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 Supplemental Resources
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 Supplemental Resources
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 MyStudentSuccessLab
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MyStudentSuccessLab is an online solution designed to help students acquire

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 Pearson Success Tips, 1/e
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# 
  
Success Tips is a 6-panel laminate that provides students with information highlights on the most critical topics for student success.
These topics include MyStudentSuccessLab, Time Management, Resources All Around You, Now You’re Thinking, Maintaining Your Financial
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Features
B
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via our www.pearsoncustomlibrary.com program, as well as traditional custom publishing. This essential supplement can be packaged with
any student success text to add value with ‘just in time’ information for students.

Topic List
B
MyStudentSuccessLab* B
Succeeding in Your Diverse World B
Welcome to Moodle!
B
Time Management* B
Information Literacy is Essential to Success B
Welcome to -744-ge!
B
"-sources All Around You* B
Protect Your Personal Data B
Set and Achieve Your Goals
B
Now You’re Thinking* B
:-)<- Your Personal Brand B
Prepare for Test Success
B
Maintaining Your Financial Sanity* B
Service Learning B
Good Notes Are Your Best Study Tool
B
uilding Your Professional Image* B
Stay Well and Manage Stress B
Veterans/Military Returning Students
B
Get Ready for Workplace Success B
Get Things Done with Virtual Teams
B
ivility Paves the Way Toward Success B
Welcome to Blackboard!

NOTE: those with asterisks are ‘default’ options; topic selection can be made through P-):;76
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 PERSONALIZE THE EXPERIENCE WITH

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This page intentionally left blank
COLLEGE STUDY
This page intentionally left blank
 third edition

COLLEGE STUDY
the essential ingredients

SALLY A. LIPSKY
Indiana University of Pennsylvania

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Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this
textbook appear on the appropriate page within text.

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Copyright © 2013, 2008, 2004 by Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Manufactured in
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lipsky, Sally A.
College study: the essential ingredients / Sally A. Lipsky.—3rd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-13-218089-4
1. Study skills. 2. Critical thinking—Study and teaching (Higher) I. Title.
LB2395.L49 2013
378.1'70281—dc23
2012001185

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

ISBN-13: 978-0-13-218089-4
ISBN-10: 0-13-218089-8
In loving memory
of Irene and Merle
 About the Author
U
pon graduation from the University of New Mexico (B.S. elemen-
tary education), Sally Lipsky began her career as a Title I reading
instructor with the Houston (TX) public school district. After earn-
ing an M.Ed. in reading education from Texas Southern University, she
taught in the Pittsburgh (PA) public schools. She
earned a Ph.D. in language communications and adult
education from the University of Pittsburgh and con-
tinued her career at Indiana University of Pennsylvania,
where she has worked for over 20 years as a faculty
member in the Developmental Studies Department,
College of Education and Educational Technology. Her
work has centered on aspects of student learning at the
post-secondary level, including college reading and study
strategies and peer-to-peer academic support. She is a
long-time member of the College Reading and Learning
Association (CRLA) and the National Association for
Developmental Education (NADE), and has made nu-
merous professional presentations. She authored the text A Training Guide for
College Tutors and Peer Educators, published by Pearson Education, 2011.
 Brief Contents
CHAPTER 1

Creating Academic Success 1

CHAPTER 2

Managing Your Time 11

CHAPTER 3

Maximizing Your Productivity 35

CHAPTER 4

Active Listening and Note Taking 49

CHAPTER 5

Reading and Studying Text Material 75

CHAPTER 6

Enhancing Your Learning and Memory 103

CHAPTER 7

Preparing for Tests 117

CHAPTER 8
Taking Tests 137

CHAPTER 9

Continuing Your Academic Success: A Review 155

vii
This page intentionally left blank
 Contents
Preface xv

Chapter 1
CREATING ACADEMIC SUCCESS 1
Focus Questions 1
Chapter Terms 1
A System of Study: The Essential Ingredients 2
Your Learning Behaviors 2
Your Learning Attitudes 3
Learning Modalities 4
A Path to Success: Personal Action Statements 5
Conclusion 8
Comprehension Check 10

