1975). There are three plausible reasons for such occurrence. First, the difference
might have resulted from scoring the accuracy level. Barrot’s measure for accuracy level relied
on SOC whereas the present study employed the SOC and Target-like Use Analysis, the latter
for accounting the overuse of morphemes. Second, Barrot gave his participants the opportu-
nity to edit, reread, and make any necessary corrections in their compositions. The third cause
 129 Eric E. Lebeco
is L1 transfer. According to Schachter and Otanes (1972), in Filipino, the semantic notion of
ownership is not inflected to the noun; hence, one does not need Possessive (‘s) to express
ownership. To illustrate, Filipino has certain constructions, such as:
Bago ang relos ng nanay ko. ‘My mother’s watch is new.’
ADJ/new DEF-DET watch MK TOP/1SG/mother I
in expressing possession of some specific, already identified object or objects. For example, the
object possessed is expressed by the topic of the sentence (Schachter & Otanes, 1972):
Sa nanay ang relos. ‘The watch is Mother’s.’
POSS-PRED/TOP/1SG DEF-DET N/watch
The following are the errors observed in the production of Possessive (‘-s):
(20) Before even creating facebook...of the student blogs about what was happening
in his life....
(21) Sleeping is a body way to restore its energy.
(22) ...the place where Marcos body is displayed....
The lowest SOC and Target-like Use percentage in this study is the use of Third Per-
son Singular Present which may be ascribed to the low mastery of the rule on subject-verb
agreement between a third person singular subject and present form of the verb. Looking at
simplification as a source of the low accuracy level, the participants may have made the acqui-
sition of the TL easier by dropping the inflection, as in ‘Mario read the papers every morning.’
As a consequence, possibly to ease the burden of learning the rules of the target language, the
participants may not have paid much attention to inflections, such as those expressing tense.
(23) He give us problems to be a better person.
In addition, overgeneralization of the rule using Third Person Singular Present was
also observed, as exemplified in the following sentences (24-26). Furthermore, the overgen-
eralization of the rule occurred also in sentences where modals precede the verb as shown in
example 26.
(24) I, myself, loves shoes and dancing.
(25) And most of them thinks I am interesting too.
The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 130
(26) On the other hand, during sleepless nights, as I get up from my bed it would often
feels like I am carrying my bed on my back.
Adverbs that come or ‘intervene’ between the grammatical subject and the verb seem
to have caused a difficulty as well. In this particular condition, however, the low accuracy level
may point to the internalization of the participants of the morpheme (-s) as a plural marker
of the verb to agree with plural subjects (Celce-Murcia & Larsen-Freeman, 2008) as a likely
source.
(27) They never leaves my side.
(28) They also guides me to be a better person.
Barrot (2010) suggested that the low accuracy level on the Third Person Singular Pre-
sent was perhaps due to the proximity or the distance of the subject to the verb, thus, affecting
the observance of the subject-verb agreement rule. In brief, the farther the predicate is from
the subject, the higher the tendency of learners to commit errors. For example, in (29), even if
the first verb form releases is correctly used, the second one take in this compound predicate is
erroneously applied perhaps due to the distance between take and it, which is too wide for the
participant to observe the subject-verb agreement rule.
(29) It releases stress and take away all the worries that I have here in Manila.
However, in cases where proximity cannot be held as a cause, the nonmastery of the
rule, such as the verb-number error in plural subject with singular verb, may affect the correct
use of the Third Person Singular Present morpheme, as in:
(30) I think when I get enough sleep, my cells regenerates normally....
Raising one more probable explanation, Logmao (1989) underscored the incomplete
application of rules as a likely cause of the error; in the case of example (29), the learner might
have also thought that s/he can achieve effective communication without implementing cor-
rectly the rules of the target language.
Furthermore, the Third Person Singular Present is the most difficult to acquire by
multilingual Filipino English language learners since tense does not characterize Filipino and
any other Philippine languages. In fact, Schachter and Otanes (1972) argued that the Filipino
verb system includes no true tense distinctions unlike the English distinction between past and
nonpast: past as in ‘He lived in Manila,’... nonpast (present, habitual, or anticipated) as in ‘He
lives in Manila.’ In addition, in the English verb paradigm, the Third Person Singular Present
is the only person where a verb gets inflected with –s/-es while the other forms do not require
the verbs to be inflected, such as ‘I live in Manila’ for the first person singular; for the second
 131 Eric E. Lebeco
person singular and plural, ‘You live in Manila’; for the first person plural, ‘We live in Manila’;
and for the third person plural, ‘They live in Manila’. I, You, We, and They do not pose a prob-
lem in the present tense since all these pronouns require the base/uninflected form of the verb.
In effect, when multilingual Filipino English language learners assimilate the uninflected form
of the verb with third person singular, ‘She/He live’ in Manila,’ they seem to overgeneralize the
rule with third person singular pronouns she and he.
Celce-Murcia and Larsen-Freeman (2008) contend that research on L2 morpheme
acquisition has shown that the Third Person Singular Present Tense inflection causes persistent
problems for learners even at more advanced stages of proficiency; hence, it is not surprising
that the participants of this investigation, despite years of formal English language learning,
have not yet fully internalized the use of the Third Person Singular Present morpheme.
The current study is contradictory to Barrot’s (2010), particularly the last five mor-
phemes in their order of acquisition that appeared to have not been acquired yet by the partici-
pants of this study who scored high in his suppliance in obligatory occasions. For example, he
reported that the Copula ‘be’ (is) is acquired first by adult bilingual subjects. But in the present
investigation, it yields low SOC and Target-like Use Analysis percentage, thereby, upholding
the previous findings (Widiatmoko, 2008; Brown, 1973). This means that the morpheme has
not been acquired yet. Thus, Barrot’s (2010) sequence hardly conforms to this current investi-
gation and any other previous morpheme-acquisition studies. Also, the Possessive (-s) ranked
at the top of Barrot’s, with the highest suppliance in obligatory occasions percentage. In other
words, of the 12 morphemes that he studied, it has the highest accuracy level quite contrary to
the findings of this investigation where it lies at the bottom, preceding the Third Person Singu-
lar Present. The present finding indicates that this genitive morpheme may be acquired later
by adult multilingual learners contrary to adult bilingual learners. Hence, the present study
confirms previous morpheme research (Dulay & Burt, 1974; Bailey, Madden, & Krashen 1974;
Larsen-Freeman, 1975) to the effect that the Possessive (-s) is acquired later in the language
development of L1 and L2 learners across ages. In light of this finding, language background
did not seem to heavily affect the acquisition process of the said morpheme as supported by
Larsen-Freeman (1975), suggesting that there may be universality in the order of acquisition
of some English grammatical morphemes.
In sum, the present study barely upholds the agreement among language acquisition
researchers that there is a natural sequence of morpheme acquisition regardless of L1, age,
learning environment, and proficiency level/s. This result is consistent with that of Luk and
Shirai (2009, p. 742) when they discovered that “L2 learning occurs through the filter of the
L1 network, it is only natural that there are very different acquisition orders for different L1
groups, rather than a universal order.”
4. Conclusion
The acquisition order of the following morphemes, namely, Auxiliary ‘be’ (is), Article
‘the,’ and Progressive (-ing) appear to have deviated from NOH, thus, negating the conven-
tional wisdom in SLA that grammatical morphemes are predictable in the acquisition process.
The acquisition order of English grammatical morphemes... 132
Interestingly, the relative ease (or difficulty) of acquiring some of the morphemes may be a
function of positive transfer or negative interference of L1. To Luk and Shirai (2009, p. 721),
the order of acquisition of grammatical morphemes “depend[s] on the presence or absence
of the equivalent category in the L1 therefore, apparently emphasizing L1 transfer as a strong
source than what has been previously reported by morpheme investigations.” Here again, Men-
diola (2005) claims that Filipino English language learners’ difficulty in the acquisition of some
language forms are brought about by dissimilarities between L1 and L2.
Further, the difficulty of the acquisition of Plural (-s), Possessive (-‘s), Third Person
Singular Present (-s), Irregular Past, and Copula ‘be’ (is) resulting in erroneous sentences may
be, for the most part, attributed to transfer hypothesis. This means that learners are heavily in-
fluenced by the previous knowledge of their native languages (Luk & Shirai, 2009). Meanwhile,
frequency of language input and the use of learning strategies, such as overgeneralization, sim-
plification, and incomplete application of rules, are also putative sources for the nonaccuracy
of the preceding morphemes. This means that the participants need more input and practice
in using them when cross-linguistic influence cannot be a possible source.
Considering the results revealed in the present examination, one notes that the se-
quence of teaching the English grammatical morphemes must be based on the acquisition
order, i.e., presenting the grammatical morphemes that are acquired early before introducing
the difficult ones or the ones that are predicted to be acquired later. As regards the difficult
ones, teachers should provide sufficient oral and writing tasks that call for the use of these
morphemes to help learners internalize those forms, i.e., Plural (-s) and Third Person Singular
Present. In this way, the teachers become more strategic on how to help and when to provide
form-focused instruction, thereby, allowing the learners master the appropriate use or func-
tion of each form. Corder (1974) posited that the value of the inventory of difficult areas, which
the learners encounter, is to direct the teacher’s attention to the teaching of these areas in order
to overcome such predicted difficulties.
Finally, the researcher recommends the following: (1) replicate the study using large
language samples to validate or negate the acquisition order of the eight grammatical mor-
phemes by adult multilingual learners established by the present study; (2) undertake a similar
study among multilingual learners using multiple data-elicitation techniques; (3) conduct a
longitudinal study or case study on the acquisition order of morphemes by adult multilingual
learners for comparison with cross-sectional studies; (4) establish the Philippine norm on the
criterion for accuracy level of English grammatical morphemes; (5) present/teach the gram-
matical morphemes that are acquired first; and lastly, (6) emphasize the teaching of the gram-
matical morphemes found to be acquired late in the sequence.
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Language Learning, 33(4), 465-497.

