WATER CONSERVATION

METHODS
IN SIMPLE SOCIETIES
AND THEIR RELEVANCE IN
CURRRENT TIMES

Under the Supervision of: Nidhi Chauhan

Dissertation Submitted to: INDIRA GANDHI NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY

In Partial fulfillment of the requirement for the award of the degree of Master’s in
Anthropology (MAAN)

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PROGRAM CODE: MAAN

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Title of the Dissertation Work” WATER CONSERVATION METHODS IN SIMPLE

SOCIETIES AND THEIR RELEVANCE IN CURRRENT TIMES”

Dissertation Work submitted to Indira Gandhi National Open University in partial

fulfillment of the requirement for the award of MAAN Degree. I hereby declare
that this is my original work and has not been submitted or copied from
elsewhere.

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 CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY

This is to certify that the dissertation titled “WATER CONSERVATION METHODS

IN SIMPLE SOCIETIES AND THEIR RELEVANCE IN CURRRENT TIMES”

Submitted to Indira Gandhi National Open University in partial fulfillment of the

requirement for the award of Master’s Degree in Anthropology (MAAN) is an
original work carried out by

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The contents of this dissertation are a genuine work done by the student and has
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for the fulfillment of the requirement of any course of study

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. LIST OF TABLES AND PHOTOGRAPHS/FIGURES 7

2. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 8

3. INTRODUCTION 9

4. LITERATURE REVIEW 12

1. Indigenous Practices of Water Management for Sustainable Services: Case of

Borana and Konso, Ethiopia 12

2. Impact of Integrated Watershed Management on Complex Interlinked Factors

Influencing Health: Perceptions of Professional Stakeholders in a Hilly Tribal Area
of India 13

3. Improvement in health and empowerment of families as a result of watershed

management in a tribal area in India - a qualitative study 14

4. Lack of irrigation facilities in tribal areas: report in

The Hindu newspaper 14

5. Engaging Southwestern Tribes in Sustainable Water Resources Topics and

Management 15

6. Indigenous practices of environmental sustainability in the Tonga community

of southern Zambia 16

7. Indigenous Water Harvesting and Conservation Practices: Historical Context,

Cases and Implications 17

8. INDIGENOUS SOIL AND WATER CONSERVATION IN AFRICA 18

9. WATER MANAGEMENT TRADITIONAL SYSTEM IN RURAL AND TRIBAL

SOCIETIES IN INDIA: VALUING THE UNVALUED 19

5. WORKING DEFINITIONS 20

a. Indigenous Knowledge 20

b. Rainwater Harvesting 21

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6. INDIGENOUS WATER CONSERVATION METHODS 23

a. Kul Water conservation Method 23

b. Bamboo Drip Irrigation System 25

c. Johads 29

d. Zabo 31

e. ERI Water Conservation Method 33

f. Khadin 34

g. Virdas 37

h. Surangam 39

i. Ahar Pynes 42

j. Kunds/Kundis 45

k. Jhalaras 47

l. Jack Wells 48

m. Baoli/Vav 49

7. SOME OTHER INDIGENOUS WATER CONSERVATION METHODS 50

a. Cheruvu

b. Dungs

c. Kere

d. Bhandaras

e. Ramtek Model

f. Kohli Tanks

g. Phad

h. Zings

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8. MATERIALS AND METHODS 57

a. Research Methodology

i. Inclusion of Indigenous and Indigenised approaches

9. DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS 59

a. RESPONSES OF THE SURVEY

10. DISCUSSION 62

a. Perspective on the Low Prevalence of Indigenous Techniques 62

b. Value of Indigenous Technique 63

c. Opportunities for future Research 64

11. WAY FORWARD 66

12. REFERENCES 69

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 LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
FIG 1.0 Kuls in state of Himachal Pradesh 23

FIG 2.0 – FIG 2.3 Bamboo Irrigation System 25

FIG 3.0 JOHADS 29

FIG 4.0 ZABO 31

FIG 5.0 – FIG 5.1 ERI 33

FIG 6.0 – FIG 6.2 KHADIN 34

FIG 7.0 – FIG 7.1 VIRDAS 37

FIG 8.0 – FIG 8.2 SURANGAM 39

FIG 9.0 – FIG 9.1 AHAR PYNES 42

FIG 10.0 – FIG 10.2 KUNDS 45

FIG 11.0 JHALARA 47

FIG 12.0 JACKWELLS 48

FIG 13.0 BAOLI 49

FIG (2.1.0-2.7.0) OTHER TRADITIONAL TECHNIQUES ) 50

GRAPHS

DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULT 59

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Throughout the writing of this dissertation I have received a great deal of support and
assistance.

I would first like to thank my supervisor, Professor Nidhi Chauhan, whose expertise was
invaluable in formulating the research questions and methodology. Your insightful feedback
pushed me to sharpen my thinking and brought my work to a higher level. I want to thank you
for your patient support and for all of the opportunities I was given to further my research.

I would like to acknowledge my colleagues and form respondents from my dissertation for their
wonderful collaboration. You provided me with the tools that I needed to choose the right
direction and successfully complete my dissertation.

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INTRODUCTION

Water covers 70% of our planet, and it is easy to think that it will always be plentiful. However,
freshwater—the stuff we drink, bath in, irrigate our farm fields with—is incredibly rare. Only 3%
of the world’s water is fresh water, and two-thirds of that is tucked away in frozen glaciers or
otherwise unavailable for our use. Even in countries with adequate water resources, water
scarcity is not uncommon. Although this may be due to a number of factors — collapsed
infrastructure and distribution systems, contamination, conflict, or poor management of water
resources — it is clear that climate change, as well as human factors, are increasingly denying
children their right to safe water and sanitation.

Water scarcity limits access to safe water for drinking and for practicing basic hygiene at home,
in schools and in health-care facilities. When water is scarce, sewage systems can fail and the
threat of contracting diseases like cholera surges. Scarce water also becomes more expensive.
Four billion people — almost two thirds of the world’s population — experience severe water
scarcity for at least one month each year. As a result, some 1.1 billion people worldwide lack
access to water, and a total of 2.7 billion find water scarce for at least one month of the year.
Inadequate sanitation is also a problem for 2.4 billion people—they are exposed to diseases,
such as cholera and typhoid fever, and other water-borne illnesses. Two million people, mostly
children, die each year from diarrhoeal diseases alone. Water scarcity takes a greater toll on
women and children because they are often the ones responsible for collecting it. When water
is further away, it requires more time to collect, which often means less time at school.
Particularly for girls, a shortage of water in schools impacts student enrolment, attendance and
performance. Carrying water long distances is also an enormous physical burden and can
expose children to safety risks and exploitation. Over two billion people live in countries where
water supply is inadequate. Half of the world’s population could be living in areas facing water
scarcity by as early as 2025. Some 700 million people could be displaced by intense water
scarcity by 2030. By 2040, roughly 1 in 4 children worldwide will be living in areas of extremely
high water stress.

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India’s status

India has a serious water problem. The 2030 Water Resources Group estimates that if we
continue to consume water as per the current rate, India will have only half the water it needs
by 2030—a flashpoint that’s only ten years away. Nearly 80 percent of India’s fresh water is
used in agriculture. Over half of India’s cultivated land is under water-intensive crops. Fifty-four
percent of India’s 141.4 million hectares of cultivable land is under water-intensive crops—rice,
wheat, sugarcane, and cotton. India uses at least twice the amount of water to grow one unit of
food versus comparable countries. India’s farmers rely mainly on tube wells to extract
groundwater for their crops. Despite India’s large dams and canal systems, groundwater
accounts for 63 percent of water used for irrigation by farmers; canals account for only 26
percent. Conservative estimates suggest that India has over 30 million borewells today. As of
2009, for every four cultivator households, one owned a tube well and two purchased
groundwater from tube well owners. India draws nearly 25 percent of the world’s groundwater,
That’s more groundwater than China and the United States combined. Sixty percent of India’s
districts have been declared critical on groundwater. This means that they either have a scarce
supply or poor quality of groundwater, or both. India’s depleting groundwater reserves also
impact our drinking water. India is ranked 120 out of 122 countries in the global water quality
index. The country’s water crisis has a significant economic cost. A NITI Aayog report suggests
that severe water scarcity will eventually lead to a 6 percent loss in the country’s GDP. India
constitutes 16 percent of the world’s population, but the country has only four percent of the
world’s freshwater resources. With the changing weather patterns and recurring droughts,
India is water-stressed. As many as 256 of 700 districts have reported ‘critical’ or ‘over-
exploited’ groundwater levels, according to the latest data from the Central Ground Water
Board (2017). This means that fetching water in these districts has become harder as the water
table has fallen. A rural woman in Rajasthan walks over 2.5 kilometers to reach a water source,
according to a report by the National Commission for Women. This is probably an
underestimation, but the bottom line is that our women and girls spend a significant proportion
of their time fetching water. India has been consistently working towards improving access to
water. The Jal Jeevan Mission (JJM) guidelines released in 2019 provide the provision of tap
water connections to households, which hold promise for the women in the country. If
implemented to the last mile, women and girls will not have to go through the arduous job of
fetching water.

