Solution Manual for An IBM SPSS Companion to

Political Analysis, 6th Edition, Philip H. Pollock III,

Barry C. Edwards,

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Solution Manual for An IBM SPSS Companion to Political Analysis, 6th Edition, Philip H. Poll

Chapter 4: Making Comparisons

1.
A.

Did the economy get better/worse in the last year?

Respondent’s vote, Much Somewhat About Somewhat Much Total

2016 better better Same worse worse

H. Clinton 96.5% 84.8% 50.9% 25.5% 9.3% 52.7%

Trump 3.5% 15.2% 49.1% 74.5% 90.7% 47.3%

Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

B. Yes, the data are consistent with V.O. Key's retrospective evaluation hypothesis. The better
people thought the economy did in the year prior to the election, the higher percentage votes
for Hillary Clinton. (Wording may vary.)
C. No, the data do not support the loss aversion theory. The “punishment” for a worsening
economy is not greater than the “reward” for the economy doing well. For example, the loss
for the economy doing somewhat worse for Hillary Clinton, compared to about the same, is
25.4% (25.5–50.9) while the increase for the economy doing somewhat better is 33.9%
(84.8–50.9). (Wording may vary.)
Syntax for solution

* with NES dataset

CROSSTABS
/TABLES=Who_2016 BY better_worse_past_econ
/FORMAT=AVALUE TABLES
/CELLS=COUNT COLUMN
/COUNT ROUND CELL.

2.
A.

Respondent's party ID Mean ideological Mean ideological

placement of Democrats placement of Republicans

Strong Democrat 3.36 5.38

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 Weak Democrat 3.09 5.31

Independent Democrat 3.06 5.59

Independent 3.17 4.76

Independent Republican 2.12 5.10

Weak Republican 2.50 5.19

Strong Republican 1.69 5.42

B. Yes, the data do support the Pew findings. All partisans – Democrats, Independents, and
Republicans – placed the Republicans at practically the same conservative position on the
liberal-conservative scale (the mean placements varied between 4.76 and 5.59). However,
the placement of the Democrats varied widely: Republicans placed Democrats well
toward the liberal side (1.69). Independents and Democrats placed the Democrat Party
slightly left of center (3.06–3.36 range). (Wording may vary.)
Syntax for solution

* with NES dataset

MEANS TABLES=libcon7_Dem BY partyid7

/CELLS=MEAN COUNT.

MEANS TABLES=libcon7_Rep BY partyid7

/CELLS=MEAN COUNT.

3.
A. According to the hypothesis, as the values of polviews increase (get more conservative), mean
values of femrole should decrease (get more traditional).
B.

Summary of female role by respondent's ideological self-placement

Respondent's ideological self-placement Mean Frequency*

Extremely liberal 6.96 87

Liberal 6.45 228

 Slightly liberal 6.01 206

Moderate 5.91 662

Slightly conservative 5.75 264

Conservative 5.27 270

Extremely conservative 4.86 65

Total 5.88 1,782

C. Yes, the data do support the hypothesis. Comparing the mean femrole response for each
ideological self-placement, one can see that the mean femrole score decreases as respondents get
more conservative. (Wording may vary.)
D. The descriptive titles and source note may vary.

Syntax for solution

* with GSS dataset

MEANS TABLES=femrole BY polviews

/CELLS=MEAN COUNT.

GRAPH
/LINE(SIMPLE)=MEAN(femrole) BY polviews.
 4.
A.

HS or less SomeColl/Assoc BA Grad Total

Low Egalitarianism 32.5% 31.5% 30.5% 25.5% 30.9%

Med.
34.7% 32.1% 30.5% 22.3% 31.5%
Egalitarianism

High
32.8% 36.4% 39.0% 52.2% 37.6%
Egalitarianism

Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

B. Could also show declining % in category 1 (low egalitarianism) across categories.

C. Yes, the pedantic pontificator appears to be correct. As education goes up, support for
egalitarianism increases. The percentage of respondents in the high egalitarianism group
increases across the four educational categories from 32.8% to 36.4%, 39.0%, and 52.2%.

Syntax for solution

* with GSS dataset

CROSSTABS
/TABLES=egalit_3 BY educ4
/FORMAT=AVALUE TABLES
/CELLS=COLUMN
/COUNT ROUND CELL.

GRAPH
/BAR(SIMPLE)=PIN(3 3)(egalit_3) BY educ4.

5.
A.

Statement: Women are not suited Interviewer’s gender

for politics.
Male Female Total

Percentage who "Agree" 26.4% 18.2% 19.0%

Percentage who "Disagree" 73.6% 81.8% 81.0%

Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

These findings support Hypothesis 1. 81.8% of those questioned by a female interviewer

disagreed with the proposition that women are unsuited for politics compared to 73.6%
of those questioned by a male interviewer.
B.

Statement: It's better for men to Interviewer’s gender

work and women to tend home.
Male Female Total

Percentage who "Strongly Agree" 10.6% 5.1% 5.7%

Percentage who "Agree" 24.1% 20.9% 21.2%

Percentage who "Disagree" 40.2% 46.9% 46.2%

 Percentage who "Strongly Disagree" 25.1% 27.1% 26.9%

Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

These findings support Hypothesis 2. 74.0% (46.9 + 27.1) of those questioned by

a female interviewer disagree that it's better for men to work and women to tend
home compared to 65.3% (40.2 + 25.1) of those questioned by a male interviewer.
C. Titles and layout of bar chart may vary.