The language profile and the language attitudes
of the administrators, faculty members, personnel,
and students of a Philippine state university:
Implications for language policy formulation
Bonifacio T. Cunanan
Bulacan State University
btc.947@gmail.com
This paper discusses the coexistence of Filipino, English, some Philippine regional languages,
and foreign languages in a multilingual academic setting, the Bulacan State University. To date,
more than 35,000 students and 1,000 faculty members and personnel from different eth-
nolinguistic groups converge on the five campuses of this institution of higher learning. This
multilingual environment poses some challenges in determining the status of English and Fili-
pino in the formulation of a university-wide language policy (LP). Given the situation that
the University articulates its position in the intellectualization, modernization, and globaliza-
tion of Filipino along with the inclusion of some foreign languages across the curriculum, this
paper locates the places of English and Filipino in a multilingual academic environment by
describing the language profile and attitudes of administrators, faculty members, students, and
personnel. As this paper presents the diversified perspectives of the subject-respondents on the
status of the two languages in the curriculum, it aims to identify some issues that need to be
addressed in formulating a university-wide LP.
Keywords: Language attitude, multilingualism, language policy formulation
1. Introduction
Linguistic diversity in a school environment, among other issues, is a growing con-
cern of the Department of Education (DepEd) and the Commission on Higher Education
(CHED) with the adoption of a multilingual education policy in the Philippines. To Cenoz and
Genesee (1988), multilingualism is the capacity to use many languages to effectively
communicate in speech and in writing. Multilingualism results in the coexistence of different
languages brought by the need to maintain one’s ethnolinguistic identity in the midst of con-
The language profile and the language attitudes... 136
tinuous economic activities, migration, language contact, and educational reforms. Further,
the adoption of multilingualism in an academic environment helps in encouraging language
diversity (Crystal, 1997; Fishman, 1996; Lasimbang, Miller, & Otigil, 1992). Also, multilin-
gualism provides for language ecology in which the members of a multilingual community
coexist and interact (Haugen, 1972). It entails the analysis of a complex, adaptive system to the
social environment and language variation in two perspectives: macro- and micro-ecological
(Mufwene, 2001; Fill & Mühlhäusler, 2001; Mühlhäusler, 1996, 2003). While the former deals
with the ethnographic, sociocultural, and economic environment, the latter deals with lin-
guistic factors, language contact, and structural features. In this diversified language environ-
ment, Baker (2001) acknowledges that adaptability is crucial for survival and success; hence,
language policy (LP) formulation is needed.
The Philippines is a multilingual country because of several factors. It is an archi-
pelagic country of 7,107 islands with 172 coexisting living languages, was under the Spanish
rule for 333 years (Gonzalez, 1997; Fonacier-Bernabe, 1987), and was subject to about half a
century of American rule. Presently, it is also facing the challenges of globalization and bor-
derless communication, a condition experienced in most countries across the globe. Similar
to countries once under the colonial rule, the Philippines places national efforts on cultural
and language re-engineering (Faelnar & Soriano, 2003) which, to Bautista (1996), needs to
be understood in terms of ethnicity, nationalism, and modernization. In contextualizing LP
formulation, Tupas (2003) stresses the roles of ideology and language politics. Confronted
with the challenges brought in by multilingualism, LP formulation has become of paramount
importance to Filipinos in general and academicians in particular. Hence, in the process of
cultural reconstruction, the Philippines has adopted a national language while it maintains
English in the curriculum for much wider communication and sustains the use of the regional
languages for ethnolinguistic identity.
Five among the legal bases of LP formulation in the Philippines are Sec. 3, Art. XIV
of the 1935 Constitution; Sec. 2 and 3 of Art. XV of the 1972 Constitution; Sec. 6 and 7 of Art.
XIV of the 1987 Constitution; Dept. Order No. 25, s. 1974; and Dept. Order No. 74, s. 2009.
It was in the 1935 Constitution that a National Language was developed and adopted
based on one of the existing Philippine native languages. It was also in the 1935 Constitu-
tion that English was designated to be used continuously as an official language. In the 1972
Constitution, English and Pilipino were maintained as official languages. It also mandated the
National Assembly to take steps toward the development and formal adoption of a common
National Language to be known as Filipino. In the 1987 Constitution, Pilipino was renamed
Filipino, and it was declared as the National Language of the Philippines that shall be de-
veloped and enriched on the basis of the existing Philippine and other languages. The 1987
 137 Bonifacio T. Cunanan
Constitution guarantees the use of Filipino as the medium of official communication and the
language of instruction in the educational system while English remains as an official language.
The same provision of the 1987 Constitution acknowledges regional languages as auxiliary of-
ficial languages and auxiliary media of instruction in the different regions in the Philippines.
Because the 1972 Constitution deemed the Filipino people to be bilinguals, Dept. Order No.
25, s. 1974 was promulgated providing the implementing guidelines of the Bilingual Educa-
tion Policy (BEP) which aimed at improving the quality of instruction in both Filipino and
English at the national level. With the BEP, the regional languages were declared to be auxiliary
languages in Grades I and II. Also, English was maintained in the curriculum for practical
reasons and Filipino for linguistic identity. Through the BEP, mathematics and natural sciences
were taught in English, and all other courses, especially the social sciences, were taught in
Filipino. Recently, Dept. Order No. 74, s. 2009 was implemented institutionalizing the mother-
tongue-based multilingual education (MTB-MLE). This new policy provides for the use of the
learner’s first language (L1) as the primary medium of instruction (MOI) from preschool until,
at least, grade three. MTB-MLE also provides for the use of L1 to develop language and literacy
for Grades 1 to 3 and the use Filipino and English after Grade 3 (K to 12 Toolkit, 2012).
As a former colony of Spain and the United States, the Philippines has been con-
fronted with problems other than those that are political or socioeconomic in nature. Among
others, language planning has been a century-old problem in the country. Similar to the ex-
periences of countries once under the colonial rule, the Philippines has been on the process
of cultural re-engineering and language planning. Language planning and LP formulation in
the Philippines, like in other Asian countries, require serious attention from sociolinguists,
language planners, and LP formulation experts.
Sociolinguists view LP formulation in terms of two broad activities: formulating poli-
cies and getting the policies adopted and implemented to penetrate many sectors of the society,
particularly the education sector (Ho & Wong, 2001; Halliday, 1990; Kaplan & Baldauf, 1997).
Like the Philippines, many Asian countries are now confronted with the challenges
brought by bilingualism, multilingualism, and cultural reconstruction. In Burma, bilingualism
and multilingualism have some implications for the place of identity, language maintenance,
and solidarity (Mishra & Dutta, 1999). In Malaysia, language planning has evolved through
nationalism and pragmatism using a top-down approach in which a constituted organization
(the government) dictates its policies to its constituents (Fishman et al., 1971). In 1957, the
government of Malaysia established Bahasa Melayu as the official language to be used in all
functions of the government and as the medium of instruction, a program that gave way to
the cultivation and modernization of the national language for 40 years until the Malaysian
government announced in 2002 a reversal policy calling for a switch to English as the medium
The language profile and the language attitudes... 138
of instruction at all levels (Gill, 2005). However, on July 8, 2009, the Memperkasa Bahasa
Malaysia, Memperkukuh Bahasa Inggeris or MBMMBI policy was implemented, and it set
Bahasa Malaysia as the medium of teaching and learning mathematics and science subjects in
all national schools, Chinese at Chinese national-type schools, and the Tamil languages at In-
dian national-type schools. This policy ensures the usage of Bahasa Malaysia as the medium of
communication in all national schools and secondary schools for mastery as well as fluency in
English (MBMMBI, 2012). The Malaysian language policy can be described two-fold: corpus
planning (internal planning about creating new forms, modifying the old ones and old forms)
and status planning (external functions about decisions to maintain, extend, and restrict the
range of use) (Haugen, 1983; Rajandran, 2008).
Language planning strikes the balance between modernization and maintaining eth-
nic identity. In a 633-sq.-km. strategically located island state of Singapore, just at the tip of the
Malaysian peninsula, English was designated both as the compulsory language of education
and the working and administrative language to plug into world economic trends (Pakir, 1991,
1994) at the expense of the traditional cultural values of some ethnic groups like the Chinese.
This policy implies that cultural heritage and historical association have to be considered in
language planning to avoid interethnic conflict (Wee, 2002) that is also detrimental to eco-
nomic and sociopolitical development (Kuo & Jernudd, 1994).
In the midst of globalization, modernization, cultural reengineering, and rediscover-
ing one’s identity in the 21st century, some institutions of higher learning remain searching for