The management approaches used by the national governments and partner organizations are
considered in this article as modern or imported management. These modern systems are
deemed to replace the traditional ones in search of sustainable services. In fact, the dynamism

10
of management, which is influenced by various factors, including technology, climate change,
population growth, and education level of the people incharge—requires flexible systems that
are adaptable to different situations. However, striving to achieve sustainability by introducing
new technologies and ignoring the existing local knowledge is of no use to the people who
dominantly depend on traditional practices.

Development of advanced technologies and new approaches to sustain systems is worthwhile

to accept, yet blending them with traditional knowledge that exists in target areas can make
them more attractive and valuable for the intended purpose. The fundamental issues that
motivate this study are

(a) the need for service sustainability of water supply and sanitation,

(b) lack of integration of modern management approaches with the local situation

(c) the disparity of sustainability of the modern and the traditional systems.

This report:

 Identifies various indigenous water harvesting and conservation techniques.

 Recommend use of these methods in present complex societies.

 Recommends scientific interventions by scientists, researchers, developmental agencies

and government to support these practices.

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LITERATURE REVIEW

1. Indigenous Practices of Water Management for Sustainable Services:

Case of Borana and Konso, Ethiopia

By Beshah M. Behailu1, Pekka E. Pietilä1, and Tapio S. Katko1

This article explores the possibility of incorporating traditional water management experiences
into modern water management. The case study is used to investigate the experiences and
challenges of the targeted management practices. Borana and Konso were selected as case
areas due to their long history of water system management practices and disparity in
sustainability in the modern and traditional water supply systems. Water sources in Konso are
not uniformly distributed. To make the matter worse, they are gradually depleting, and some of
them had to be abandoned. However, their settlement structure is depending on the
availability of water sources and farming land. Where there is no natural spring, traditional
ponds are provided to collect floodwater to secure water need in the dry season. Therefore, the
people of Konso have adapted to deal with environmental changes. The fundamental issues
listed in this study are:

(a) the need for service sustainability of water supply and sanitation,

(b) lack of integration of modern management approaches with the local situation

(c) the disparity of sustainability of the modern and the traditional systems.

Various reasons mentioned for the failure of modern schemes in the study areas, including
financial, environmental, technical, and social aspects. However, the social aspects (norms,
cultures, religions, and traditional administrations) make a significant contribution for Borana
and Konso water system management.

The study focuses on the traditional water system management to take lessons for the modern
implementation approaches from financing, user participation, and managing aspects of
domestic water supply and irrigation systems. Thus, this article investigates the binding force
of the communities for their solidarity in resources management and seek lessons for more
sustainable practices.

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Being an arid and semi-arid area of research this report particularly focuses on the selective
area(deserts).

2. Impact of Integrated Watershed Management on Complex

Interlinked Factors Influencing Health: Perceptions of Professional
Stakeholders in a Hilly Tribal Area of India

by Sandeep S. Nerkar, Ashok J. Tamhankar , Eva Johansson and Cecilia

Stålsby Lundborg

It suggests that the implementation of the Integrated Water Management Programme in tribal
areas helps efficient water and agriculture management, which results in improved socio-
economic conditions that lead to positive health outcomes. The study area is hilly and the
villages, locally referred to as “pada” (which means a hamlet), generally have around 50–60
households. This report collects data from a hamlet and particularly focuses on small hilly tracts.

3. Improvement in health and empowerment of families as a result of

watershed management in a tribal area in India - a qualitative study

By BMC International Health and Human Rights

“Improvement in health and empowerment of families as a result of watershed management”

was identified as the main theme. Tribal people in India, as in other parts of the world, reside
mostly in forests and/or hilly terrains. Water scarcity and health problems related to it are their
prime concern. Participants perceived that their health problems and socio-economic
development are directly and/or indirectly dependent upon water availability. They further
perceived that watershed management could directly or indirectly result in reduction of their
public health related challenges like waterborne diseases, seasonal migration, alcoholism,

13
intimate partner violence, as well as drudgery of women and may enhance overall
empowerment of families through agricultural development. For successful implementation of
such a solution, understanding of perceptions of the tribal community members with regard to
public health and socioeconomic implications of watershed management is essential.

4. Lack of irrigation facilities in tribal areas: report in The Hindu

newspaper

A report on practices followed for agricultural use of water in tribal areas has highlighted lack of
irrigation facilities in these areas. The report said, “The percentage of area under irrigation in
these tribal areas is half that of non-tribal areas. Moreover, the tribal communities residing in
these geographies face multiple challenges such as undulating hilly mountainous terrain and
sloping agricultural land, which makes it non-conducive to groundwater storage and difficult to
access them during dry seasons.”

5. Engaging Southwestern Tribes in Sustainable Water Resources Topics

and Management

By Karletta Chief ,Alison Meadow and Kyle Whyte

The value and knowledge systems of each indigenous and non-indigenous community are
different but collide when water resources are endangered. One of the challenges that face
indigenous people regarding the management of water relates to their opposition to the co-
modification of water for availability to select individuals.

External researchers seeking to work with indigenous peoples on water research or

management must learn how to design research or water management projects that respect
indigenous cultural contexts, histories of interactions with settler governments and researchers,
and the current socio-economic and political situations in which indigenous peoples are
embedded. They should pay particular attention to the process of collaborating on water

14
resource topics and management with and among indigenous communities while integrating
Western and indigenous sciences in ways that are beneficial to both knowledge systems.

The deep connection tribes have to the natural environment and tribal-specific challenges in
water management, the manner of engaging tribal participants, from individuals to
communities to nations, is important to the success of the project, goals, and dialogue.

This paper synthesized approaches to engaging tribal participants from small-scale community-
level engagement to basin-level multi-tribal engagement for various goals of tribal water
management, state water management dialogue, receiving input on state water policy for the
environment, and basin-wide water policy development. The type of engagement is a goal- and
tribe- specific and there are many levels of engagement and approvals and support needed.

The objectives of this paper were to

(1) to provide an overview of the context of current indigenous water management issues,
especially for the U.S. federally recognized tribes in the Southwestern United States;

(2) to synthesize approaches to engage indigenous persons, communities, and governments on

water resources topics and management;

(3) to compare the successes of engaging Southwestern tribes in five examples to highlight
some significant activities for collaborating with tribes on water resources research and
management.

6. Indigenous practices of environmental sustainability in the Tonga

community of southern Zambia

By Kennedy M. Kanene

It contains responses regarding strategies and the rationale for conserving plants amongst the
Tonga people. In the extraction of nature-based medicines, they are usually concerned with
environmental sustainability. The knowledge encompasses norms, a system of classification of
natural resources, empirical observations about the local environment and a system of self-
management that governs resource use. He further argues that traditional beliefs, cultural
mores and practices are significant in the successful conservation of the natural environment.

15
Culture has played a crucial role where environmental resources are under threat. Grenier
(1998) adds that indigenous people with historical continuity of resource use practices often
possess a broad knowledge base of the behaviour of complex ecological systems in their
abilities.

The aim of the study was to unveil the practices and experiences that have enabled the Tonga
people to live sustainably in their local biophysical environment for several years.

The study found that for plant-root-based medicine, only parts of the roots should be cut from
the plants.

The Tongas’ environmental sustainability strategies have been proved very practicable; thus,
for effectiveness, efforts on biodiversity conservation can learn from their context-specific local
knowledge and institutional mechanisms. This is because the Tonga have cultivated and used
biodiversity sustainably for centuries by supporting maintenance of healthy ecosystems (United
Nations [UN] 2013). Therefore, conservationists should ensure that they incorporate indigenous
people’s practices in environmental conservation. Governments and policymakers should also
integrate indigenous knowledge into environmental policies and take advantage of this
knowledge to minimize environmental degradation (UN 2013).

7. Indigenous Water Harvesting and Conservation Practices: Historical

Context, Cases and Implications

By Jonathan Denison & Luvuyo Wotshela

Indigenous rainwater harvesting and conservation practices are the product of accumulated
knowledge, practices and traditions which have evolved over many generations of
experimentation and adaptation. These practices thus have inherent sustainability and present
a sound platform on which to develop new practices aimed at maximizing the benefits of
‘runoff farming’, as rainwater harvesting might best be summarized.

The scoping study concluded that while there is substantial anecdotal evidence of agricultural
water-use in South Africa since the stone-age, indigenous rainwater harvesting and
conservation technologies have not evolved to the same extent as in the more arid areas of
North Africa.

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 This is explained by historical settlement in the wetter eastern half of South Africa and a cattle-
based culture. The scoping study did identify 13 practices across the breadth of South Africa
and reported in detail on ten of these: one distinctly indigenous (Gelesha practice), five
indigenized (in that they are the product of local and external influences) and four more which
are essentially contemporary-scientific methods. The techniques that were documented in
detail covered scales varying from tens of thousands of hectares (Indigenous Methods) to micro
catchments of a few square meters in size.