Syntax for solution

* with GSS dataset

CROSSTABS
/TABLES=fepol BY intsex
/FORMAT=AVALUE TABLES
/CELLS=COLUMN
/COUNT ROUND CELL.

CROSSTABS
/TABLES=fefam BY intsex
/FORMAT=AVALUE TABLES
/CELLS=COLUMN
/COUNT ROUND CELL.
 GRAPH
/BAR(SIMPLE)=PIN(2 2)(fepol) BY intsex.

6.
A.

B. Which state is the outlier in the Northeast? Pennsylvania. Which two states are outliers in the
West? Utah and Idaho.
C. No, as measured by the interquartile range, Southern states are more spread out – that is, have
more variation in prolife opinions compared to states in the Midwest. This is clear from a visual
comparison of the IQR in the box plot. (Wording may vary.)
D. Yes, ignoring their outliers, the Northeastern states are more cohesive in their prolife opinions
than are the Western states. The difference isn’t huge, but comparing the IQR in the box plot,
one sees the IQR for states in the Northeast is smaller than the IQR for states in the West.
(Wording may vary.)

Syntax for solution

* with states dataset

 EXAMINE VARIABLES=ProLife BY region
/PLOT=BOXPLOT
/STATISTICS=NONE
/NOTOTAL
/ID=StateID.

7.
A. The intercept of line may vary but it should be horizontal line.

B. The intercept of line may vary but it should be upward sloping line (the x-axis is in order of
more restrictive to less restrictive gun laws).
C.

Suicide rate per 100,000 population

Access to guns Mean Freq.

More restrictions 12.56 15

Middle restrictions 15.04 14

Fewer restrictions 17.73 21

Total 15.43 50

D. Titles may vary.

E. Policy Researcher 2 is more correct.
F. States with more restrictions on guns have lower rates of suicide than do states with fewer
restrictions on guns. The 15 states with more restrictions on guns have a mean suicide rate of
12.56 per 100,000 population; the 14 states with mid-level restrictions have a mean suicide rate
of 15.04 per 100,000 population; the mean suicide rate is 17.73 per 100,000 population in the 21
states with fewest restrictions on guns. (Wording may vary.)
Syntax for solution

* get, activate states dataset

MEANS TABLES=suicide_rate BY Gun_rank3

/CELLS=MEAN COUNT.

GRAPH
/BAR(SIMPLE)=MEAN(suicide_rate) BY Gun_rank3.

8.
A. democracies (most stable), presidential democracies, dictatorships (least stable).
B. The box plot supports ranking parliamentary democracies as the most stable because the
median value of durable is the highest for parliamentary democracies. (Wording may vary.)
C. The box plot does not clearly show that presidential democracies are the second most stable
form of government. The two longest lasting government in the world are both presidential
democracies, but the median duration of presidential democracies is comparable to the median
duration of dictatorships (the median for presidential democracies is slightly higher, 10.5 versus
8 for dictatorships). In fact, the 75% quartile of dictatorship duration is higher than the 75%
quartile of presidential democracies duration. (Wording may vary.)
D.

Syntax for solution

* with World Dataset

EXAMINE VARIABLES=durable BY regime_type3

/PLOT=BOXPLOT
/STATISTICS=NONE
/NOTOTAL
/ID=country.

9.
A. Scholar 1’s hypothesis: In a comparison of democracies, those having single-member districts
will have fewer political parties.
B. (Wording may vary.) Scholar 2’s hypothesis: In a comparison of countries, those with greater
heterogeneity will have more political parties compared to those with less heterogeneity.
C.

Average number of members per district

Single member 2–5 members 6 or more

members

Percentage having 68.2% 37.5% 13.8%

1–3 parties

Level of ethnic fractionalization

Low Medium High

Percentage having 35.3% 33.3% 42.9%

1–3 parties

Note: The numeric codes for district_size3 and frac_eth3 aren’t in the order shown in the tables
so students need to be careful about copying results into the right table cells.
D. Scholar 1’s hypothesis is supported by the analysis, but Scholar 2’s hypothesis is not
supported by the analysis.
E. 68.2% of countries with single-member districts have only 1–3 political parties while
countries with multi-member districts tend to have more political parties. 37.5% of countries
that average 2–5 members per district have 1–3 political parties and just 13.8% of countries with
6 or more members per district have only 1–3 political parties.
Countries with high heterogeneity appear to have fewer effective political parties compared to
those with less heterogeneity. 42.9% of countries with high heterogeneity have just 1–3 political
parties while the comparable percentage drops to 33.3% in countries with medium heterogeneity
and 35.3% in countries with low heterogeneity. (Wording may vary.)
Syntax for solution

* get, activate world dataset

CROSSTABS
/TABLES=enpp3_democ BY district_size3
/FORMAT=AVALUE TABLES
/CELLS=COLUMN
/COUNT ROUND CELL.

CROSSTABS
/TABLES=enpp3_democ BY frac_eth3
/FORMAT=AVALUE TABLES
/CELLS=COLUMN
/COUNT ROUND CELL.
Solution Manual for An IBM SPSS Companion to Political Analysis, 6th Edition, Philip H. Poll

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