ways on how to respond to these recent challenges. These institutions do not have their respec-
tive language policies even after more than a century of existence. One of these institutions is
the Bulacan State University (BulSU).
BulSU was established as an intermediate school in 1901 by Act 74 of the Philippine
Commission and was granted university status in 1993 by RA 7665. BulSU is one of the largest
state universities in Central Luzon in terms of enrollment, and it has become a convergence
of students, employees, and personnel of different language backgrounds (cf. Table 1). Given
the said condition, the academic and language environment in BulSU has evolved a language
ecology, which, to Haugen (1972 as cited in Splosky, 2005), is characterized by the interactions
between or among several languages. Yet, the University seems to remain complacent to ad-
dress the need for a language policy. Being an institution of higher learning, BulSU needs to
formally adopt a policy that will regulate the domains of English for global competency, the use
of Filipino for national identity, the maintenance of the regional languages for ethnolinguistic
pride, and other applicable languages for the emerging results of globalization. For the said
reasons, this paper surveys the language profile and language attitudes of the administrators,
faculty members, personnel, and students of BulSU to outline a framework for LP formulation.
 139 Bonifacio T. Cunanan
In the process, the stakeholders in the BulSU academic community are given their representa-
tion.
Being in a multilingual academic community, the administrators, faculty members,
personnel, and students of BulSU are aware of the need to determine the status of English,
Filipino, regional languages, and foreign languages not only in terms of their legal appropria-
tions but also in the everyday affairs of the academic community.
While the 1987 Constitution declares Filipino as the national language, the English
language remains as an official language for purposes of communication and instruction. The
maintenance of English in the curriculum in the Philippines can be understood in the perspec-
tives of Kachru (1995) and Tupas (2009). The two language scholars acknowledge the power
of English as seen through its range and depth, spread across cultures, access to scientific and
cultural domains, neutrality, liberalism, progressivism, accessibility and assimilation across
cultures, economic gains, and social status. Related to the said reasons, English, according
to Sugbo (2003), has been favored in the formulation of language policies in the Philippines.
However, though many Filipinos recognize the importance of English in the curriculum and
in the job market, it cannot be the main language for the Filipino people (Sibayan, 1996).
In discussing the crucial role of language planning in the Philippines, Bernardo
(2007, p. 19) argues about “the need for educational systems in multicultural globalizing envi-
ronments to understand and explore the intellectualization of bilingual language skills.” The
use of languages other than the speaker’s own language has become common in the world in
which there are almost no monolingual territories in the age of globalization (Donnelly, 2003).
The coexistence of multiple languages creates a condition requiring careful language planning
that influences literary practices within a society (Fishman, 1968 as cited in Rubin & Jernudd,
1971; Fox, 1975). Furthermore, Kaplan and Baldauf (1997) clarified that language planning is
an attempt to modify the linguistic behavior of a certain group for some reasons resulting in
ethical, political, and legal importance (Patten, 2001).
1.2 Conceptual Framework
The present study takes off from a 2x4 Matrix LP Model of Baldauf (2005) which is
described in Figure 1. This model is more detailed than Haugen’s (1983) since the latter con-
sists only of two areas: policy and cultivation planning; while the former has four: status plan-
ning, corpus planning, language in education planning, and prestige planning.
The language profile and the language attitudes... 140
These four components are defined below:
1) Status Planning, as van Elst (as cited in Hinkel, 2005) succinctly puts it, ex-
amines what aspect of which language ought to be taught to which learner
under what circumstances and parameters?
2) Corpus Planning, to Liddicoat (2005), entails codification (graphization,
grammatication, and lexication), elaboration (lexical and stylistic moderni-
zation and renovation), development of teaching materials with reference to
the cultural norms of L1 communities (Kirkpatrick, 2002), and the use of
canonical literature and local texts as vehicles for teaching (Xu, 2002).
3) Language-in-Education Planning refers to the adoption of teaching meth-
ods, use of instructional materials, and community involvement (Baldauf
& Ingram, 2003; Baldauf & Kaplan, 2005; Corson, 1999; Ingram, 1990; Tol-
lefson, 2002).
4) Prestige Planning recognizes ethnic identity, method of implementing LP,
and motives and activities of language planners (Ager, 2001 & 2005; Ingram,
2004).
In addition to the said components, the rights of minority languages need to be ob-
served. If minority languages are neglected because of the greater importance given to major
languages, complacent and dismissive attitudes will be promoted by an elite monolingual class
who will widen the gap between the rich and the poor and push the disappearance of other
languages (Crystal, 2003).
The present article follows Baldauf ’s 2x4 Matrix LP Model because it recognizes
the importance of the language profile and language attitude of the members of an academic
community in LP formulation and implementation. The locally constructed instrument was
drafted based on the four areas cited above, and the 2x4 areas were considered in drafting the
proposed LP framework (cf. Appendix A).
Figure 1 shows the different components of the said conceptual framework.
Baldauf ’2x4 Matrix LP Model consists of two planning policies (for form and func-
tion) and four planning goals (about society, language, learning, and image). The different
components of Baldauf ’s Matrix are realized in the locally constructed questionnaire because
the latter deals with the status of standardization (items 7 and 8), status planning (items 12 and
18), policy development (items 11, 13, 14, 15, and 19), acquisition planning (items 2 and 3),
language promotion (items 1, 4, 5.1 to 5.15, 9, 10, 16, 17, and 20), and intellectualization (item 6).
 141 Bonifacio T. Cunanan
Figure 1
Baldauf ’s 2x4 matrix (2005)
Approaches to Goals
1. Status Planning
(about society)
2. Corpus Planning
(about language)
Productive
Goals
3. L a n g u a g e - i n -
Education Planning
(about learning)
4. Prestige Planning
Receptive
(about image)
Goal
The language profile and the language attitudes... 142
1.3 Objectives
This paper surveys the language profile and language attitudes of administrators, fac-
ulty members, personnel, and students toward the coexistence of English, Filipino, regional
languages, and other applicable languages in order to draw some important data in drafting a
language-policy framework.
The following are the specific research questions:
(1) What is the language profile of the administrators, faculty members, personnel,
1. Policy Planning 2. Cultivation Planning
(on form) (on Function) and students of Bulacan State University?
(2) What are their attitudes and perceptions toward language ecology, LP formula-
Status standardization Status Planning tion, and its implementation?
• Officialization • Revival
• Nationalization • Revitalization (3) What is the status of Filipino, English, and regional languages in the LP of Bulacan
• Prescription • Reversal State University?
Maintenance
Interlingual Communication The empirical data were used to determine the level of awareness and attitudes of
• International
• Intra-national
the BulSU academic community. The present writer argues that they need to be consulted for
Spread proper representation in the drafting of the LP framework.
Standardization Corpus Elaboration
2. Method
Corpus Lexical Modernization
• Graphization Stylistic Modernization
• Grammatication Renovation 2.1 Research Design
• Lexication • Purification
Auxiliary Code • Reform
• Graphization • Stylistic simplification This study used the survey questionnaire method. Singh (2006, p. 102) describes de-
• Grammatication • Terminological unification scriptive studies as “helpful in planning various programmes, school census… conducted to
• Lexication Internationalization
help, solve the problems of various aspects of school.” In using this method “the information
Acquisition Planning of what we want, is obtained by clarifying the goals, and objectives possibly through a study of
Policy Development
Access Policy Reacquisition the conditions existing elsewhere or what experts consider to be desirable” [sic] (Singh, 2006,
Personnel Policy Maintenance p. 103).
Curriculum Policy Foreign/ Second Language
Methods & Materials Policy Shift
Two sets of questionnaires were prepared and validated by the chairs of the three
Resourcing Policy departments of the College of Arts and Letters: English Language Department, Mass Commu-
Community Policy nication and Performing Arts Department, and Kagawaran ng Wikang Filipino (Filipino Lan-
Evaluation Policy
guage Department). The validated instruments were floated to the randomly selected and pur-
posively stratified respondents at BulSU: administrators, faculty members, personnel (AF&Ps)
Language Promotion Intellectualization
and student-respondents (SRs). The questionnaires had three parts: five items for the respond-
• Official/Government • Language of Science
• Institutional • Language of Professions ents’ personal, demographic, and language profiles (language/s spoken, school campus, cur-
• Pressure group • Language of High Culture
• Individual
riculum level, course, and major/specialization), awareness of the existence of a LP of BulSU,
preferred languages for writing and speaking purposes, and importance given to English and
Filipino in the academe; 15 items about their preferences in using English and Filipino; and
15 items about their attitude toward modernization and standardization of Filipino; the status
of regional languages; code mixing; the use of English and Filipino in writing memoranda,
 143 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 144