The classification of rainwater harvesting methods in South Africa has not been consistent and
a categorization, based on international convention and South African parameters, is presented.
The practices documented in this study have demonstrated the value of rainwater harvesting
and conservation across the socio-economic and cultural spectrum of South Africa, inclusive of
resource-poor farmers and fully-fledged commercial farmers.

They also present an opportunistic platform on which to inform the technical aspects of new
interventions and can place them in a valuable historical light. It presents four contemporary
WH&C practices that are being used in South Africa and comments on how the indigenous
practices might complement existing implementation approaches.

8. INDIGENOUS SOIL AND WATER CONSERVATION IN AFRICA

By Chris Reij

Our current knowledge of indigenous Soil and Water Conservation techniques in Africa is
extremely limited and many of these studies are more than 25-30 years old. For this reason we
do not know whether techniques are gradually abandoned or whether they continue to be
maintained and expanded. Many reports only mention the existence of indigenous techniques,
but due to lack of research cannot provide any detailed information. Many indigenous Soil and
Water Conservation techniques have not been studied at all, leaving an important gap to be
filled.

The objective of this paper is to assess our current knowledge of indigenous soil and water
conservation in Africa and to identify research needs and policy requirements in the field of
African indigenous soil and water conservation. Three major issues were explored in the main
text.

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The first demonstrates that despite a growing awareness of its importance, African indigenous
soil and water conservation continues to be neglected.

The second analyses present trends in indigenous soil and water conservation

The third briefly examines the effect of project interventions. Some examples will be given of
project interventions damaging indigenous soil and water conservation and of others improving
the efficiency of indigenous soil and water conservation techniques.

9. WATER MANAGEMENT TRADITIONAL SYSTEM IN RURAL AND TRIBAL

SOCIETIES IN INDIA: VALUING THE UNVALUED

The water management traditions in rural India can be seen as organised within small-scale
village communities. These traditions embody a blend of knowledge and action as a means to
through fulfil the water-related needs of the members through management of the resource
and the sources through which it is harnessed. The elements of the system may be classified as
falling within two basic realms, namely, the ‘ideational’ construct and the ‘operational’ aspects.
The ensuing account of traditional water management system prevailing in villages of India is
based upon an analytical framework consisting of these integral aspects. The system may be
resolved into the human and non-human components. The human component comprises the
community of practitioners that includes the water users and the managers of the system.
These practitioners in the village identify themselves as stratified into different caste groups
and much of their dynamics guided by the principle of ‘social dominance’. The dominant caste
generally leads in regulating water management affairs. The social mapping of Indian villages is
generally such that the highest castes tend to reside in the heart of the village settlement, while
others are arranged towards the periphery in decreasing order of their position, so that those
placed lowest generally reside on the village outskirts. Caste and social dominance principles
influence the various non-human elements in a complex manner. These generally govern the
beliefs and practices about rights and responsibilities, powers and privileges with respect to the
different water management activities.

The paper seeks answers to these questions through an ethnographic study in rural India. It
concludes that traditional water management system in rural Indian localities is pragmatic,
rational and functional even in contemporary times. As found in central and central-eastern
parts of the country, the system may be resolved into human and non-human components, the
latter further lying within two different analytical domains, namely, the ‘ideational’ and the

18
‘operational’. Traditional knowledge informs each of these domains that is translated as
practice in day-to-day life. The paper argues that the study of such systems is important not
only for the sake of enhancing the understanding of traditional resource management systems
as situated knowledge systems and situated action locales, but also for appreciating their
practical value in designing of more workable, socio-culturally viable, community-based
solutions to the resource management problems encountered in recent times. Several new
programmes professing ‘community participation’, community-based management even
community-based demanddriven approach have been designed and implemented in the
country for achieving sustainable water management but their effectiveness in terms of
acceptability and expected outcomes is questionable. It can be argued that if there are vibrant
and effective options that make sense to the practitioners, by virtue of being part of the
situated knowledge and action handed down through generations, grafting of externally
designed institutions may not be viable. The new institutional interventions are divorced from
the socio-cultural basis of the traditional system and propose nothing more than an additional
component of involvement and participation of the local stakeholders. The findings regarding
the ground realities of indigenous water management systems underline the need to rethink on
the globally perceived notions about such arrangements in local communities.

Local communities in rural India bears a testimony to the existence of “innovative approaches”
and “sustainable practices” in water management. These are indigenously designed in history
and passed on through generations as informal organizations, intricately enmeshed in the
overall socio-cultural matrix.

10. “How desert tribes secure clean water for their flocks and families
“ THE TIMES OF INDIA newspaper article

The success in these water-harvesting projects has come by forging a partnership with locals.
Netsi villagers provided free-of-charge labour required to make the beris functional again.
Chatar spells out that the villagers were motivated to join the project while Sambhaav chipped
in with materials

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WORKING DEFINITIONS

Indigenous Knowledge
Indigenous knowledge is characterized by the concept of local knowledge that is unique to a
given culture or society and is the basis for decision-making in numerous social realms including
agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, natural-resource management, and a
host of other activities in rural communities . This is not only a basis for decision-making but
indigenous knowledge is a key element of the social capital of the poor, and constitutes their
main asset in their effort to gain control of their own lives.

One of the strengths of indigenous knowledge, as pointed to by Oweiss et al. (2004), is the
cumulative body of knowledge, practices and traditions that is built up over extended
generations. Indigenous information systems are dynamic and are continually influenced by
internal creativity and experimentation as well as by contact with external systems (Flavier et
al., 1997). As a result, where rainwater harvesting practices in this case, have been built on
indigenous knowledge, these have the inherent characteristic of sustainability, evidenced by
the practices’ continued existence and the continual improvement and adaptation over time.

It is widely argued that indigenous knowledge is a rich platform on which to develop new
practices and can be particularly effective in helping development practitioners in reaching the
poor. This view is supported by the World Bank (2008) who argue that indigenous knowledge is
not yet fully utilized in the development process.

“Conventional approaches imply that development processes always require technology

transfers from locations that are perceived as more advanced. This has led often to overlooking
the potential in local experiences and practices”. Oweiss (ibid) motivates that there is a strong
economic case for building on indigenous knowledge as it will have evolved with increasing
efficiency and sustainability over time. Improved outcomes of development initiatives where
these incorporate or build on indigenous knowledge, which provides both contextual relevance
and technical content.

The dynamic and evolutionary nature of indigenous knowledge is important in this study
because it suggests a more inclusive definition and therefore what will be valid for
documentation, and what should be excluded due to its recent or non-indigenous nature.

The general discussion on indigenous knowledge above provides a strong motivation to

recognize the value of indigenous knowledge in relation to rainwater harvesting and

20
conservation and maximize application of indigenous knowledge to new development
initiatives.

Rainwater Harvesting
There is little difference in published definitions of rainwater harvesting and its function and
purpose in relation to domestic and agricultural use. Numerous authors present definitions
which set out a range of collection surfaces and uses, both agricultural and domestic.

The selected definitions below illustrate:

“Rainwater harvesting is the process of capturing rain and making the most of it as close as
possible to where it falls. Examples include enhancing local food security, passively cooling
cities in summer, reducing costs of living and energy consumption, controlling erosion, averting
flooding, reviving dead waterways, minimizing water pollution, building community, creating
celebration and more.” (Lancaster, 2008)

“Rainwater harvesting, in its essence, is the collection, conveyance, and storage of rainwater.
The scope, method, technologies, system complexity, purpose, and end uses vary from rain
barrels for garden irrigation in urban areas, to large-scale collection of rainwater for all
domestic uses” (Texas, 2005)

The International Water Management Institution defines rainwater harvesting as “ the

collection and/or concentration of runoff water for productive purposes. It includes all methods
of concentrating, diverting, collecting, storing, utilizing and managing runoff for productive uses.
Water can be collected from natural drainage lines, ground surfaces, roofs for domestic uses,
stock and crop watering” (IWMI, 2003)

“Rainwater harvesting refers to the concentration and entrapment of rainwater runoff from a
catchment. A catchment is any discrete area draining into a common system and thus can be a
roof, a threshing floor or a mountain watershed. Similarly, the means of rainwater storage can
range from a bucket to a large dam.” (Houston and Still, 2001).

“Water harvesting can be defined as the process of concentrating rainfall as runoff from a
larger catchment area to be used in a smaller target area. This process may occur naturally or
artificially. The collected runoff water is either directly applied to an adjacent agricultural field
(i.e. stored in the soil-rootzone) or stored in some type of on-farm storage facility for domestic
use and as supplemental irrigation of crops.” (Oweiss et al., 1999)

21
The reviewed definitions of rainwater harvesting are inclusive in that they combine both
agricultural and domestic uses, which reflects reality of use more accurately. Practice in the
rural development context in South Africa shows that rainwater harvesting is an essential water
source not only for agriculture but also for domestic and smallcommercial uses. In South Africa
(and elsewhere) people use harvested water for multiple uses – domestic and supplementary
irrigation (Houston and Still, 2001; IMWI,

2005) and indigenous systems would be expected to have the same characteristics. The
definition provided by Oweis (1999) best reflects the consensus, provides additional detail of
scale and seems most appropriate to the thrust of this study.

