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In the 1st Article, the author was Teodoro Agoncillo

He was Born on November 9, 1912 in Lemery, Batangas, Agoncillo came from a family that was
much involved in the 1896 Philippine Revolution and the Philippine-American War.
He was a relative of Filipino diplomat Felipe Agoncillo, who attempted (but failed) to persuade
the US to accept the newly founded republic’s legitimacy; Marcela Agoncillo, who was one of
the three women who sewed the Philippine flag; and first President Emilio Aguinaldo.
He finished his Bachelor’s in Philosophy (1934) and Master’s in History (1939) at the University
of the Philippines (UP). It could be said that he kicked off his career in history quite a bit late, at
around 46 years old. Before that, he spent more than 20 years as a Tagalog writer and poet.
As a historian
By the 1950s, he started to focus on writing about the Spanish era and the Philippine Revolution.
In 1958, he joined the faculty of the UP Department of History.

In 2nd the Article, the Author was Santiago Alvarez Born in Imus City, Cavite on 25 July 1872,
Alvarez was the only child of General Mariano Alvarez and Nicolasa Virata. While studying to
become a teacher, he joined the Katipunan under the nom-de-guerre Kidlat ng Apoy and
recruited many of his fellow Caviteños, including Emilio Aguinaldo.
He assisted his father and his cousin Pascual Alvarez in freeing the town of Noveleta when the
Revolution broke out in August 1896. Additionally, he led Filipino soldiers to a resounding
victory at the Battle of Dalahican, which took place from November 9 to November 11, 1896.
On December 27, 1896, he was promoted Lieutenant General in honor of his valiant leadership
in combat.
Alvarez contributed to the establishment of the Nacionalista Party in 1901, following the
Americans' strong takeover of the Philippines. (This was distinct from the Nacionalist Party,
formed in 1907, which is still in existence.) He also got involved with the Makabuhay
Association and the Iglesia Filipina Independiente. On October 30, 1930, he passed away in San
Pablo City, Laguna, at the age of 58.

The historical event subject in the two documents was the “Revolution”
The Katipunan of Cavite is divided into two factions, the Magdiwang, and the Magdalo.Each
faction exercised sovereign power over several towns. Talisay, a town of Batangas, was under
the Magdalo government, while, Nasugbu, Tuwi, and Look, in the same province, belonged to
the Magdiwang. The Magdiwang, proceeded with their election independently, chose
the following men to administer the government: Mariano Alvarez, President; PascualAlvarez,
Executive Secretary; Emiliano Riego de Dios, Minister of the Interior(Pagpapaunlad);Mariano
Trias, Minister of Grace and Justice; Ariston Villanueva, Minister of War; Santiago Alvarez,
Commander-in-Chief; Diego Moxica, Minister of Finance; Artemio Ricarte and Mariano Riego
de Dios, Military Commanders with the rank of Brigadier-General. On the other hand, the
Magdalo elected the following to take the reign of its government: Baldomero
Aguinaldo, President; Candido Tirona, Minister of War; Cayetano Topacio, Minister of Finance;
Emilio Aguinaldo, Commander-in-Chief; Edilberto Evangelista, Lieutenant General; Vito
Belarmino and Crispulo Aguinaldo, Military Commanders with the rank of Brigadier-General.
Andres Bonifacio was identified as the Supremo or the President of the Supreme Council of the
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Katipunan, the founder of Katipunan, and the initiator of the Revolution in the two readings.
When the votes for the president of the new revolutionary council were counted, both readings
confirmed that Emilio Aguinaldo won the position over Andres Bonifacio. The scenarios that
followed were evident on both readings such as the newly elected Vice President, Mr. Mariano
Trias; and the suggested procedure of elections for the positions to be voted upon which is by the
means of standing instead of using ballots. Also, it has been shown in both readings that the said
Supremo felt insulted and disappointed with the results as he thought his efforts were not
appreciated and for being the known founder of the revolutionary group, therefore, is enough
reason to appoint him to the presidency without any hesitations. Prior to that, the said meeting
and the election took place on an estate-house of Tejeros— a small municipality of San
Francisco de Malabon in Cavite on the year 1897.