Chapter 2
MANAGING YOUR TIME 11
Focus Questions 11
Chapter Terms 11
Controlling Your Time: Five Essential Ingredients 12
Use a Weekly Schedule 13
Use a Daily Planner 20

ix
x CONTENTS

Use a Semester Calendar 21

Balance Academic with Social and Personal Demands 23
Avoid Procrastination and Reduce Stress 25
Personal Action Statement: Applying Time Management Techniques 28
Conclusion 32
Comprehension Check 33

Chapter 3
MAXIMIZING YOUR PRODUCTIVITY 35
Focus Questions 35
Chapter Terms 35
Maximizing Your Productivity: Three Essential Ingredients 36
Choose a Suitable Location 36
Get Organized: Reduce Stress and Increase Productivity 38
Minimize Distractions and Maximize Concentration 41
Conclusion 47
Comprehension Check 47

Chapter 4
ACTIVE LISTENING AND NOTE TAKING 49
Focus Questions 49
Chapter Terms 49
Active Listening: Three Essential Ingredients 50
Prepare Before Class 50
Listen and Take Notes During Class 53
1. Listen Selectively 53
2. Take Concise Notes 54
3. Be Clear 57
4. Be Accurate 58
5. Pay Attention 58
Follow Up After Class 60
Dealing with Difficult Lecturers 64
Conclusion 72
Comprehension Check 73
 CONTENTS xi

Chapter 5
READING AND STUDYING TEXT MATERIAL 75
Focus Questions 75
Chapter Terms 75
Understanding and Remembering: Five Essential Ingredients 76
Preview What’s Ahead 79
Get an Overview of the Book 79
Get an Overview of the Chapter or Article 79
Identify Your Purpose 80
Break Up Your Reading 80
Check Your Understanding 81
Create Study Guides 82
Question-and-Answer Study Guide 82
Highlighting-Plus-Marking Study Guide 84
Outlining Study Guide 85
Study Cards 85
Visual Study Guides: Maps, Charts, and Timelines 87
Review Periodically 94
Add or Combine Lecture Material 94
Talk Aloud 94
Anticipate Test Questions 95
Conclusion 98
Comprehension Check 99

Chapter 6
ENHANCING YOUR LEARNING AND MEMORY 103
Focus Questions 103
Chapter Terms 103
Learning and Memory: Seven Essential Ingredients 104
Get Enough Sleep 104
Study in Small, Regular Blocks of Time 105
Review Soon After Receiving New Information 105
Organize and Categorize Information 106
Study with Others 107
xii CONTENTS

Use Your Senses 108

Associate Ideas 111
Conclusion 114
Comprehension Check 114

Chapter 7
PREPARING FOR TESTS 117
Focus Questions 117
Chapter Terms 117
Success with Tests: Be Prepared 118
Keep Up with Academic Work 118
Develop Test Review Guides 118
Rehearse for the Exam 119
Reduce Test Anxiety 123
Do You Have Test Anxiety? 123
Change How You Think About the Test 126
Change How You React Physically to a Test 127
Desensitize Yourself 129
Conclusion 135
Comprehension Check 135

Chapter 8
TAKING TESTS 137
Focus Question 137
Chapter Terms 137
Taking Tests: Two Essential Ingredients 138
Develop Test-Wiseness 138
Use a Five-Step Course of Action 138
Watch for Key Words 140
Look for Qualifying Words 140
Practice Multiple-Choice Questions 141
Practice Essay Questions 148
Review the Test 151
 CONTENTS xiii

Conclusion 152
Comprehension Check 154

Chapter 9
CONTINUING YOUR ACADEMIC SUCCESS:
A REVIEW 155
Focus Question 155
Chapter Term 155
Your Personal Action Plan 156
Conclusion 158

INDEX 159
This page intentionally left blank
 Preface

T
his text provides a complete and balanced coverage of essential learning
and study techniques at the post-secondary level. The author employs
an active learning approach—the reader chooses, immediately applies,
and then critiques practical strategies, with the goal of creating an effective, effi-
cient, and individualized system of study. Content is presented to help students
become self-regulating learners and problem solvers.