However, the reviewed definitions do not separate rainwater harvesting from two other
agricultural techniques that have similar soil-water implications, namely supplementary
irrigation and soil conservation

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INDIGENOUS WATER CONSERVATION METHODS

1. Kul Water conservation Method

FIG 1.0(Kuls in state of Himachal Pradesh)

Spiti is an important trading post on the route connecting Ladakh and the plains of Himachal
Pradesh. Villages in the Spiti subdivision are located between 3,000 m and 4,000 m, which
means they are snowbound six months a year. Rainfall is negligible in Spiti because it is a
rainshadow area. The soil is dry and lacks organic matter. But, despite these handicaps, the Spiti
valley has been made habitable and productive by human ingenuity.

But Spiti’s unique contribution to farming is kul irrigation, which utilizes kuls (diversion channels)
to carry water from glacier to village. The kuls often span long distances, running down
precipitous mountain slopes and across crags and crevices. Some kuls are 10 km long, and have
existed for centuries.

The crucial portion of a kul is its head at the glacier, which is to be tapped. The head must be
kept free of debris, and so the kul is lined with stones to prevent clogging and seepage. In the

23
village, the kul leads to a circular tank from which the flow of water can be regulated. For
example, when there is need to irrigate, water is let out of the tank in a trickle. Water from the
kul is collected through the night and released into the exit channel in the morning. By evening,
the tank is practically empty, and the exit is closed. This cycle is repeated daily. The kul system
succeeds because Spiti residents mutually cooperate and share. The culture also is instrumental
in maintaining the carrying capacity of the surrounding cultivable land. However, this system,
carefully nurtured through the centuries, now runs the risk of being upset through government
intervention. When a good snowfall assures abundant water, kul water is freely dispensed, but
when water is scarce, equality gives way to a preferential system. During a water shortage,
bada ghar members irrigate their fields first; others get water only later in the season. This
practice has the advantage of ensuring that the demand for labour is spread over the entire
harvest season because the bada ghar’s crops ripen early, when other families are free to help
in harvesting. This spacing of the need for labour does away with demand peaking at the same
time throughout the valley, and provides a firm basis for community labour. These cooperative
efforts also mean that time and effort do not become areas of conflict between those who
require labour and those offering it.

Nevertheless, water distribution from kuls can create tension, for, when there is a water
shortage, the bada ghars in effect are in a dominant position and suffer the least, unlike those
with secondary access who have to await their turn, but are not certain if their share will be
adequate.

The unit of kul water is one day’s supply. Between sowing in April and harvesting in September,
water availability is for approximately 70 days. But if a family whose share is 30 days need kul
water for only 20 days, it can sell its surplus.

Kuls around for centuries, are the lifeline of people of Spiti valley of Himachal Pradesh and in
Jammu too. They act as water resource for Beda tribals , Jad tribes, Lamba tribes, Khampa
tribes etc.

24
 2. Bamboo Drip Irrigation System

FIG 2.0(A depiction of Drip irrigation System)

The bamboo drip irrigation system is normally used to irrigate the betel leaf or black pepper
crops planted in arecanut orchards or in mixed orchards. Bamboo pipes are used to divert
perennial springs on the hilltops to the lower reaches by gravity. The channel sections, made of
bamboo, divert and convey water to the plot site where it is distributed without leakage into
branches, again made and laid out with different forms of bamboo pipes. Manipulating the
intake pipe positions also controls the flow of water into the lateral pipes. Reduced channel
sections and diversion units are used at the last stage of water application. The last channel
section enables the water to be dropped near the roots of the plant.

Bamboos of varying diameters are used for laying the channels. About a third of the outer
casing in length and internodes of bamboo pieces have to be removed while fabricating the
system. Later, the bamboo channel is smoothened by using a dao, a type of local axe which is a
round chisel fitted with a long handle. Other components are small pipes and channels of
varying sizes used for diversion and distribution of water from the main channel. About four to
five stages of distribution are involved from the point of the water diversion to the application
point. To divert the water, a short bamboo with a hole at the bottom is placed across the main
lines. This blocks the main water pipe and diverts the water.

This 200-year-old system involves 18-20 litres of water entering the bamboo pipe system every
minute to irrigate the fields downhill. A brilliant drip irrigation system, it uses bamboos of

25
various sizes and reduces the output to to 20-80 drops per minute, which is splendid for betel
leaf and black pepper crops.

FIG 2.1 (Systematic View of Bamboo Drip Irrigation System)

26
The system is found in the ‘war’ areas of Meghalaya but is more prevalent in the ‘war’ Jaintia
hills than in the ‘war’ Khasi hills. This system is also widely prevalent in the Muktapur region
bordering Bangladesh. The region has very steep slopes and a rocky terrain. Diverting water
through ground channels is not possible. The land used for cultivation is owned by the clan, and
is allocated for cultivation by the clan elders drip on payment of a one-time rent. The clan
elders have the prerogative to decide who should get what and how much land. Once the rent
has been paid and the land taken on lease for cultivation, the lease period operates as long as
the plants last. In case of betel leaf cultivation, the lease can last for a very long time since the
plants are not lopped off after one harvest. But once the plants die, for whatever reason, the
land reverts back to the clan, and can only be leased out again after paying new rent.

The water for betel leaf plants is diverted from streams by temporary diversions into very
intricate bamboo canal systems. Betel leaf is planted in March before the monsoon. It is only
during winter that irrigation water is required, and the bamboo pipe system is used. Hence,
these bamboo systems are made ready before the onset of the winter, and during the monsoon
no water is diverted into them.

Maintenance of the pipes and supports is done by the farmers themselves. A cooperative has
been formed, and each farmer provides his skill and labour to maintain the system. Repair work
is undertaken as and when required. Distribution of water is carried out by diverting water from
one field to another at fixed timings.

Attempts have been made to introduce modern pipe systems but farmers prefer to use their
indigenous form of irrigation. The new systems have met with suspicion. Local farmers do not
trust the new materials nor the people who supply them and also the method is so efficient
that it enables the water to be dropped at the base of the plant to ensure there is no runoff and
wastage. Used by Khasi tribes.

Bamboo drip irrigation system is also used in developed states for gardening and other
purposes.

27
CASE STUDY:

In Blake Garden, located in Kensington California, there is another example of this bamboo drip
irrigation system. Water is collected from the rooftop and is stored in a 200 gallon. Water from
the cistern flows through bamboo channels and irrigates the plants in a green house. Though
the scale and magnitude of implementation is small compared to the one in Meghalaya, it is a
good example for an urban setup.

FIG2.2 FIG2.3

(CASE STUDY DEPICTING BLAKE GARDEN IN CALIFORNIA)

28
 3. Johads

FIG 3.0(Johads used by Ahirs in state of Haryana)

Johad, also known as a pokhar or a percolation pond, is a small earthen check dam that
captures and conserve rainwater. The advantage is depending on the soil, rock formation and
their porosity and permeability, it promotes downward percolation of stored water and
recharges ground water. It is commonly community-owned traditional harvested rainwater
storage wetland primarily used for storage of water resources for future use. Johad water
harvesting system is widely used in states like Haryana, Rajasthan, Punjab, and western Uttar
Pradesh of North India. The collected/stored water is available year round. Johads help
recharge ground water in the nearby wells. There are many types of johads though the main
purpose is to channel the rain water to the dug-out area for storage. The building of a simple
mud and rubble barrier check dam is a good bet and cost-effective. It can be built on a sloping
terrain with a high embankment on the three sides while the fourth side is left open for the
rainwater to enter. Such small catchment areas can rap and conserve rainwater to a
considerable extent, improving percolation and groundwater recharge. The rainwater storage
tank (johad) at the Mandalwas village (India) which has a 100 metre embankment. One of the
biggest such johads in the region, with a capacity of one thousand million cubic feet capacity, it
has promoted food and water security in the village. Some johads also have bricked or stones
masonry and cemented ghat (series of steps and/or ramp). They are cheap and productive. Bhil
tribes use this method for there water needs.

29
A johad does have the following advantages:

 It checks the run off rain water.

 It holds the water in one place and promotes downward percolation through the soil.

 It recharges the acquirers (vast sand formations that hold water) below the ground and
can reach roughly one kilometre around.

 This way nearby wells get enough water that can meet the water needs in the summer.

 With sufficient water, irrigation is possible and the villagers can raise wheat, mustard
and beans.

 The crescent shaped check dam has a dual function - at the surface it holds water for
the livestock and right below like an iceberg the soil-filtered, percolated and stored
water is safely protected from loss due to evaporation.

The beneficiaries of ancient water structures are not only humans, but also seasonal migrant
birds, as well as wildlife animals from near by jungle/bani. Johads are put to use by the State
fisheries departments promotion of commercial fisheries. Johads are set in such a way, they
are often surrounded by embankment, with water well and trees around them. They go by
different names - sarovar, taal and talab (roughly equal to ponds or lakes). In Alwar and other
districts of Rajasthan the rain fall is less than 600 mm /year and the water can be unpleasant to
drink. Being arid to semi arid region, the SW Monsoon in June to August does not bring in
enough water.