school policies, regulations and correspondences; naming of halls and offices; language policy
and nationalism; preservation of indigenous languages; providing grants and scholarships to
push for the modernization of Filipino; and determining which academic unit should lead the
formulation of a university-wide LP.
2.2 Participants and Study Locale
Two groups of respondents were randomly selected: AF&Ps and SRs. One hundred
five (105) AF&Ps participated in the present study, mostly were female (53.3%), with a mean
age of 40.46 (SD=11.143): faculty members (74.3%), school administrators (17.1%), and non-
academic personnel (8.6%). The AF&Ps and SRs were drawn through assigned random num-
bers from the five campuses of BulSU: City of Malolos, Bustos, Hagonoy, Bulakan (Meneses),
and San Jose del Monte (Sarmiento).
Also, 422 SRs, selected through the purposive sampling technique across the five cur-
riculum levels, participated in this study. Their mean age was 17.62 years old (SD=2.30), and
majority of them were female (56.2%) from BA in Legal Management, BA in Mass Communi-
cation, BS in Architecture, BS Biology, BS in Business Administration, BS in General Educa-
tion, BS in Engineering (Civil, Mechanical, and Mechatronics), BS in Home Economics, BS in
Information Technology, BS in Nursing, BS in Psychology, BS in Physical Education, and BS in
Secondary Education.
2.3 Statistical Treatment
guages. Among the AF&Ps, very few believe that they are exclusively familiar with Filipino
(4.76%) or English (1.90%). None of them can speak only a regional language; thus, all of them
are either bilinguals or multilinguals. The respondents, who are native speakers of Tagalog,
Cebuano, Kapampangan, Itawis, and Ilocano, can mostly write well in English and Filipino
(82.52%). Among them, 11.65% can write only in English, 3.38% in Filipino, and 1.90% in
Cebuano. Their being bilinguals is also observed in their ability to speak well in English and
Filipino (83.33%). Few of them believe they can speak only one language: Filipino (10.00%),
English (2.22%), Cebuano (2.22%), Itawis (1.11%), or Kapampangan (1.11%).
Furthermore, the SRs are familiar with more languages in comparison with the
AF&Ps. However, the AF&Ps believe that they can use two languages (88.57%) more function-
ally than the SRs (59.00%). Table 1 further suggests that the SRs have more varied language
orientation. The figures show that 25.83% are familiar only with Filipino, and 1.42% are famil-
iar with English. Aside from English and Filipino, the SRs are also familiar with regional lan-
guages, like Cebuano, Chavacano, Itawis, Kapampangan, and Ilocano and foreign languages,
like French and Nihongo. For writing purposes, 74.20% can write well in English and Filipino,
19.00% in Filipino, 5.50% in English, and none in any of the regional languages.
Table 1
Percentage distribution of the respondents according to language familiarity and use
Fil & Fil Eng Regional English, Filipino, Regional
Eng language & other language
For the administrators, faculty, and personnel (AF&Ps)