New to This Edition

Changes and updates are based on current research and literature as well as
feedback from college instructors and students. In this text readers are exposed
to how to make informed choices about learning content that is often new, com-
plex, and changing rapidly, especially given the increasing link between technol-
ogy and learning. Included is the inter-relationship of students’ learning behav-
iors and attitudes, with an emphasis on applying multi-modal strategies to daily
course work. The ultimate goal is for students to develop a personal system of
study that works best for them.
● Technology updates:
● Embedded within all chapters is information regarding the use of

technology in college learning and studying. Also, new comments in

Student Voices reflect the increasing use of technology in college
academics.
● The corresponding icon indicates added sections within chapters, titled

Online Course Work. These sections contain information relating

chapter topics to online, hybrid, and other Web-based course work.
● As indicated by the new title, Enhancing Your Learning and Memory,
the content of Chapter 6 now emphasizes strategies to strengthen learning
and memory. Research demonstrates the powerful effect of peer-to-peer

xv
xvi PREFACE

learning, thus the added section on collaborative learning and how to create
study groups.
● Because of the large quantity of information, test-taking content is now
divided into two chapters: Preparing for Tests (Chapter 7) and Taking
Tests (Chapter 8). This separation should ease pacing of content and class-
room presentation. Both chapters contain information about preparing for
and taking online exams, and information on cumulative final exams has
been added to Chapter 7.
● Strategies grouped according to visual, auditory, or tactile/kinesthetic learn-
ing modalities (as opposed to learning styles) are included in the Try It
Out! and Assess Your Success exercises. Students identify, try out, and
assess specific strategies, with the goal of developing multi-modal systems of
study. (The switch from learning styles to modalities reflects current litera-
ture; matching learning styles and strategies appears to have a weak impact
on student learning. Furthermore, incorporating a variety of sensory mo-
dalities seems to have a positive impact on learning and memory, especially
for difficult subject matter.)
● As a means of reinforcing content through practice, application, and addi-
tional resources, the accompanying Instructor’s Resource Manual includes
information on MyStudentSuccessLab, Pearson Education’s online prod-
uct through which students have access to peer-led video presentations,
interactive exercises, and projects. MyStudentSuccessLab presents informa-
tion on these topics related to the text:
● Time Management
● Values/Goal Setting
● Learning Preferences
● Listening and Taking Notes in Class
● Reading and Annotating
● Memory and Studying
● Problem Solving
● Test-Taking Skills
● Stress Management

Features
The text integrates three elements of how students learn:
1. Strategies: Covers important and practical study techniques that students can
apply immediately in their daily academic courses.
2. Attitude: Provides opportunities for students to explore their levels of inter-
est, motivation, and commitment toward transferring learning techniques to
their day-to-day lives as college students.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
course, with considerable elaborations which by no means promote the
correctness, however much the beauty of aspect is improved.