By recharging the aquifer below the surface, Johads have helped increase agriculture in the
area. Usage of Johads has also helped increase the flow of river Arvari, making it a perennial
river now. It earlier used to dry off after the monsoon.

Thanks to Dr. Rajendra Prasad and the voluntary organization Tarun Bharat Sangh, they revived
and rejuvenated more than 4500 johads in Rajasthan that resulted in the manifold increase of
ground water storage. The state of Haryana's Water body Management Board manages more
than 14000 ponds besides development of 60 lakes in Delhi NCR to cater to the water needs of
the people.

30
 4. Zabo

FIG 4.0(Zabo in Kikruma in Nagaland)

Located at an altitude of 1270 metres , Kikruma, a quaint village nestled in a rainshadowed area
of Phek district of Nagaland is a wonder. Centuries ago, the village evolved a self-organizing
system to take care of its water, forest and farm management. ‘Zabo’, which means
'impounding water', is an ingenious method of catching rainwater from running off the
mountains. Locally known as Ruza system. Used by Angami, Ao, Chakhesang tribes of the area.

Ponds are dug in the middle to harvest the water and the bottom surface of the pond is
properly rammed to minimize the loss of water through seepage. Protected forest lands, on
hilltops, act as catchments and water is channelized through inlet channels from the catchment
area.

The rain water is collected from the catchment of protected hill tops of above 100% slopes in a
pond with seepage control. Silt retention tanks are constructed at several points before the
runoff water enters in the pond and water is kept in the silt retention tanks for 2 or 3 days
before transferring to the main ponds.

The silt retention tanks are cleaned annually. Sometimes, more than one pond is constructed
and in such circumstances it will be constructed in a way that the surplus water from one pond
flows down to the pond below. Water is released from the pond for irrigation through an outlet
at its base. The water from the ponds is carried either by open channels or by bamboo pipes.
The channels are normally compacted by hammering its base to reduce water percolation.

31
Water is passed through animal yard before taking it to the fields for irrigation. The water while
passing through the animal yard carries with it the dung and urine of the animals, thus helping
in maintaining soil fertility.

The paddy fields are also used to rear fish, yielding about 50-60 kg of fish per hectare as an
additional output. The bunds of the ponds also support a huge variety of medicinal plants and
herbs. The ponds are constructed in a way that the distribution of water is uniform. Inlet
channels are dug to carry water from one pond to the next.

Strangely enough, this system unique to Kikruma has not been replicated elsewhere.

32
 5. ERI Water Conservation Method

FIG 5.0 FIG 5.1

(ERI used in Chengalpattu, Tamil Nadu)

The Eri (tank) system of Tamil Nadu is one of the oldest water management systems in India.
Still widely used in the state, eris act as flood-control systems, prevent soil erosion and wastage
of runoff during periods of heavy rainfall, and also recharge the groundwater. Eris can either be
a system eri, which is fed by channels that divert river water, or a non-system eri, that is fed
solely by rain. The tanks are interconnected in order to enable access to the farthest village and
to balance the water level in case of excess supply. The eri system enables the complete use of
river water for irrigation and without them, paddy cultivation would have been impossible in
Tamil Nadu. Used by Toda and Kota tribes.

There are no perennial rivers in Tamil Nadu except the Thamirabharani River which flows
through Thirunelveli district. And so, several hundred years ago a simple system was devised to
utilize the rainwater to the fullest. An Eri or tank system is one of the oldest forms of water
conservation systems in India. Many Eris are still in use in Tamil Nadu and play an active role in
irrigation. They act as water reservoirs and flood control systems. They prevent soil erosion,
recharge groundwater, and prevent wastage of runoff water during heavy rainfall.

There are several other hyperlocal versions of the traditional method of tank irrigation in India.
From keres in Central Karnataka and cheruvus in Andhra Pradesh to dongs in Assam, tanks are
among the most common traditional irrigation systems in our country.

33
 6. Khadin

(KHADIN depiction)

FIG 6.0

Khadin, also called a Dhora, is an ingenious construction designed to harvest surface runoff
water for agriculture. Its main feature is a very long (100-300 m) earthen embankment built
across the lower hill slopes lying below gravelly uplands. Sluices and spillways allow excess
water to drain off. Used by Dhanka, Tadvi, Tetaria tries in India.

During monsoon rain significant run off is generated in the gravelly uplands of the catchment.
The catchment area is generally 15 times the area of the Khadin. This water is held back by the
bund and saturates the soil in the Khadin area. Excess water is released from by a sluice or
spillway and then crops are grown in the moist soil. Salinity is often a problem in dry land
irrigation however this system avoids it due to the intermittent flushing of salts from the Khadin
area. Below the bund shallow groundwater levels are raised and shallow wells are installed for
drinking water. First designed by the Paliwal Brahmins of Jaisalmer, western Rajasthan in the
15th century, this system has great similarity with the irrigation methods of the people of Ur
(present Iraq) around 4500 BC and later of the Nabateans in the Middle East. A similar system is
also reported to have been practiced 4,000 years ago in the Negev desert, and in southwestern
Colorado 500 years ago.

34
The schematic sketch of a Khadin rainwater harvesting system highlights the simple, but
effective construction. This construction combines three important effects:

 automatic rainwater harvesting

 groundwater availability for cropping area

 perched aquifer is protected against intensive evaporation

FIG 6.1(Example of Khadin)

Benefits of khadin
Collecting water in a khadin aids the continuous recharge of groundwater aquifers: Studies of
ground water recharge through khadin in different morphological settings suggested that 11 to
48% of the stored water contribute to groundwater annually.

This replenishment of aquifers means that sub-surface water can be extracted through bore-
wells dug downstream from khadins. The average water-level rise in wells bored into sandstone
and deep alluvium was between 0.8 and 2.2 m, respectively. The electrical conductivity of
khadin soils were 2 to 16-fold lower compared to outside farms due to leaching of salts through

seepage water in khadin. Average pearl millet yield ranges from 3 to 5 q ha-1 during poor
rainfall (60-70 mm/year). The average yield of 20-30 q ha-1 for wheat and 13 to 25 q ha-1 for

chickpea without any specific agronomical practices and fertilizers were also reported under
khadin in Jaisalmer. An improved khadin has been constructed by CAZRI near village Danta in
Barmer district. The catchment area of the khadin is 137 ha with 6.88 ha submergence.
Provision of 40 m bed bar in 450 m long earthen embankment was provided for spilling over

35
excess water in the khadin bed. The total water storage capacity of khadin was 54.2 × 104 m3
and beneficiaries were four farm-families. CAZRI has developed another khadin of 20 ha in

Baorali-Bambore watershed with surplussing arrangements (Fig. 3). Improved variety seeds of
pearl millet (HHB-67), Guar (RGC-936), moong bean (K-851), moth bean (RMO-40) and chickpea
(RSG-44) were given to the farmers in khadin area. Before construction of the khadin,
uncontrolled runoff from upper catchment used to wash away seeds, fertilizers, and standing
crops besides loss of valuable water. After construction of khadin, farmer could take excellent
kharif and rabi crops. Cropping in the khadin has resulted 33-64 % increase in grain yield of
various crops

36
 7. Virdas

FIG 7.0 FIG 7.1

(Figures showing Virdas in Western Plains)

Virdas are shallow wells dug in low depressions called jheels (tanks). They are found all over the
Banni grasslands, a part of the Great Rann of Kutch in Gujarat. They are systems built by the
nomadic Maldharis, who used to roam these grasslands. Now settled, they persist in using
virdas.

These structures harvest rainwater. The topography of the area is undulating, with depressions
on the ground. By studying the flow of water during the monsoon, the Maldharis identify these
depressions and make their virdas there.

Essentially, the structures use a technology that helps the Maldharis separate potable
freshwater from unpotable salt water. After rainwater infiltrates the soil, it gets stored at a
level above the salty groundwater because of the difference in their density. A structure is built
to reach down (about 1 m) to this upper layer of accumulated rainwater. Between these two
layers of sweet and saline water, there exists a zone of brackish water. As freshwater is
removed, the brackish water moves upwards, and accumulates towards the bottom of the
virdas

37
A kund or kundi looks like an upturned cup nestling in a saucer. These structures harvest
rainwater for drinking, and dot the sandier tracts of the Thar Desert in western Rajasthan and
some areas in Gujarat.

Essentially a circular underground well, kunds have a saucer-shaped catchment area that gently
slopes towards the centre where the well is situated. A wire mesh across water-inlets prevents
debris from falling into the well-pit. The sides of the well-pit are covered with (disinfectant)
lime and ash. Most pits have a dome-shaped cover, or at least a lid, to protect the water. If
need be, water can be drawn out with a bucket. The depth and diameter of kunds depend on
their use (drinking, or domestic water requirements). They can be owned by only those with
money to invest and land to construct it. Thus for the poor, large public kunds have to be built.