A five-point Likert scale was used in quantifying the language profile and language Language 88.57 4.76 1.90 0.0 0.95 (+Ceb), 00.95 (+Kap)
familiarity 0.95 (+Iloc), 00.95 (+Ita)
attitudes of the AF&Ps and SRs. The demographics of the respondents and their language per-
Language 82.52 11.65 3.88 0.0 1.94 (+Ceb)
ceptions and preferences were measured using the said scale. Several studies (Coombs, 1960; often used in
Vigderhous, 1977; Jakobson, 2004; Jamieson, 2004; Knapp, 1990; Kuzon, Urbanchek, & Mc- writing
Language 83.33 10.00 2.22 2.22 (Ceb)
Cabe; 1996; Brown, 2011) argue that Likert items do not form an interval scale; hence, they often used in 1.11 (Kap)
should be considered and analyzed as ordinal scales. For this reason, modal scores were used speaking 1.11 (Ita)

as measures of central tendency in accounting for the answers of the respondents.

For the student-respondents (SRs)

3. Results and Discussion Language 59.00 25.83 1.42 1.42 (Kap) 9.48 (+Kap)
familiarity 1.18+(Kap&Ceb)
0.47(+Nih), 0.24 (+Cha)
The surveyed and empirical data on the language profile and attitudes of the respon- 0.24 (+Fre), 0.24 (+Ilo)

dents are presented in the following tables. These tables show the language condition in BulSU For writing 71.20 19.00 5.50 0.0 0.0
For speaking 70.10 24.75 1.73 0.25 (Kap) 0.0
and provide baseline information in making informed decisions. These data help in scanning
For reading 79.57 6.59 13.46 0.0 0.0
the language environment, setting the rationale of the framework of the proposed LP, informa-
For studying 78.18 14.15 7.43 0.24 (Kap) 0.0
tion dissemination, and LP adoption. The author believes that the empirical data are crucial
For online 64.70 23.77 9.31 0.0 0.0
and indispensable in planning the status, the corpus, the place and role of language in educa- information
tion, and language prestige.
Languages used: Ceb : Cebuano Fil: Filipino Kap: Kapampangan
Table 1 reveals that the respondents, both AF&Ps and SRs, are either bilinguals in Cha: Chavacano Fre: French Ilo: Ilocano
Eng: English Ita: Itawis Nih: Nihongo
English and Filipino or multilinguals in English, Filipino, and one or more Philippine lan-
 145 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 146

The SRs’ bilingual abilities also manifest in other macro skills: 70.10% for speaking Table 2 (continued)
and 77.30% for reading. The SRs also prefer to use English and Filipino for studying (78.18%)
and getting online information (64.70%). Among other regional languages, only Kapampan-
gan is preferred for speaking (0.25%) and studying (0.24%). None of the regional languages is Language task English Filipino
used in getting online materials because of the scarcity or unavailability of materials in the said
languages. Mode Freq. Mode Freq.
Using 15 criteria, Table 2 presents the language preferences of the AF&Ps. Often, they
use Filipino more frequently than English in the following instances: asking favors from their 8. Speaking to a crowd during cultural 4 Often 4 Often
colleagues or coworkers or school administrators; talking to their subordinates in social gath- presentations
erings, parties, or extracurricular activities; talking to students outside the class when they 9. Participating in religious activities 4 Often 4 Often
are asking for help; addressing the crowd during sports fests; and reprimanding students. On
10. Addressing a crowd during sports fests 3 Sometimes 4 Often
the other hand, English is used more often when writing memoranda and short notices. Eng-
lish and Filipino are used in these situations: participating in organizational meetings, giving 11. Writing memos and short notices to 5 Very Often 2 Rarely
subordinates
tasks to students, addressing the crowd to discuss matters affecting the interests of teachers
and students, speaking to a crowd during cultural presentations, and participating in religious 12. Reprimanding and disciplining students 3 Sometimes 4 Often
activities. Furthermore, English is often used when admonishing and encouraging colleagues 13. Admonishing and encouraging colleagues 4 Often 3 Sometimes
to achieve the goals of the organization; conducting meetings, seminars, and workshops; and to achieve the goals of the organization
reading scholarly or academic papers. 14. Conducting meetings, seminars, and 4 Often 3 Sometimes
workshops
15. Reading scholarly or academic papers in 4 Often 3 Sometimes
Table 2 scientific or technical gatherings
Modal scores for the AF&Ps’ frequency of use of English and of Filipino (n=105)

Table 3 further shows how the SRs use Filipino and English in different contexts.
Language task English Filipino
There are occasions when they use any of the two or both. When using both languages in
one context, they use Filipino more often than English, e.g., talking to their instructors or
Mode Freq. Mode Freq.
professors; having official transactions with school administrators and any other school
personnel (e.g., librarian, nurse, registrar, cashier, guidance counselor, security person-
1. Asking favors from colleagues or coworkers 3 Sometimes 4 Often nel); discussing lessons with friends, classmates, and peers inside and outside the class;
2. Asking favors from superiors or 3 Sometimes 4 Often brainstorming with classmates when doing research; participating in sports, cocurricular,
administrators literary, or cultural activities. For the SRs, English is used more often than Filipino when
3. Participating in organizational meetings 4 Often 4 Often writing academic papers, course requirements, and excuse letters to their professors. In

4. Talking to subordinates when having parties 3 Sometimes 4 Often
addition, English is used as often as Filipino when discussing technical or scientific mat-
and extracurricular programs ters with friends and when disseminating information or announcements through social

5. Talking to students when giving tasks
networks and weblogs.
4 Often 4 Often
6. Talking to students outside the class when 3 Sometimes 4 Often
they are asking for help
7. Addressing a crowd to discuss matters
affecting the interests of teachers and 4 Often 4 Often
students
 147 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 148

Table 3 Table 4
Modal scores for the SRs’ use of English and of Filipino (n=422) Percentage distribution of prioritization in time allotment, quality, and frequency of use for
the language preferences
Language task English Filipino

Group of Degree of prioritization for the language preferences

Mode Freq. Mode Freq. respondents

1. Asking favors from colleagues or coworkers 3 Sometimes 4 Often

Filipino English Code-mix of English Total
and Filipino
2. Asking favors from superiors or administrators 3 Sometimes 4 Often
3. Participating in organizational meetings 4 Often 4 Often
AF&Ps 70.19 25.96 3.85 100.00
4. Talking to subordinates when having parties and
extracurricular programs 3 Sometimes 4 Often SRs 79.95 14.08 5.97 100.00
5. Talking to students when giving tasks 4 Often 4 Often
6. Talking to students outside the class when they are asking 3 Sometimes 4 Often
for help
7. Addressing a crowd to discuss matters affecting the interests 4 Often 4 Often
Code mixing and code switching are hardly distinguished from each other. According
of teachers and students to Cárdenas-Claros (2009, p. 68), “the distinction between code switching and code mixing is
8. Speaking to a crowd during cultural presentations 4 Often 4 Often one of the most puzzling debates in the study of code alternation.” Also, Clyne (1991, p. 161)
9. Participating in religious activities 4 Often 4 Often
argues that code switching and code mixing refer to the same phenomena in “which the speak-
er stops using language ‘A’ and employs language ‘B’.” This language phenomenon is believed
10. Addressing a crowd during sports fests 3 Sometimes 4 Often
to be common among bilinguals or multilinguals although both groups of the respondents ad-
11. Writing memos and short notices to subordinates 5 Very Often 2 Rarely
mitted that code mixing is not prioritized. Arifin and Husin (2011, p.22) reported: “empirical
12. Reprimanding and disciplining students 3 Sometimes 4 Often
studies have demonstrated that it is quite difficult to find classroom discourse fully in a single
13. Admonishing and encouraging colleagues to achieve the 4 Often 3 Sometimes language.” Code mixing or code switching is a language behavior characterized by “an active,
goals of the organization
creative process of incorporating materials into communicative activities; it involves the rapid
14. Conducting meetings, seminars, and workshops 4 Often 3 Sometimes
and momentary shifting from one language to another, which may occur several times within
15. Reading scholarly or academic papers in scientific or 4 Often 3 Sometimes a single conversation and frequently within a single sentence” (Dulay, Burt, & Krashen, 1982
technical gatherings
as cited in Inductivo, 1994, pp. 114-115). Even though the respondents unfavorably viewed
the efficacy of code mixing or code switching in the classroom, some studies show that these
benefit both students and teachers. Inductivo (1994) cited some of the benefits of code mixing
With respect to time allotment, quality, and frequency of use, Table 4 indicates that and code switching. For example, Braganza (1988 as cited in Inductivo, 1994) reported that
the school AF&Ps favor Filipino more than English, with 70.19% and 25.96%, respectively. Taglish was the preferred language for discussion of a majority of students and teachers in a
Only 3.85% of the AF&Ps prefer to code-mix English and Filipino. Furthermore, the SRs want Biology class resulting in improved class participation. Furthermore, Abad (2005) proved that
to prioritize Filipino (79.95%) over English (14.08%). Also, 5.97% of them code-mix English code switching helped lower the affective filter once rapport and atmosphere of informality
and Filipino. This finding affirms the results of Borlongan’s (2009, p. 40) study in which the was created. Lee (2006) also found out that code switching in a Math class allowed the stu-
respondents, who were mostly English language teachers (11 out of 14), “code-switched in dents to participate more regardless of social and cultural gaps. Hence, code mixing and code
around less than five to almost 50 utterances or a little less than 15, at the average, in the entire switching need to be understood in light of emerging empirical studies inasmuch as cases of
class session” on some occasions in the duration of the study. code switching are interpreted as adjustments made even by competent bilinguals (Poplack,
1980). This observation is confirmed in the work of Samida and Takahasi (n.d., p.76) who ar-
gued that “code-mixing English and Tagalog is a characteristic way for educated people to vary
style.” “Philippine education in general and classroom teachers,” according to Bernardo (2005,
2007 as cited in Lim, 2013, p. 66), “totally prohibits the use of Tagalog-English code-switching
 149 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 150