Ancient Mexico. Taken from an Edition of the Letters of Cortés

Published at Luxemburg A.D. m.d.xx.viii.
Very similar to this is the view given in some of Solis’ editions, that of Antwerp,
1704, for instance, wherein is also found a view of Mexico with its surrounding
towns, as Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, and others, all grouped closely together within
the main lake! A native plan of the capital, said to have been given by Montezuma
to Cortés, accords little with Spanish descriptions, and is difficult to understand
from its peculiar outline, illustrated with Aztec hieroglyphics. Alaman doubts its
origin and correctness. See Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. ed. 1844), ii. 157. A good copy
of it is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 221.
The view in Libro di Benedetto Bordone, Nel qual si ragiona de tutte l’Isole del
mondo, Vinegia, 1528, 73 leaves, is accompanied by an interesting description of
La gran citta di Temistitan, remarkable from being perhaps the first sketch of any
value given in a cosmographic work. It occupies the greater part of folios vi. to x.,
devoted to the terra da Ferdinando Cortese. Five more folios describe the West
Indies and Venezuela region, the only portions of America known to Bordone
when he wrote his book. It was completed in 1521, according to its pontifical
license, although not issued till 1528. The versatile author, who figured both as
artist and professor, died in 1531, and the later issues of the Libro, henceforth
called Isolario, are by editors whose endeavor to keep apace with the demands of
the times is instanced by the edition of 1537, wherein appears a letter on the
conquest of Peru. In the mappemonde of the first edition before me, the smaller
northern part of the new continent is called terra del laboratore, while the southern
part bears the inscription ponẽti môdo nouo. The two are separated at the
Isthmus, in about the latitude of the Mediterranean, by a long strait, at the eastern
mouth of which, on the sectional map of folio vi., is written, stretto pte del mõdo
nouo. Farther east lie the islands Astores, Asmaide, and Brasil. The numerous
sectional wood-cut maps and plans bear the conventional outline of a series of
concave segments, and of the ten referring to different parts of the new world,
seven apply to the Antilles.
The clearest account of Mexico given by any of the conquerors is to be found
in Relatione d’alcvne cose della Nuoua Spagna, & della gran città di Temistitan
Messico, fatta per vn gentil’huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, wherein the
description of the natives, their manners and customs, their towns, the resources
of the country, and above all, the capital city, is to be found in concise form,
arranged in paragraphs with appropriate headings, and illustrated by a cut of the
great temple, which appears far more correct than those given by most
subsequent writers. A view of the capital is also appended, showing the
surrounding country, and according very nearly with those of the Nuremberg type,
except in the faulty relative position to the neighborhood. Nothing is known of the
author, who is generally referred to as the Anonymous Conqueror, but the opinion
has been hazarded that he was Francisco de Terrazas, mayordomo of Cortés. His
account was evidently written in Spanish, but did not see the light till Ramusio
issued it in Italian under the above title. It forms one of the most valuable
documents for the history of Mexico to be found in this prized collection of voyages
and travels, the first large work of its class. No branch of literature obtained a
greater stimulus from the discovery of Columbus. He it was who broke the barrier
which had confined the ardor of voyagers, and who led the revival of maritime
enterprise, creating a curiosity among the stayers-at-home that could be satiated
only with repeated editions of narratives relating to expeditions and conquests.
The number of these narratives became, within a few years, so large as to require
their grouping into special collections for the sake of cheapness and convenience.
The earliest is probably the Paesi Nouamente retrouati, Et Nouo Mondo da
Alberico Vesputio; By Fracanzo or Fracanzano da Montalboddo, Vicenza, 1507,
mentioned by Tiraboschi, Storia della literatura italiana. This was reproduced in
1508 by Madrignani, at Milan. According to Panzer, Ruchamer issued the same
year a somewhat fuller collection at Nuremberg, under the title of Newe
Unbekanthe landte Und eine Newe weldte, with eight pieces, among them the
voyages of Columbus, Ojeda, Pinzon, and Vespucci. A similar work was issued by
the Italian Angiolelo, in 1519.
The best known of these early collections, and by many regarded as the first
issued in German, is the Novus Orbis Regionvm ac Insolarvm Veteribvs
Incognitarvm; Basileæ apvd Io Hervagivm, Mense Martio, anno M.D.XXXII., 4to,
584 pages, beside unnumbered leaves. ‘La plus ancienne de ces (Latin)
collections,’ says Boucher, Bibl. Univ., i. 55. Although prepared by John Huttich,
the canon of Strasbourg, it is better known under the name of Simon Grynæus,
who wrote the introductory and revised it at the request of Hervagius, the
publisher, a well known bookman, greatly esteemed by Erasmus. Meusel, Bibl.
Hist., iii. pt. i. 221, gives it with punctilious fairness the title of Collectio Huttichio-
Grynæo-Hervagiana, while others apply only the middle name or the last two. The
attribution to Grynæus is greatly due to his fame as a reformer, as the personal