38
 8. Surangam

FIG 8.0 FIG 8.1

Kasaragod district in the northern Malabar region of Kerala is an area whose people cannot
depend directly on surface water. The terrain is such that there is high discharge in rivers in the
monsoon and low discharge in the dry months. People here depend, therefore on groundwater,
and on a special water harvesting structure called surangam.

The word surangam is derived from a Kannada word for tunnel. It is also known as thurangam,
thorapu, mala, etc, in different parts of Kasaragod. It is a horizontal well mostly excavated in
hard laterite rock formations. The excavation continues until a good amount of water is struck.
Water seeps out of the hard rock and flows out of the tunnel. This water is usually collected in
an open pit constructed outside the surangam.

A surangam is about 0.45-0.70 metres (m) wide and about 1.8-2.0 m high. The length varies
from 3-300 m. Usually several subsidiary surangams are excavated inside the main one. If the
surangam is very long, a number of vertical air shafts are provided to ensure atmospheric
pressure inside. The distance between successive air shafts varies between 50-60 m. The
approximate dimensions of the air shafts are 2 m by 2 m, and the depth varies from place to
place.

39
Surangams are similar to qanats which once existed in Mesopotamia and Babylon around 700
BC.1,2 By 714 BC, this technology had spread to Egypt, Persia (now Iran) and India. The initial
cost of digging a surangam (Rs 100-150 per 0.72 m dug) is the only expenditure needed, as it
hardly requires any maintenance. Traditionally, a surangam was excavated at a very slow pace
and was completed over generations. Today, engineers such as Kunnikannan Nair are faster and
keep the tradition alive.

FIG 8.2

(TUNNEL SYSTEM USED IN SURANGAM)

There are two types of surangas –

1) dug in the hillocks with the help of galvazined pipes in a horizontal direction, from where the
water percolates out (known as addaboru in Kannada)

2) horizontally dug tunnel like structures which are as high as the height of a man, from where
the water percolates out and collects into a water tank.

The construction of surangas are carried out by people who have this indigenous knowledge,
which is passed on from one generation to another. Detection of the water flow is done by
taking into account the slope and elevation, growth of certain hydrophilic plants like, dhoopada
mara (Vateria indica), basari mara (Ficus virens) and uppalige mara (Macranga indica),termite
mounds and the texture of the soil.The flow of the water can also be detected with the help of
skilled workers, who presses their ear to the soil at night to understand the direction and

40
presence of the flow. Water dowsing and use of witchcraft is also prevalent for detection of the
water flow.

Once the flow is detected, the digging of the surangas is carried out by manual labourers or by
the villages themselves with the help of improvised digging tools like pick axes and wedges. The
digging takes places mainly during the dry season, in between February and May, to prevent
collapsing of wall due to presence of moisture in the soil. The tunnels are generally rectangular
or dome-shaped with an optimal height and width which allows a man to work and pass
comfortably. The tunnels are made with a downward slope to use the gravitational force for
collection of the water percolating outside. During construction, lining of walls is provided to
prevent collapsing of wall due to loose or soft soil. While an average suranga is 26 metres (85 ft)
meters deep,surangas up to 250 metres (820 ft) meters deep have also been recorded. Air
shafts are constructed in longer surangas to supply fresh air and to expel poisonous gases.

The surangas can be independent or can be connected with each other. The water can then be
collected by using a temporary small barrier or dam with mud, which then can flow through a
plastic or bamboo pipe into a storage pit or tank. After collection of the water in the storage pit,
the water is taken to the farms by siphon methods, by creating aqueducts, or by drip or other
irrigation methods.

41
 9. Ahar Pynes

FIG 9.0 (Ahar Pynes used in South Bihar)

Ahar pynes are traditional floodwater harvesting systems indigenous to South Bihar , and have
been the most important source of irrigation in this region.

Ahars are reservoirs with embankments on three sides and are built at the end of drainage lines
such as rivulets or artificial works like pynes. Pynes are diversion channels led off from the river
for irrigation purposes and for impounding water in the ahars. It is mostly to the credit of these
that paddy cultivation has been possible in this otherwise relatively low rainfall area, when
compared to North Bihar. The system attained its highest development in the district of Gaya

Although the area irrigated by the ahar pyne systems has witnessed a sharp decline , yet they
even today constitute nearly three-fourths of the total irrigation facilities in South Bihar . More
than sixty percent of these are defunct and the rest are poorly managed. Nirmal Sengupta
attributes the decline of the systems from 1930’s onward, to the large-scale commutation of
produce-based rent to fixed money-based rent systems, whereby zamindars (landlords) lost
interest in maintaining the systems.

Subsequent to the abolition of zamindari system, the local people could not evolve a new
management system in the changed socio-economic scenario. The government too did not
show much interest in their rehabilitation. The state busied itself in developing canal irrigation
instead of understanding the crucial design aspects of the indigenous systems.

42
Private and community management of small-scale irrigation and feeder systems has proved
effective where communities have been able to organize and appropriate the benefits with low
bureaucratic or political interference . While there has been substantial private investment in
tubewells, the poor state of electricity supply and high cost of diesel acts as a limitation. In this
backdrop, ahar pyne qualifies as a cheap source of irrigation with a widespread network,
notwithstanding its present decrepit condition.

Recent research by Esha Shah (for tank command areas), Anjal Prakash (for tubewell command
areas) and Peter Mollinga (for canal command areas) show the imprint of social hierarchy on
technical design of irrigation systems. The questions raised by these researchers give insights
into the complex issues, which emerge when looking at politically contested resources like
water.

However, the efforts so far on ahar pyne renovation have not been founded on an
understanding of the diversity in ahar pyne designs as well as technical nuances like of
maintaining a ‘slight meander’ in the pyne to prevent sand deposition.

Nor have the efforts on renovation taken into consideration the transformation in the wider
context of commercialization and diversification of agriculture. The system, which was
historically designed for paddy followed by pulses and oilseeds in rabi, has met with
considerable alterations vis-a-vis the paddy-wheat combination, which is in practice now.

Detailed inquiries have not been made into how equitable the patterns of water distribution in
ahar pyne commands are. The contestations and conflicts in the present command have not
been looked into adequately. Furthermore, mobilizing of the dusadh community, which was
traditionally involved in maintenance and management of these systems, is becoming
increasingly difficult.

The traditional ‘communal’ system, and the corresponding institutions, which were in place,
cannot be recreated in current circumstances and doing so will lead to anything but ‘egalitarian’
institutions. In the Rajayin ahar pyne system in Gaya, labour contribution was being drawn for
renovation of the main pyne from the tenants, according to the produce sharing arrangement.

43
Whereas in the case of renovation of ahar pyne systems in Gaya by late Sarita and Mahesh,
care had been taken to establish a system of labour contribution where the landowners were
made to contribute for the labour and the tenants were exempt from it. The size of ahar pyne
systems (at times running into dozens of villages) as well as its spatially dispersed nature
requires setting up of proper management systems at various levels like the – main pyne/ sub
pyne / village level.

FIG 9.1(Pictorial representation of Ahar Pynes)

44
 10. Kunds/Kundis

FIG 10.0 FIG 10.1

(Kunds in Thar desert)

In the sandier tracts, the villagers of the Thar Desert had evolved an ingenious system of
rainwater harvesting known as kunds or kundis. Kund, the local name given to a covered
underground tank, was developed primarily for tackling drinking water problems. Usually
constructed with local materials or cement, kunds were more prevalent in the western arid
regions of Rajasthan, and in areas where the limited groundwater available is moderate to
highly saline. Groundwater in Barmer, for instance, in nearly 76 per cent of the district’s area,
has total dissolved salts (TDS) ranging from 1,500-10,000 parts per million (ppm). Under such
conditions, kunds provided convenient, clean and sweet water for drinking.

Kunds were owned by communities or privately, with the rich having one or more kunds of
their own. Community kunds were built through village cooperation or by a rich man for the
entire community. The first known construction of a kund in western Rajasthan was during
1607 AD by one Raja Sursingh in village Vadi-ka-Melan. In the Mehrangarh Fort in Jodhpur, a
kund was constructed during the regime of Maharaja Udai Singh in 1759 AD. During the Great
Famine of 1895-96, construction of kunds was taken up on a wide scale. It is quite possible that
kunds could have been built even prior to 1607 AD in the villages of western Rajasthan. Jalwali,
a village on the road from Bikaner to Anupgarh has nearly 300 kunds. Since the area is sandy,
kunds have been constructed wherever the land slopes. Each household owns four to five
kunds.

Before the onset of rains every year, meticulous care was taken to clean up the catchment of
the kunds. Cattle grazing and entry with shoes into the catchment area of the kunds was strictly
prohibited. The proximity of a kund to the house or village saved time and effort in searching
for drinking water. Without a kund, households in many parts of the Thar would have to make a

45
10-15 km round trip with a donkey, camel or bullock cart to meet their water needs. Coupled
with the benefits of cleanliness and quality of water, the kund became an ideal device to collect
drinking water. Water-borne diseases, which are otherwise quite common in the desert area,
are thus reduced.