without looking at the benefits it has on bilingual cognition, learning, and communication.” Table 6 indicates that the respondents have varied perceptions on the possibility of
He, therefore, suggests that “Filipino educators must reconsider this stance on Tagalog-English using Filipino as the medium of instruction in teaching science and technology. While 41.75%
code-switching.” Conventionally, code mixing or the use of the vernaculars in the Philippines of the AF&Ps believe that Filipino can be used in teaching science and technology, 44.55% of
has been branded informal, unlike the use of English, according to Gonzalez (1982 as cited
the SRs are uncertain if it can be used for the said purpose. These figures suggest that the stake-
in Bautista, 2011). This language behavior, Smedley (2006, p. 120) noted, “is an all-pervasive
reality for many Filipinos who display with patent clarity an undoubted facility in both Tagalog holders of BulSU view Filipino more favorably than English, but the students seem uncertain if
and English. Often the switching is for convenience and expediency.” In fact, Bautista (1977, Filipino can be used in teaching science and technology subjects for lack of pedagogical idioms
p.15), articulated that code-switching behavior in Tagalog-English “should be incorporated or technical terms.
into the psycholinguistic model of bilingual competence.”
More recent studies concur with the place of code mixing and code switching in the Table 6
classroom. For example, Valdez (2010, pp. 14-15) reported that studies in Philippine sociolin-
Perceptions on modernization and possibility of using Filipino in teaching science and tech-
guistics show that “code-switching serves as [a] purposeful tool for teaching and learning
because it accomplishes several communicative functions intended for both the teachers and nology
students (Martin, 1999; Cruz, 1993; Bernardo, 2005). Furthermore, Valdez stressed that stud-
ies on code witching in the Philippines can be attributed to globalization and that code switch- Perception Percentage distribution
ing can be used as a resource for teaching and learning since it is drawn from the linguistic
resources of a bilingual’s competence in two (or more) languages (Bernardo, 2005; Bautista, AF&Ps SRs
1999; Tupas, 1998; Lin & Martin, 2005; Luke, 2005). Furthermore, code-switching is used by
Filipino is modernized and it can be used. 41.75 37.20
teachers and students to clarify, interpret, differentiate, and explicate topics (Cruz, 1993); to
signal topic shifts and communicate affective and repetitive functions in the classroom (Sert, Not sure if Filipino is modernized 33.01 44.55
2005); and to facilitate comprehension of the lesson (Nivera, 2001). Therefore, code mixing Filipino is not yet modernized and it cannot be used. 25.24 18.25
and code switching should be considered not only inside the classroom but also in the frame- Total 100.00 100.00
work of the LP formulation.
As regards the level of awareness on the existence of a LP in BulSU, Table 5 shows that
most of the AF&Ps and SRs are uncertain (39.40%) or do not seem to care at all (43.92%). The Furthermore, the respondents differ on how they view LP formulation in the context
fact that there has been no existing document on LP formulation after more than 100 years of of nationalism. A majority of the SRs believe that LP formulation and nationalism are separate
existence, it appears that the BulSU community has not been prioritizing its LP. issues, with the first being important to ensure global competitiveness. In the same way, the
AF&Ps view LP and nationalism as distinct entities. Table 7 further shows that the AF&Ps be-
Table 5 lieve that the LP can succeed through political will and long-range planning. For the SRs, the
Level of awareness on the need for a language policy LP’s sustainability is a crucial factor. The SRs, however, are not as optimistic as the AF&Ps in
light of the many factors that need to be considered to ensure the success of LP. Moreover, they
Level of awareness Percentage distribution view language modernization as a source of pride for their school and province as well, which
to the AF&Ps can only be made possible by establishing linkages with other institutions.
AF&Ps SRs

Aware 34.34 16.63

Not aware 26.26 39.45
Uncertain 39.40 43.92
TOTAL 100.00 100.00

 151 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 152

Table 7 of materials in the regional languages is also approved by AF&Ps and SRs as long as it ob-
Distribution of respondents’ language attitudes on language and nationalism, and moderni- serves school policies and regulations (52.88% and 53.32%, respectively). On the preservation
zation and standardization of Filipino of minority and indigenous languages, both groups of respondents agree that the University
has to include in its research and extension services the protection and preservation of in-
digenous languages, with BulSU cooperating with public and nongovernmental agencies, like
Percentage distribution
Language attitude the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA). The SRs, in addition, are more
apprehensive to this plan because such will entail financial constraints. However, this problem
AF&Ps SRs
can be addressed if the University will work in partnership with other government and private
A. LP and nationalism institutions that can help finance the project.

• Becoming globally competitive and nationalistic should be well- 56.73 27.62

balanced considering who we are and what we want to be.
Table 8
• Nationalism has nothing to do with language policy, 24.04 65.00 Respondents’ attitudes on code mixing, rights to regional and minority languages
but the latter is important for our people to become globally
competitive.
Language attitude Percentage distribution
• A LP is part and parcel of nation building, cultural 19.23 7.38
reconstruction, and national pride.
AF&Ps SRs

B. Modernization and standardization of Filipino

A. Code-mixing English and Filipino in class

• Political will is needed to modernize and standardize it. 49.04 22.17 • Code mixing should be allowed because it is more 54.37 62.32
student-friendly and easier to understand.
• A very long period of time is needed to modernize and standardize 49.04 66.02
it. • Code mixing should be regulated; that is, concepts 33.98 24.41
should be taught first in Filipino and then in English.
• Language standardization is a too complex issue. 1.92 11.81
• Code mixing should be prohibited because it will delay 11.65 13.27
the development of competence in English or Filipino.
C. BulSU for the modernization of Filipino

B. The right to speak the regional languages
• It is a great honor for BulSU and the Province. 55.77 83.20 • The regional languages can be used, provided that the 61.76 56.06
Tagalogs will not be offended.
• BulSU should establish linkages with other institutions. 38.46 0.26
• It is one’s linguistic right to speak his regional language. 21.57 23.99
• BulSU needs more time and resources. 5.77 16.54
• Only the language used by the majority should be used. 16.67 19.95

The prevalence of Filipino and English in the academic community has been an ideal C. Publication of materials in the regional languages
breeding ground for bilingualism which, unfortunately or otherwise, resulted in code mixing. • It should be permitted with respect to the school 52.88 53.32
In Table 8, it can be gleaned that both groups agree that code mixing should be allowed in class policies.

because it is more student-friendly and easier to understand. Nevertheless, the AF&Ps are • It is one’s right to self-expression. 27.88 33.41

more cautious believing that code mixing has to be regulated, and one way to regulate it is to • The minority has to submit to the majority. 19.34 13.27

introduce some concepts first in Filipino and then in English (33.98%). Again, AF&Ps and SRs
D. Preservation and protection of the minority and indigenous languages
agree that regional languages can be used as long as the Tagalog speakers do not get offended
• The University needs to reach out. 56.19 49.76
(61.96% and 56.06%, respectively). In the same way, the non-Tagalogs feel not bothered even
• The University needs to tie up with other institutions. 41.90 37.97
if the vernacular is used anytime because Bulacan is Tagalog-dominant. This observation also • The University lacks financial means and logistics. 1.91 13.27
suggests that the respondents mutually respect every person’s linguistic rights. The publication
 153 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 154