friend of Luther and Calvin, as the discoverer of Livy’s lost books, and as the first
of a long line of scholars celebrated under that name. It is an excellently printed
volume, with quaint head-pieces, and containing as it does so many papers of
which the original editions are now lost, the collection must be esteemed of great
value. The nineteen pieces of original contributions, journals, and borrowed
accounts, include the voyages of Columbus, Alonso, and Pinzon from Madrignani;
Alberici Vesputij nauigationum epitome, and nauigationes IIII.; and Petri Martyris
de insulis. The other narratives relate to Asia, to the Levant, and to Russia. With
some copies is found a mappemonde, but the only genuine one, according to
Harrisse, 294, bears the inscription Terra de Cuba, in the northern part of the new
world, and in the south, Parias, Canibali America Terra Nova, Prisilia, with the
word Asia in large type. Among the several editions the German of 1534, by Herr,
is rarer than the above original, while the Dutch of 1563, by Ablijn, is the most
complete.
After Huttich the voyage collections increased rapidly in number and size, till
they reached the fine specimen of Ramusio, forming not only the first large work of
this class, but, for a long time, the most extensive which bears on America.
Harrisse, 457, very justly observes that ‘the publication of Ramusio’s Raccolta
may be said to open an era in the literary history of Voyages and Navigation.
Instead of accounts carelessly copied and translated from previous collections,
perpetuating errors and anachronisms, we find in this work original narrations
judiciously selected, carefully printed, and enriched with notices which betray the
hand of a scholar of great critical acumen.’ The first issue appeared as Primo
Volvme Delle Navigationi et Viaggi. In Venetia appresso gli heredi di Lvcantonio
Givnti, 1550, folio, 405 leaves. ‘Les Juntes (le) publièrent ... sous la direction de
Jean-Baptiste Ramusio.’ Camus, Mém. Coll. Voy., 7. Neither in this, nor in the third
volume, issued in 1553, nor in the second edition of the first volume, 1554, does
the name of Giambatista Ramusio, Rannusio, or Rhamusio, appear as author, and
it is only in the second volume that the publisher, Tommaso Giunti, resolves to set
aside the modesty of his friend, and to place his name upon the title-page. The
publication of this volume had been delayed till 1559, owing to the death of the
author and to the burning of the printing establishment.
In the preface Giunti refers to the close friendship between them, and extols
Ramusio as a learned man, who had served in foreign countries, acquiring in this
way a perfect knowledge of French and Spanish. He had long been a devoted
student of history and geography, inspired to some extent by the travels of his
uncle, the celebrated Doctor Girolamo Ramusio. As secretary to the powerful
Venetian Council ‘de Signori Dieci,’ he was in a position to maintain
correspondence with such men as Oviedo, Cabot, Cardinal Bembo, and others,
part of which is to be found in Lettere di XIII. Huomini illustri, Venetia, 1565. All this
served him in the formation of the great work upon which he labored during the
last 34 years of his life. He died at Padua, July 10, 1557, 72 years of age.
The first volume relates chiefly to Asia and Africa, but contains Lettere due
and Sommario by Vespucci, and four papers on Spanish and Portuguese
circumnavigation. The contents of the set have been somewhat changed and
increased during the several republications, but the best editions are those of
1588, 1583, and 1565, for the first, second, and third volume respectively. Vol. ii.
of this set relates chiefly to Asia, but is of interest to American students for its
narrative of the much doubted voyages of the brothers Zeno. Its small size
indicates the loss it sustained by the events above referred to. ‘Et nõ vi
marauigliate, se riguardando gli altri due, non uedrete questo Secõdo volume, si
pieno & copioso di scrittori, come il Ramusio già s’haueua pposto di fare, che la
morte ui s’interpose.’ ii. 2.
The third volume is entirely devoted to America, and contains all the most
valuable documents known up to the time of its first issue, such as the relations of
Martyr, Oviedo, Cortés, and his contemporaries in Mexico, Pizarro, Verazzano,
Carthier, the Relation di Nvnno di Gvsman, in several parts, and the valuable
Relatione per vn gentil’huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese. The volume begins
with a learned discourse by Ramusio on ancient knowledge of a land to the west,
and of causes leading to the discovery. At the end of the 1565 edition is a map of
America, showing Lower California as a wide peninsula, and Terra del Fuego
joined to the land of the Circolo Antartico. The comparative crudeness of the
wood-cuts and maps has not made the work much esteemed by collectors, but its
value even now, for reference, is unquestioned. The set was dedicated to
Hieronimo Fracastoro, the great poet and physician, born mouthless, yet so
eloquent. Scaliger, Aræ Fracastoreæ. At the end of the Discorso sopra Perv, iii.
371, Ramusio says: ‘Et questa narratione con breuità habbiamo voluto discorrere
per satisfattione de i lettori, laquale piu distintamente legeranno nel quarto
volume.’ According to Fontanini, Bibl., 274, the material for this volume lay
prepared in manuscript, only to perish in the disastrous fire of November, 1557.
[459] It is still one of the main roads, known under Spanish dominion as Calzada
de Iztapalapan, now as S. Antonio Abad.