The Seeds of Discontent and The Katipunan and the Revolution are books that are written about
one significant event that happened in the country. These two tackled the Tejeros Convention in
Cavite. Despite being written by different authors, the content – the flow of the story and the
exact happenings are just the same. Both were able to narrate the story well and, it will be easy
for the readers to comprehend the story itself. The facts that are related to the happenings were
also stated. One of these facts was the conflict between the two factions –Magdiwang and
Magdalo – and how this conflict affected their bond as co-Filipino revolutionists. Also, both of
the books explained that the “K” in the middle of the sun in the Katipunan flag used in the
Revolution stood for Kalayaan (Freedom) . The two readings also revealed that there was
something between the two factions, Magdiwang and Magdalo, that caused several
misunderstandings and conflicts in the history of revolution. Meanwhile, a Magdalo man, named
Daniel Tirona, was the one responsible for the opposition of Andres Bonifacio being elected in
the position of Director of Interior. In both readings, he has shown his dismay in the decisions
that involved Supremo.
Katipunan and the Revolution and the Seeds of Discontent are two historical excerpts that
transpired in the Philippines which mainly discusses the revolutionaries that took place during
the Spanish Colonization in which the main event happened at the Tejeros Convention. The
articles are mostly similar however, few differences can still be seen between those two. In
the second article ‘Katipunan and the Revolution, it was stated that the convention happened on
March 25, 1897, while on the first article ‘Seeds of Discontent’, convention happened on
March 22, 1897. This shows factual contradiction among the two excerpts which entails
credibility and authenticity enclosed in the article. Moreover, the second article primarily focuses
on the Tejeros Convention wherein the election happened and showed heated tension between
the two revolutionary groups which are Magdiwang and Magdalo. On the other hand, the Seeds
of Discontent provided more detailed information about the revolutionary groups in which some
detailed sketches of the occurrence of the convention where illustrated. In addition to that, the
article presented more comprehensive events on how the rising tension between the groups
affected their perspective and pride in which arose conflict on the convention

 
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Yes , election is valid understanding the importance of an election and its impact on our lives.
Globally, people are more interested in the Philippine election compared to past elections
because of the speculation on who will be Philippines next President

Despite growing interest in populism and religion, researchers typically lack a conceptual
framework to separate the methods through which populists incorporate religion into
mobilization. On order to create a four-part typology of these interactions founded in several
populist features, we take the example of Rodrigo R. Duterte's Philippines. This typology
illustrates how populists can opportunistically combine various religion techniques even within a
single nation to serve their egotistical political goals and identifies the causal processes at play.
In order to strengthen the boundaries between in-groups and out-groups, populists may rely on
religious norms and identity. They may also challenge religious hierarchies in order to credibly
signal their outsider status, use personalistic connections to religious elites, and adopt a populist
approach with religious affinities. We examine how such tactics might increase religious
adherence and, on occasion, inspire religious opposition.

The Philippine elections had been characterized by the presence of a weak party system, a low
information environment for voters, a history of dynastic rule, and the preponderance of media
celebrities in elected political offices. These features amounted to the observation that candidate
winnability in the country is discussed often as a “personality versus platform’’ issue,
highlighting the importance of candidates’ personal background. This study examines certain
variables associated with the voting preferences of young educated voters for the 2019 Senatorial
Elections. Using a quantitative approach, this inquiry specifically sought to analyze the extent to
which party identification, issue orientation, candidate orientation, and pre-election surveys
affect voters’ preferences for candidates. Survey data were obtained from the 210 purposively-
sampled youth-voters, and were analyzed using structural equation modelling. On the whole, the
results of the study indicate the positive association between the respondents’ party identification
on voting preferences, as well as the positive association between pre-election surveys and the
respondents’ voting preferences..