Table 9 shows that both respondents are more comfortable in using both English and More so, the students feel that if ever halls, offices, and academic units have to be
Filipino whenever there are special occasions. If only one language is to be used, they prefer named in English and Filipino, the names have to be in Filipino over the English translations
to use English more than Filipino during commencement exercises, celebrations of founding (65.24%). The AF&Ps are more conservative in this regard believing that while it may be im-
anniversary, recognition day, and other similar occasions (63.81% and 57.82%, respectively). portant to have the halls, offices, and academic units named in Filipino and English (46.67%),
As regards the use of an official language for correspondence, the AF&Ps prefer English more the process could be costly on the part of the University; hence, the use of English should
than Filipino (50.48%), but the SRs want to use both languages on the condition that technical be retained instead. The SRs, in addition, want to have the Filipino translations standardized
terms in Filipino have to be standardized (58.43%). Although ideas could be expressed more (11.90%), like kagawaran or departamento, pamantasan or unibersidad, tanggapan or opisina,
easily in Filipino, both groups of respondents find using Filipino alone unfavorable (4.76% and dalubhasaan or kolehiyo.
3.80%, respectively). Table 10 shows that the AF&Ps and SRs agree that the key factors in the success of
the ongoing LP formulation of the University rests on the right attitude, vision, and mindset
Table 9 of the stakeholders, i.e., administrators, faculty members, personnel, students, and the whole
Respondents’ attitudes on language use, university correspondence, and naming of halls and academic community (77.88% and 70.26%, respectively). Again, the SRs express their worries
offices
about the financial and logistic components of the program (13.27%), thinking perhaps that
Percentage distribution it could be an additional burden on their part. Not expecting immediate results, both groups
Language attitude
believe that the success of the LP formulation and planning should be evaluated based on em-
AF&Ps SRs pirical and realistic data (78.10% and 61.19%, respectively). As to giving grants and research
incentives to teachers, Table 10 further indicates that the AF&Ps are more receptive than the
A. Language use during special occasions (commencement exercises, founding anniversary,
SRs (67.62% and 49.76%, respectively). Finally, there was no consensus which academic unit
and recognition day)
should spearhead LP formulation and planning. The AF&Ps opt either for the College of Arts
• English and Filipino 63.81 57.82
and Letters or for all the colleges and academic units; on the other hand, the SRs prefer to have
• Exclusively English 32.38 39.57 all the colleges and academic units, especially those in the field of humanities.
• Exclusively Filipino 3.81 2.61
B. Language of university correspondence Table 10
• English should be used because the technical terms are Respondents’ perceptions on success indicators of the policy formulation: stakeholders, re-
easier to use if written in English. 50.48 37.77 search grants, and incentives
• Either English or Filipino may be used, but technical 44.76 58.43
terms in Filipino should be standardized. Language perception Percentage distribution
• Only Filipino should be used because it is easier to 4.76 3.80
express one’s ideas or concepts in Filipino. AF&Ps SRs
C. Naming of halls, offices, and academic units A. Key factors for the success of a university-wide LP formulation

• Both should be used, with Filipino over English 48.57 65.24 • The right attitude, vision, and mind-set of the people 77.88 70.26
equivalent/translation.
• Financial constraints and resources 9.62 26.86
• English alone is enough; it is cost-efficient because most 46.67 22.86
of the halls and offices are labelled in English. • Manpower and expertise 12.50 2.88

• Filipino alone should be used, but there should be 4.76 11.90
standard usage, like in the case of kagawaran or
departamento.
 155 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 156

Table 10 (continued) While the groups of respondents desire to maintain Filipino, they also recognize the
importance of English for practical reasons, like:
Language perception Percentage distribution

• English helps us to be globally competitive.

AF&Ps SRs
• English is a universal language.
B. Academic unit to spearhead a university-wide LP formulation • English is more widely used and more appropriate in teaching many subjects.
• The College of Arts and Letters 39.05 14.05 • English gives us more advantages in getting a job.
• All colleges and academic units handling the humanities 21.90 36.67 • English is important, but we need to give importance to both English and Fili-
• All colleges and academic units 39.05 49.28
pino.
• English is needed to compete globally.
C. Success indicators
• English should be learned in addition to Filipino.
• There should be immediate results. 11.43 20.95
• English and Filipino should be given equal importance because the Philippines
• Changes should be based on realistic data of research. 78.10 61.19 is a bilingual country

• It will take time to see the changes in the University. 10.47 17.86 • English is more difficult than Filipino.
D. Research grants and incentives • English is our medium of instruction.

• English competency needs to be promoted.
• LP implementation needs funding. 67.62 49.76
• Most students are already comfortable with Filipino.
• Grants and subsidies should come from outside sources. 27.62 36.97
• Many of the graduates of BulSU are not fluent in English.
• The University lacks financial means and logistics. 4.76 13.27 • Most BulSU students cannot speak well in English.
• There are foreign students in BulSU.