[460] Cortés names the well built Mexicaltzinco, Niciaca, and Huchilohuchico (now
Churubusco), to which he gives respectively 3000, 6000, and 4000 to 5000
families. Cartas, 83-4. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99, names Coioacan instead of
Niciaca, and this change is generally accepted, for the latter name is probably a
mistake by the copyist or printer. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii.

[461] ‘Mandò que vn Indio en lengua Mexicana, fuesse pregonando que nadie se
atrauessasse por el camino, sino queria ser luego muerto.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii.
cap. v.

[462] Also referred to as Fort Xoloc. ‘En donde hoy la garita de San Antonio Abad,’
says Ramirez, in Prescott (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 104.

[463] Herrera, who is usually moderate, swells the figure to 4000.

[464] The avenue is now called el Rastro. The suburb here bore the name of
Huitzitlan. ‘Vitzillan que es cabe el hospital de la Concepcion.’ Sahagun, Hist.
Conq., 23. At Tocititlan, says Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 439. ‘Junto de la Hermita de
San Anton.’ Torquemada, i. 450. ‘Segun una antigua tradicion conservada en el
hospital de Jesus, el punto en que le encontró fué frente á éste, y por recuerdo del
suceso se hizo la fundacion en aquel parage.’ Alaman, Disert., i. 103; and
Ramirez, note in Prescott (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 103. The previous authorities
indicate, however, that the meeting took place farther from the centre of the city.

[465] Chimalpain mentions among others Tetlepanquezatl, king of Tlacopan,

Yzquauhtzin Tlacochcalcatl, lord or lieutenant of Tlatelulco, captain-general
Atlixcatzin, son of Ahuitzatl, and Tepehuatzin, son of Titotzin. Hist. Conq., 125.
Sahagun differs slightly in the names. Hist. Conq., 24-5.

[466] For dress, see Native Races, ii. 178 et seq. Cortés gives sandals only to
Montezuma, but it appears that persons of royal blood were allowed to retain them
before the emperor, as Ixtlilxochitl also affirms. Hist. Chich., 295; Oviedo, iii. 500;
Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1121.

[467] ‘Cenzeño ... y el rostro algo largo, è alegre.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 67.
‘Motecçuma quiere dezir hõbre sañudo y graue.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 103; Acosta,
Hist. Ind., 502-3. It is from this, probably, that so many describe him as serious in
expression. A number of portraits have been given of the monarch, differing
greatly from one another. The best known is Prescott’s, taken from the painting for
a long time owned by the Condes de Miravalle, the descendants of Montezuma;
but this lacks the Indian type, and partakes too much of the ideal. Clavigero’s,
Storia Mess., iii. 8, appears more like him, though it is too small and too roughly
sketched to convey a clear outline. Far better is the half-size representation
prefixed to Linati, Costumes, which indeed corresponds very well with the text
description. The face in Armin, Alte Mex., 104, indicates a coarse Aztec warrior,
and that in Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 244-5, an African prince, while the native
picture, as given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 6, is purely conventional. The
text description, based chiefly on Bernal Diaz, is not inappropriate to the weak,
vacillating character of the monarch. Clavigero makes him nearly 54 years old,
and Brasseur de Bourbourg 51; but 40, as Bernal Diaz calls him, appears to be
more correct.

[468] ‘Ellos y él ficieron asimismo ceremonia de besar la tierra.’ Cortés, Cartas,

85.

[469] ‘De margaritas y diamantes de vidrio.’ Id. ‘Que se dizen margagitas.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65.

[470] Solis assumes that Cortés was repelled when he sought to place the
necklace on Montezuma. The latter chides the jealous princes, and permits him.
Hist. Mex., i. 370. ‘Pareceme que el Cortès ... le daua la mano derecha, y el
Monteçuma no la quiso, è se la diò â Cortès.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65. This
phrase, which applies equally to offering the right hand, has been so understood
by those who notice it; but as this would be confusing, Vetancurt, for instance,
assumes improbably that Marina offers her right hand to Montezuma, which he
disregards, giving his instead to Cortés. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 129.

[471] Cortés, Cartas, 85. Ixtlilxochitl has it that Cacama was left with him; and
Bernal Diaz, that the lord of Coyuhuacan also remained. According to Cortés,
Montezuma accompanied him all the way to the quarters in the city, keeping a few
steps before. Gomara and Herrera follow this version. But Bernal Diaz states
explicitly that he left the Spaniards to follow, allowing the people an opportunity to
gaze; and Ixtlilxochitl assumes that he goes in order to be ready to receive him at
the quarters. Hist. Chich., 295. It is not probable that Montezuma would expose
himself to the inconvenience of walking so far back, since this involved
troublesome ceremonies, as we have seen, not only to himself but to the
procession, and interfered with the people who had come forth to gaze. The native
records state that Montezuma at once surrendered to Cortés the throne and city.
‘Y se fueron ambos juntos á la par para las casas reales.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq.,
23-4. Leading Cortés into the Tozi hermitage, at the place of meeting, he made the
nobles bring presents and tender allegiance, while he accepted also the faith.
Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 440-1.