The kund consists of a saucer-shaped catchment area with a gentle slope towards the centre
where a tank is situated. Openings or inlets for water to go into the tank are usually guarded by
a wire mesh to prevent the entry of floating debris, birds and reptiles. The top is usually
covered with a lid from where water can be drawn out with a bucket.

Kunds are by and large circular in shape, with little variation between the depth and diameter
which ranges from 3-4.5 m. Lime plaster or cement is typically used for the construction of the
tank, since stone as a building material is not always available and is relatively more expensive.
Either of these materials can be used to plaster the horizontal and vertical soil surfaces,
although cement ensures a longer life span. The success of a kund depends on the selection of
the site, particularly its catchment characteristics. An adequately large catchment area has to
be selected or artificially prepared to produce adequate runoff to meet the storage
requirements of the kund. The catchment size of kunds varies from about 20 sq m to 2 ha
depending on the runoff needed and the availability of spare land. A 2 ha catchment area,
having a 2-3 per cent slope on a heavy textured soil free from vegetation, is generally sufficient
for a kund of 200 cubic metres (cum) capacity.

FIG 10.2

46
 11. Jhalaras

FIG 11.0(Jhalaras in Jodhpur, Rajasthan)

Jhalaras were human-made tanks, found in Rajasthan and Gujarat, essentially meant for
community use and for religious rites. Often rectangular in design, jhalaras have steps on three
or four sides. Jhalaras are ground water bodies which are built to ensure easy & regular supply
of water to the surrounding areas .

The jhalaras collect subterranean seepage of a talab or a lake located upstream . The water
from these jhalaras was not used for drinking but for only community bathing and religious
rites .

Jodhpur city has eight jhalaras two of which are inside the town & six are found outside the
city .The oldest jhalara is the mahamandir jhalara which dates back to 1660 AD

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 12. Jackwells

FIG 12.0

(Jackwells used by The Shompen tribe of the Great Nicobar Islands)

The southern part of the Great Nicobar Island has a relatively rugged topography in comparison
to the northern part of the islands. The Shompen tribals here made full use of the topography
to harvest water. In lower parts of the undulating terrain, bunds were made using logs of hard
bullet wood, and water would collect in the pits so formed.

They make extensive use of split bamboos in their water harvesting systems. A full length of
bamboo is cut longitudinally and placed along a gentle slope with the lower end leading into a
shallow pit. These serve as conduits for rainwater which is collected drop by drop in pits called
Jackwells. Often, these split bamboos are placed under trees to harvest the throughfalls (of rain)
through the leaves. A series of increasingly bigger jackwells is built, connected by split bamboos
so that overflows from one lead to the other, ultimately leading to the biggest jackwell, with an
approximate diameter of 6 m and depth of 7 m so that overflows from one lead to the other.

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 13. Vav / vavdi / Baoli / Bavadi

FIG 13.0 (Abandoned Baoli)

Traditional stepwells are called vav or vavadi in Gujarat, or baolis or bavadis in Rajasthan and
northern India. Built by the nobility usually for strategic and philanthropical reasons, they were
secular structures from which everyone could draw water. Most of them are defunct today.

The construction of stepwells date from four periods:

Pre-Solanki period (8th to 11th century CE);

Solanki period (11th to 12th century CE);

Vaghela period (mid-13th to end-14th century CE);

Sultanate period (mid-13th to end-15th century CE).

Sculptures and inscriptions in stepwells demonstrate their importance to the traditional social
and cultural lives of people.

Stepwell locations often suggested the way in which they would be used. When a stepwell was
located within or at the edge of a village, it was mainly used for utilitarian purposes and as a
cool place for social gatherings. When stepwells were located outside the village, on trade
routes, they were often frequented as resting places. Many important stepwells are located on
the major military and trade routes from Patan in the north to the sea coast of Saurashtra.
When stepwells were used exclusively for irrigation, a sluice was constructed at the rim to
receive the lifted water and lead it to a trough or pond, from where it ran through a drainage
system and was channelled into the fields.

A major reason for the breakdown of this traditional system is the pressure of centralization
and agricultural intensification.

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Some other traditional water conservation techniques are:

1. Dungs or Jampois

Fig 2.1.0(Jampois still in Use)

Dungs or Jampois are small irrigation channels linking rice fields to streams in the Jalpaiguri
district of West Bengal.

2. Cheruvu

Fig 2.2.0(Cheruvu Embankmentnear plains)

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Cheruvu are found in Chitoor and Cuddapah districts in Andhra Pradesh. They are reservoirs to
store runoff. Cheruvu embankments are fitted with thoomu (sluices), alugu or marva or kalju
(flood weir) and kalava (canal)

3. Kohli Tanks
The Kohlis, a small group of cultivators, built some 43,381 water tanks in the district of
Bhandara, Maharashtra, some 250-300 years ago. These tanks constituted the backbone of
irrigation in the area until the government took them over in the 1950s. It is still crucial for
sugar and rice irrigation. The tanks were of all sizes, often with provisions to bring water
literally to the doorstep of villagers

4. Bhanadaras

Fig 2.3.0(Bhandaras are used in Nothern India)

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These are check dams or diversion weirs built across rivers. A traditional system found in
Maharashtra, their presence raises the water level of the rivers so that it begins to flow into
channels. They are also used to impound water and form a large reservoir. The system starts
with a bandhara (check dam or diversion-weir) built across a rivers. From the bandharas branch
out kalvas (canals) to carry water into the fields. The length of these canals varies from 2-12 km.
Each canal has a uniform discharge capacity of about 450 litres/second. Charis (distributaries)
are built for feeding water from the kalva to different areas of the phad. Sarangs (field channels)
carry water to individual fields. Sandams (escapes), along with kalvas and charis, drain away
excess water. In this way water reaches the kayam baghayat (agricultural command area),
usually divided into four phads (blocks).

Where a bandhara was built across a small stream, the water supply would usually last for a
few months after the rains. They are built either by villagers or by private persons who received
rent-free land in return for their public act.

Most Bandharas are defunct today. A very few are still in use.

5. Phad

Fig 2.4.0(Phad reservoirs for irrigation purposes)

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The community-managed phad irrigation system, prevalent in northwestern Maharashtra,
probably came into existence some 300-400 years ago. The system operated on three rivers in
the Tapi basin - Panjhra, Mosam and Aram - in Dhule and Nasik districts (still in use in some
places here).

The size of a phad can vary from 10-200 ha, the average being 100-125 ha. Every year, the
village decides which phads to use and which to leave fallow. Only one type of crop is allowed
in one phad. Generally, sugarcane is grown in one or two phads; seasonal crops are grown in
the others. This ensures a healthy crop rotation system that maintains soil fertility, and reduces
the danger of waterlogging and salinity.

The phad system has given rise to a unique social system to manage water use.

6. Kere

Fig 2.5.0(Kere embankments)

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Tanks, called kere in Kannada, were the predominant traditional method of irrigation in the
Central Karnataka Plateau, and were fed either by channels branching off from anicuts (chech
dams) built across streams, or by streams in valleys. The outflow of one tank supplied the next
all the way down the course of the stream; the tanks were built in a series, usually situated a
few kilometres apart. This ensures

a) no wastage through overflow

b) the seepage of a tank higher up in the series would be collected in the next lower one.

7. Ramtek Model

Fig 2.6.0(Ramtek Model near Jind, Haryana)

The Ramtek model has been named after water harvesting structures in the town of Ramtek,
Maharashtra. A scientific analysis revealed an intricate network of groundwater and surface
waterbodies, intrinsically connected through surface and underground canals. A fully evolved
system, this model harvested runoff through tanks, supported by high yielding wells and

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structures like baories, kundis, and waterholes. This system, intelligently designed to utlise
every raindrop falling in the watershed area is disintegrating due to neglect and ignorance.

Constructed and maintained mostly by malguzars (landowners), these tanks form a chain,
extending from the foothills to the plains, conserving about 60-70 per cent of the total runoff.
Once tanks located in the upper reaches close to the hills were filled to capacity, the water
flowed down to fill successive tanks, generally through interconnecting channels. This
sequential arrangement generally ended in a small waterhole to store whatever water
remained unstored.

The presence of the Ramtek ridge in the middle, having a steep slope on both sides, results in
quick runoffs and little percolation. This might have led the residents of the southern plains of
the Ramtek hills to construct different types of water conservation structures (like tanks) where
they could trap the maximum.

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 8. Zings

Fig 2.7.0(Zing system in Northeastern India)

Zings are water harvesting structures found in Ladakh. They are small tanks, in which collects
melted glacier water. Essential to the system is the network of guiding channels that brings the
water from the glacier to the tank. As glaciers melt during the day, the channels fill up with a
trickle that in the afternoon turns into flowing water. The water collects towards the evening,
and is used the next day. A water official called the churpun ensures that water is equitably
distributed.