The foregoing tables revealed the diverse language background of the respondents. 4. Conclusion
Both groups, the AF&Ps and the SRs, indicate their desire to continue using Filipino and
English. Their desire to continue using Filipino can be explained by some reasons, like ethnic While this paper has achieved its objectives in setting the parameters to initiate, for-
pride, cultural heritage, and sense of nationalism:
mulate, and propose an LP framework for the University, the researcher stresses that the data
• English is required in getting a job, but Filipino is our National Language. and findings are based primarily on the perceptions of the respondents. Hence, there is still
• Filipino ang ating wika kaya dapat itong pag-aralan (Filipino is our language the need to anchor the proposed LP on other methods, principles, and procedures that were
and we need to study it). not used in the study to bring more substantial results. The author believes that the gathered
• Using Filipino is a sign of nationalism. empirical data in this study have provided the drive to steer the discourses to elaborate the
• We should love and not forget our own language. scope and range of LP formulation and to raise the level of awareness of the BulSU community
• There are things that are best expressed in Filipino.
for the said purpose. Moreover, the author concludes that the language ecology in BulSU is
• We use Filipino more often than English.
• There is a need to prioritize our language. not unique but a microcosm of the language scenario in the Philippines. Hence, the present
• Mas nakakapagbahagi ng ideya kapag gamit ang Filipino (Ideas are better ex- study, though local in scope, may have some insights to offer to a wide range of readers. Based
pressed in Filipino). on the empirical data on the language profile and language attitudes of the members of the
BulSU academic community, reviewed literature and studies, and legal mandates and statutes
on language policy in the Philippines and applicable universal declarations, the framework
 157 Bonifacio T. Cunanan
for LP formulation consists of (a) Preliminaries, (b) Preamble, (c) Article I: Linguistic Rights,
(d) Article II: The Filipino Language, (e) Article III: The English Language, (f) Article IV: The
Philippine Regional Languages, and (g) Article V: Foreign Languages and Foreign Students.
In a much wider perspective, the study affirms that while on the road of cultural re-
construction, the Philippines, being a former colony of the Western powers, is facing the chal-
lenges of cultural reconstruction that includes LP formulation.
Many of the findings in the present study also conform to the results of language
surveys and studies in the past (Otanes, 1969; Gonzalez & Sibayan, 1988; Castillo, 2000 as
cited in Tupas, 2003). One characteristic of the language situation in BulSU is the coexistence
of English, Filipino, regional, and some foreign languages. This multilingual condition is not
new; in fact, a similar condition had been reported in a national survey of Otanes (1969). Also,
the respondents believe that language planning and nationalism are distinct from each other,
an observation reported much earlier by Gonzalez and Sibayan (1988) in their evaluation of
the BEP in the Philippines and by Castillo (2000 as cited in Tupas, 2003) in her discussion of
language education and language planning in the country.
The data in the present study also warrant the need for corpus planning so that Fili-
pino can be used in intellectual discourses. Similar to the advocacy of Gonzalez (2003), corpus
planning remains timely and relevant in the Philippines. The dilemma on the status of Filipino
as an intellectualized language echoes the advocacy of Sibayan (1988); thus, there is a need
to review the level of the intellectualization of Filipino. The growing importance given to the
regional languages is also parallel to the provision of the K+12 Program on Mother-Tongue-
Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE). Furthermore, the need to use English in teaching
science and technology and Filipino in teaching the soft sciences like social studies and the
humanities remains consistent with the provisions of Department Order No. 25, s. 1974; DECS
Order No.52, s. 1987; DECS Order No. 54, s. 1987; and DepEd Order No. 74, s. 2009.
After having presented the different language policies in Burma, Malaysia, and Sin-
gapore, the author acknowledges that the language policies in the Philippines, as reflected by
constitutional provisions and statutes, are legitimate actions to chart its course on the road of
cultural reconstruction. Hence, there are no reasons for the institutions of higher learning,
especially state universities, to remain complacent and unresponsive to these emerging needs
of national importance.
While this paper does not endorse the attached framework (cf. Appendix A) to be the
Official Language Policy of the Bulacan State University, it proposes that the same document
be considered for the said purpose, for it reflects and articulates the language profile and at-
titudes of the stakeholders in the University: the administrators, faculty members, personnel, and
students.
The language profile and the language attitudes... 158
In its 109th year of existence, the Bulacan State University cannot afford to delay the
formulation of its language policy if it truly desires to be one of the leading institutions of
higher learning in the country.
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 163 Bonifacio T. Cunanan
Appendix A
The proposed language policy of Bulacan State University
Preliminaries
Having regard to the preamble and second article of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights which expresses its “faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human
person and in the equal rights of men and women”; and that “everyone is entitled to all the rights and
freedoms” regardless of “race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social
origin, property, birth, or other status”;
Having regard to Article 27 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which, in their preambles, state that hu-
man beings cannot be free unless conditions are created which enable them to enjoy both their civil and
political rights and their economic, social, and cultural rights;
Having regard to the 1990 Universal Declaration of the Collective Rights of Peoples, which declares
that all peoples have the right to express and develop their culture, language, and rules of organization
and, to this end, to adopt political, educational, communications, and governmental structures of their
own, within different political frameworks;
Having regard to the Final Declaration adopted in 1991 by the General Assembly of the Internation-
al Federation of Modern Language Teachers, which recommended that linguistic rights be considered as
fundamental rights of the individual;
Considering that, in order to ensure peaceful coexistence between language communities, overall
principles must be found so as to guarantee the promotion and respect of all languages and their social
use in public and in private;
In view of the language provisions of the Philippine Constitution of 1987 in Article IX that declares:
“The national language of the Philippines is Filipino. As it evolves, it shall be further developed and
enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages. Subject to provisions of law and as the
Congress may deem appropriate, the Government shall take steps to initiate and sustain the use of Fili-
pino as a medium of official communication and as language of instruction in the educational system.”
“For purposes of communication and instruction, the official languages of the Philippines are Fili-
pino and, until otherwise provided by law, English. The regional languages are the auxiliary official lan-
guages in the regions and shall serve as auxiliary media of instruction therein. Spanish and Arabic shall
be promoted on a voluntary and optional basis.”
“The Congress shall establish a national language commission composed of representatives of vari-
ous regions and disciplines which shall undertake, coordinate, and promote researches for the develop-
ment, propagation, and preservation of Filipino and other languages.”
The language profile and the language attitudes... 164
In view of Sec. 7 of RA 7665, the Charter of the Bulacan State University, states that, “The Board shall
promulgate and implement policies in accordance with the declared state policies on education and other
pertinent provisions of the Philippine Constitution on education, science and technology, arts, culture
and sports.”
Preamble
The Bulacan State University, acknowledging that language is the most distinct human characteris-
tic, the expression of the collective soul of a people, an indispensable instrument in nation building, and
a tool for cultural advancement and economic progress, declares this language policy.
Article I. Linguistic Rights
Section 1. The University shall welcome and embrace language diversity and differences as richness
of the cultural heritage of the Philippines.
Section 2. The University shall accord equal respect and importance to all languages.
Section 3. The University shall encourage and support the publication of literary, scientific, and tech-
nical materials in Filipino, English, regional, and applicable foreign languages.
Section 4. No school policy or regulation shall be proposed, approved, and implemented abridging
the linguistic rights of any person in the University.
Section 5. The University shall create an interim body to determine and decide on the domains and
the corresponding status of English and Filipino as regards their functions and official
correspondence in the University.
Section 6. The University shall endeavor to promote an ideal breeding ground for the development
of Filipino, English, and other applicable languages.
Section 7. The University shall encourage every teacher to become a language teacher.
Section 8. No person shall be denied the exercise of his linguistic rights.
Article II. The Filipino Language
Section 1. The University shall require and promote proficiency in Filipino for national identity.
Section 2. The University shall strive to be one of the leading institutions of higher learning known
for excellence and scholarship in Filipino language and literature.
Section 3. The University shall participate with regional and national institutions in the efforts and
initiatives on the globalization of Filipino.
Section 4. The University shall support research activities and the publication in Filipino of works
 165 Bonifacio T. Cunanan The language profile and the language attitudes... 166

in, but not limited to, the humanities, literature, performing arts, pure sciences, social Article IV. The Philippine Regional Languages
sciences, visual arts, and technology.
Section 5. The University shall encourage, initiate, and monitor the translation of relevant and im- Section 1. The University shall respect and value the use of regional languages as components and
portant documents in the University and beyond. requisites for learning Filipino and English.
Section 6. The University shall encourage, monitor, and support the production of instructional Section 2. Regional languages shall be protected for their historical, literary, and cultural impor-
materials in Filipino to provide the corpus of technical terms and pedagogical idioms for tance.
the arts, sciences, and technical courses. Section 3. Research studies on regional languages shall be intensified with financial incentives from
Section 7. A center for translation services shall be established by the University through the initia- the University and any other relevant institutions in the country.
tives of and support from the departments of Filipino and English. Section 4. Regional and national seminars on Philippine languages and literature, like Bicol, Ce-
buano, Chavacano, Hiligaynon, Ilocano, Kapampangan, Kinaray-a, Samar-Leyte (Waray),
Section 8. Initiatives in the modernization and intellectualization of Filipino shall be encouraged Maguindanao, Maranao, Pangasinense, Tagalog, Tausug, and any other regional languages,
and supported by all the academic units of the University. shall be encouraged and participated in by the University.
Section 9. Research initiatives and activities for the standardization of Filipino shall be promoted Section 5. Research studies on the importance of the linguistic and literary traditions of Bulacan to
and supported by the University. the development and advancement of Filipino shall be pursued and supported by the
Section 10. Incentives and research grants shall be made available to encourage publication of scho- University.
larly materials in Filipino in the country and beyond.
Section 11. Sharing of best practices, technology, and resources with institutions of higher learning Article V. Foreign Languages and Foreign Students
and similar regional, national, and international agencies shall be pursued and promoted.
Section 12. The extension services of the University shall be made accessible in Filipino and English, Section 1. The University shall support and continue the study, teaching, and use of foreign lan-
when applicable and necessary. guages for wider communication.
Section 2. Foreign students shall be given an option to study and learn the Filipino language as an
Article III. The English Language elective subject.
Section 3. Intercultural exchanges and understanding shall be promoted through cross-linguistic
Section 1. The use of English as a medium of instruction shall be maintained in teaching the sci- activities.
ences, mathematics, and technical subjects until such time that shifting to Filipino be- Section 4. Appreciation of the linguistic and literary traditions of the ASEAN and beyond shall be
comes possible because of its modernization and intellectualization. integrated across relevant disciplines.
Section 2. The University shall have the option to continue using English in teaching the social sci-
ences with a nationalistic fervor.
Section 3. English proficiency shall be promoted for global competency without prejudice to Fili-
pino and other Philippine languages.
Section 4. The English language shall retain its status both as an international and intranational lan-
guage in the University until such time that Filipino becomes the medium in the study
of commerce, computer technology, education, engineering, governance, law, mass
media, medicine, and other technical courses.