[472] About 6000 in all. ‘Nosotros aun no llegauamos á 450 soldados.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65. Prescott places the number at about 350.
[473] According to Sahagun not a soul was to be seen, either upon the causeway
or along the streets, the people having taken this manner to express their
indignation at the semi-forcible entry of the Spaniards. Montezuma came to
receive them purely out of a feeling of humanity. Startled at this solitude, Cortés
fears dangers, and vows, if all goes well, to build a church. This was the origin,
says Bustamante, of the Hospital de Jesus. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1840),
79-84. See note 12, this chapter. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts this view. Hist.
Nat. Civ., iv. 212-13. Still Sahagun describes the interview with Cortés as most
cordial. He is in fact contradictory, and it is evident that the order issued to the
people to keep the narrow causeway clear, and the etiquette which required them
to give way to the emperor, have been hastily interpreted by the chronicler into
‘deserted streets’ and ‘popular indignation.’ Had the citizens objected to receive
the strangers, the bridges could have been raised against them.

[474] ‘Au coin de la rue del Indio triste et de celle de Tacuba,’ says Humboldt,
Vues, i. 58, prudently, without attempting to give its extent. Ramirez and Carbajal
do so, however, and in allowing it about the same length as the temple inclosure,
they place it right across the eastern avenue of the city, which like the other three
is admitted to have terminated at one of the temple gates. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., ii. 222; Ramirez, notes in Prescott’s Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103.
‘Donde hoy las Casas de el Marqués del Valle,’ says Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist.
N. Esp., 86, a statement disputed by later writers. Prescott quotes Humboldt, but
evidently does not understand him, for he places the palace ‘facing the western
gate,’ which is not only on the wrong side, but across the western avenue. Mex., ii.
79. ‘Adonde ... tenia el gran Monteçuma sus grandes adoratorios de idolos ... nos
lleuaron á aposentar á aquella casa por causa, que como nos llamauã Teules, é
por tales nos tenian, que estuuiessemos entre sus idolos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 66. The idea of being regarded as a god seems to have pleased the old
soldier immensely.

[475] They doubtless formed a double necklace, with gold setting and pendants.
Cortés writes that on the way to the palace Montezuma halted to place them round
his neck. Cartas, 85; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 100-1; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 23.

[476] ‘A throne of gold,’ is Peter Martyr’s briefer yet grander term. dec. v. cap. iii.

[477] Hist. Verdad., 65-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 25-
6.

[478] Bernal Diaz states that the emperor always addressed him as Malinche, and,
indeed, it was common among Mexicans to address persons by a name given
them in later life in connection with some peculiarity, deed, or incident. Hence
Cortés, as master of the prominent female interpreter, received a name implying
that relationship.
[479] For which see Native Races.

[480] Cortés, Cartas, 86. This is in substance the speech of Montezuma, as given
by native as well as Spanish records; yet it appears improbable that the emperor
should have been so ready, at the first interview, and in presence of his courtiers,
to humble himself so completely before a few strangers whom he regarded as
mortals. See note 19. ‘Myself, my wife and children, my house, and all that I
possess, are at your disposal,’ says the Spaniard, even in our day, to the guest
whom he wishes to impress with his hospitality. Perhaps Montezuma was equally
profuse with hollow words, which have been recorded as veritable offers.

[481] Cortés, Cartas, 86-7. Bernal Diaz introduces this paragraph during the next
interview.

[482] Id. ‘Á cada vno de nuestros Capitanes diò cositas de oro, y tres cargas de
mantas de labores ricas de plumas, y entre todos los soldados tambien nos diò á
cada vno á dos cargas de mantas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 66; Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 101-2; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii.; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 441-2;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. vi.; Torquemada, i. 452-3; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
296; Peralta, Not. Hist., 107-8. Acosta implies that Cortés now reconciled the
Tlascaltecs with the Aztecs. Hist. Ind., 521.