Policy Deliberation and Voter Persuasion: Experimental Evidence from an Election in the
Philippines. They evaluate the causal impact of a town-hall style campaign, in which candidates
speak with small groups of voters about their program, on voting behavior in a randomized
experiment conducted in collaboration with the two major parties running in the Philippines'
legislative election. In contrast to the current situation, in which voters take a passive role, we
discover that town hall meetings have a favorable impact on parties' vote shares while
maintaining the parties' platforms. We find that impacts by income, education, and gender are
varied, which is consistent with the parties' support for disadvantaged groups. Deliberate
campaigns raise voter knowledge of the problems parties advocate, influencing the votes of those
who directly benefit from the platforms of the parties.
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Andres Bonifacio was identified as the Supremo or the President of the Supreme Council of the
Katipunan When the votes for the president of the new revolutionary council were counted, both
readings confirmed that Emilio Aguinaldo won the position over Andres Bonifacio.

As what I've researched and studied, a de facto government signifies one completely, through
only temporarily, established in the place of the lawful government. So, i interpreted de facto as
a government that was just happened and did not require by the law. It has a literal meaning of “a
thing actually done” or “by the fact”. Also, according to my source of information, de facto
government is the type of the government that maintains itself by a display of force against the
will of the rightful legal government. For Wortham Walker, in his Black’s Law Dictionary, he
defined de facto as a successful government, at least temporarily, in overturning the institutions
of the rightful legal government by setting up its own in lieu thereof. In our own understanding,
this kind of government exercising power and control that is opposing the true and lawful
government. It can also be a government that is not established according to the constitution of
the nation and therefore it is not lawfully entitle to recognition or supremacy. I can say that the
example of de facto government is The Second Republic of the Philippines when former
President Jose P. Laurel was elected since it was established by the Japanese belligerents.

On the other hand, de jure government, as it is verbatim defined, is one deemed lawful which is
established legitimately. As what I have comprehended, a de jure government is a legal or
legitimate government of a nation and, unlike de facto government, it is recognized by the other
countries. It has a literal meaning of “concerning law” which is the opposite of de facto. It is the
condition of the government wherein there has been a total compliance with all the requirements
of law that was legitimate and lawful, by right and just title in forming the government. The
concrete example of a de jure government is the time when former President Corazon Aquino
was elected as the new president in a decision rendered bub the Supreme Court. It was also
accepted by the people and the other nation have recognized its legitimacy, too. However, the
group wanted to add the knowledge that we have been discovered that there is this term “de
gratia” which its meaning is in contrast with de jure. This means “by grace” or “favor”.

With these definitions, I find it easier to identify the difference of the two, however, the topic of
our task became debatable as we try to share our thoughts about whether Emilio Aguinaldo’s
government is a de facto or de jure. Fortunately, the group has a unanimous decision that
Aguinaldo’s government, based on the definitions above, is a de facto government. It might
cause confusion to people who did not have the chance to read the “Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan”
of Aguinaldo since I only taught that, in my elementary days, Aguinaldo was our first president
and we thought that he was elected by the people of the whole nation. Little did we know, after
reading the suggested reading, in a friar estate residence at Tejeros, the revolutionary leaders
conducted an important meeting in order to continue the discussion about the growing tension
between the Magdiwang and Magdalo factions of the Katipunan. Rather than being a discussion
for a plan, the meeting turned to an election on whom shall lead the revolution, bypassing the
Supreme Council. With this, this is the evidence that this was not established by the law and is
definitely a government that is not established according to the constitution of the whole
Philippines but only between the Magdalo and the Magdiwang people. I also believe that it is not
yet recognized by the other countries since we are still under the colonization of the Spaniards
that time getting ready to fight for our freedom.
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Reference:

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12566

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510347.2022.2067532

https://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/article/view/12946

http://politicsandgovernance.blogspot.com/2010/06/de-facto-and-de-jure-governments.html

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12116-018-9262-5