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MATERIALS AND METHODS
Article I. Research Methodology

o Case Identification and Scoping

The process of searching for possible sites with an indigenous or indigenised

element to them was undertaken in two ways. First a detailed literature survey was

carried out on the pib portal of the Government of India.

Secondly extensive surveys were carried out with people of diverse backgrounds and

researchers that are known to be involved in the field of rainwater harvesting.

E-mails were sent to all possible e-mail contacts and phone calls were made

subsequently as a followup. Secondary leads and contact persons that emerged from

these discussions were also followed up.

The document and publications search yielded numerous general references to

indigenous practices but few with specific locations or technical details on the practices

themselves. Almost all documented cases with any detail on method and location

related to contemporary practices and not older indigenous practices.

It is a fact that additional rainwater harvesting and conservation practices to those

documented in this report do exist, as related by reliable sources, but for which detailed

information could not be obtained as the sites of practice could not be located.

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 o Inclusion of Indigenous and Indigenized approaches

The definition of indigenous was extended to the more inclusive ‘indigenous and

indigenized’ following the findings of the literature survey and the networking

exercise which showed that the number of possible research sites were relatively few. It

was decided to follow up all of the cases identified.

This division between indigenous-indigenised and contemporary has ended up being

linked more to the historical timeline than the anthropological root of the innovation.

Nonetheless, it provides a basis for grouping into what are essentially ‘older historical’

practices and ‘newer contemporary’ technologies.

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DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
RESPONSES OF THE SURVEY TAKEN: https://forms.gle/GZoeHAPtz4uNkARn6

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60
61
DISCUSSION

Perspective on the Low Prevalence of Indigenous Techniques

Regional diversifications are almost distinct regarding patterns of livelihoods, habituations

and evolution of agriculture in the Indian subcontinent. Diversifications were also reflected

in techniques developed but generally were influenced by a combination of settlement

trends, climate and terrain. These water conservation methods became instrumental in the

evolution of settlements,construction of canals and water-diversion mechanisms and in the

long-run in the gradual evolution of irrigation practices in the dry and arid areas like: Rajasthan ,

Gujarat and places in the aravalli ranges.

Conversely, the wetter lush grassland areas – North-Eastern regions and environment

presented considerable potential for both hunters-gatherers-fishers and pastoral peoples

with their livestock. The sparsely populated area especially with mainly mobile

hunters and gathers who sustained their natural environment in various habituation

cycles wasn’t forced into concentrated settlements and sustained agriculture or farming

practices. In these areas there was plenty of water for needs due to monsoon and the hilly

terrain but the problem lied in the convergence of water to their fields and settlements.

Therefore, techniques like Bamboo irrigation developed, due to much availability of Bamboo

wood as well as freedom to cut bamboos in forests as they are not regarded as Trees. The

hollow structure of bamboo proved beneficial as much labor was not needed to set up the

irrigation system.

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In the rain shadow areas of southern India, Due to less availability of water throughout the year,

techniques like Surangam developed in the passage of time. This kind o a technique requires

greater skills like great listening power, analyzing the moisture of soil etc to analyse flow of

ground water.

Value of Indigenous Techniques

The findings of the indigenous scoping study presented few cases which were not similar

to those from arid areas outside of the country. Perhaps, the most surprising finding was

that the number and range of indigenous water harvesting practices within India

were small. These, it seems, are mostly variations of much older techniques found in the

arid parts of the world. This is perhaps because of the hunter-gatherer ways of life in

earlier history, post middle-age settlement in the wetter eastern parts of the country and

an emphasis on cattle.

Every community has its own identity, lifestyle, and customs to value. These elements could be

helpful as well as distractive. Whichever, we need to be careful in exploiting them. The harmful

traditions that impose on some part of the com-munity for the sake of the advantageous group

require systematic approaches to educate and eradicate. However, a value that is respected by

the community and has less likely any negative impacts should be up scaled and incorporated in

the introduced project managements so as to catch the attention of the users.

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Opportunities for future Research

The main opportunities for future research relate to the Indigenous Methods and potential for
other more contemporary innovations to be documented and disseminated. First, in relation to
the Indigenous Methods, the total area seems not to have been adequately measured and
while an intial attempt was made in this study, the quantification is not sufficiently reliable as
to the actual area under production using the Indigenous Methods floodwater harvesting
system. Measuring the extent of the Indigenous Methods would require a thorough GIS based
process of slope analysis, aerial photo overlay and measurement with field validation.

Secondly, the soil-water-plant relationship in the Indigenous Methods suggests that there is a
combination of a flood-recession mechanism and shallow groundwater that is available to
plants with deep rooting systems. Flood recession agriculture is widespread in wetlands and
floodplains across the world and production relies on a single saturation (flood event) and
immediate planting so that root development proceeds downwards as the saturated ground
slowly drains and dries from the surface down. Flood recession agriculture typically supports
short-term annuals, but not usually perennial crops such as those found on much of the
Indigenous Methods.

The supplementary groundwater component of the Indigenous Methods system is suggested by

the observation of tap roots in eroded fields. These deep tap roots are reportedly widespread
and farmers interviewed stated that these very deep and permeable soils are an essential
requirement for Indigenous Methods – at least in these low-rainfall areas.

Thirdly, the fact that relatively few indigenous technologies were uncovered by this scoping
study could be explored in more detail from a social-historical perspective. The marked
difference in prevalence between South Indian and areas north of our borders, was explained
to some extent in this report based on historical migration patterns to the wetter eastern
seaboard, combined with a primary reliance on cattle, which in combination did not demand

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rainwater harvesting interventions such as those in arid North India and Middle-East did
historically demand. While this explanation provides some insight and rationale, rainwater
harvesting is found in wetter parts of East India, perhaps through cultural assimilation in North
India, which did descend further south. Whatever the case, a more detailed exploration of the
marked difference in the prevalence of techniques in South India, compared with further North,
seems justified in that it could throw light onto challenges or barriers for knowledge
assimilation which could assist contemporary initiatives promoting rainwater harvesting and
conservation.

Finally, there are a range of contemporary, localized practices which reflect improved practices
around water and soil conservation and which show local innovation. The quarterly publication
by the NGO Prolinova for example focuses on innovations in agriculture broadly, including
water. There are a range of organizations networking around rainwater harvesting nationally,
These local innovations, are likely to originate from or build on existing indigenous knowledge
and it is possible that an opportunity to document ‘innovations’ around agricultural water use
could be translated into a research assignment.

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Way forward
As the factors driving water scarcity are complex and vary widely across countries and regions,
UNICEF works at multiple levels to introduce context-specific technologies that increase access
to safe water and address the impacts of water scarcity. We focus on:

 Identifying new water resources: We assess the availability of water resources using
various technologies, including remote sensing and geophysical surveys and field
investigations.

 Improving the efficiency of water resources: We rehabilitate urban water distribution

networks and treatment systems to reduce water leakage and contamination,
promoting wastewater reuse for agriculture to protect groundwater.

 Planning for urban scarcity: We plan for future water needs by identifying available
resources to reduce the risk of cities running out of water.

 Expanding technologies to ensure climate resilience: We support and develop climate-

resilient water sources, including the use of deeper groundwater reserves through solar-
powered water networks. We also advance water storage through small-scale retention
structures, managed aquifer recharge (where water is pumped into underground
reserves to improve its quality), and rainwater harvesting.

 Changing behaviours: We work with schools and communities to promote an

understanding of the value of water and the importance of its protection, including by
supporting environmental clubs in schools.

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 Planning national water needs: We work with key stakeholders at national and sub-
national levels to understand the water requirements for domestic use and for health
and sanitation, and advocate to ensure that this is reflected in national planning
considerations.

 Supporting the WASH sector: We develop technical guidance, manuals and online
training programmes for WASH practitioners to improve standards for water access.

Report prepared by NITI Aayog on ‘SELECTED BEST PRACTISES IN WATER

MANAGEMENT’ suggested some ways to incorporate the indigenous practices in the
development of Country, to minimize the impacts of increasing events like, droughts,
urban flooding etc. Some of them are:

 Public participation will lead to ownership and help in long-term sustainability of

the interventions.

 Restoration and maintenance of water resources should be a continual process

and local people should be trained to manage their resources.

 Micro irrigation processes help in achieving high efficiency and reduces water
use as in the conventional methods.

 Establishment of integrated irrigation system that comprises of canal systems,

micro irrigation facilities and that even handles the problems of salinity, soil
moisture, drainage etc.

 Conjunctive use of ground and surface water.

 Restoration and renovation of water bodies can lead to water use efficiency

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 Optimal utilisation of the resources.

 It is important to shift from rain dependent farming to harvesting and storing

rain water and using it efficiently to cultivate crops.

 It is important to use water optimally providing moisture rather than

‘concentrated’ loads of water.

 Healthy farming practices should be adopted for soil improvement.

 Agricultural innovations should be sustainable and offer improved incomes to

smallholder farmers.

 Integration of the traditional methods and modern day technologies helps in

aligning the technology to local requirements

 Government Schemes and training program bridge the gap of knowledge and
funds for the farmers thus helping in achieve success.

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