[483] ‘Eramos hermanos en el amor, y amistad, é personas mui principales,’ is the

way Bernal Diaz expresses it. Hist. Verdad., 66.

[484] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 102-3. ‘Los haçia proveer luego, assi de mugeres de
serviçio, como de cama, é les daba á cada uno una joya que pessaba hasta diez
pessos de oro.’ Oviedo, iii. 500-1.

[485] Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 129. Sahagun, followed by Acosta, Brasseur
de Bourbourg, and others, states that the artillery was discharged at night to
startle the natives. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 85.

[486] It is so depicted in the old Nuremberg view of the city, already referred to.
Ramirez, Carbajal Espinosa, and Alaman give the extent, and the latter enters into
quite a lengthy account of its situation with respect to present and former outlines
of the quarter. Disert., ii. 202, etc.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 221-2;
Ramirez, notes in Prescott’s Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103. Humboldt places it
opposite the southern half of the western temple side, Essai Pol., i. 190, but that
site is assigned by all the above historians to the old palace of Montezuma, so
called—not the Axayacatl where Cortés was quartered. The mistake is probably
owing to his ignorance of the fact that the residence of the Cortés family stood first
on the site of the new palace of Montezuma, whence it was moved to that of the
old palace when the government bought the former.
[487] The Spaniards were also ‘costretti a scalzarsi, ed a coprirsi gli abiti sfarzosi
con vesti grossolane,’ says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 83, but that is unlikely.

[488] ‘Con esto cumplimos, por ser el primer toque.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
67.

[489] ‘Â nosotros los soldados nos diò á cada vno dos collares de oro, que valdria
cada collar diez pesos, è dos cargas de mantas.’ The rest went to their officers. Id.
 CHAPTER XVII.
CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

November, 1519.

Cortés Inspects the City—Visits the Temple with Montezuma—Discovery

of Buried Treasure—Pretended Evidences of Treachery—Cortés
Plans a Dark Deed—Preparations for the Seizure of Montezuma—With
a Few Men Cortés Enters the Audience-Chamber of the King—
Persuasive Discourse—With Gentle Force Montezuma is Induced to
Enter the Lion’s Den.

Cortés failed not to make diligent inquiries and examinations into

the approaches, strength, and topography of the city, but he longed
for a view from one of the great temples which, rising high above all
other edifices, would enable him to verify his observations. He also
desired to obtain a closer insight into the resources of the place.
With these objects he sent to Montezuma for permission to make a
tour through the town to the Tlatelulco market and temple.[490] This
was granted; and attended by the cavalry and most of the soldiers,
all fully armed, Cortés set out for that suburb, guided by a number of
caciques. It was here that the largest market-place in the city was
situated.[491]
From this centre of trade the Spaniards proceeded to the lofty
temple, which occupied one end of the Tlatelulco market-place,[492]
and whither Montezuma had already gone to prepare for their
reception, and to propitiate the idols for the intrusion by prayers and
sacrifices. He hoped, no doubt, that his presence would prove a
check upon the impulsive hands and tongues of the guests.
Dismounting at the gate, the riders advanced with most of the
soldiers through the temple court, and climbed the one hundred and
more steps which led to the summit. Some priests and chiefs had
been sent by Montezuma to assist Cortés to ascend, but he
preferred to trust to himself. This pyramid, unlike that in Mexico
proper, appears to have had but one continuous stair-way leading up
the western slope.[493] The first sight which met the Spaniards on
reaching the summit was the sacrificial cage for holding victims, and
a large snake-skin drum, whose sombre tones gave appropriate
effect to the horrible rites enacted around it.
Montezuma came out of one of the chapels to welcome them,
expressing a fear that they must have been fatigued by the ascent,
but Cortés hastened to assure him that Spaniards never tired.
Calling their attention to the view here afforded of the city and its
surroundings, he stood silent for a while to let the beauteous vision
work its own enchantment. Around on every side spread the lake
and its connecting waters, bordered with prairies and fields. Forests
and towns intermingled on the green carpet, and extended far away
till they disappeared in the shadows of the hills. The soldiers
recognized the settlements and towns which they had passed, and
saw the causeways which on three sides connected with the
mainland. Beneath them lay a vast expanse of terraced roofs,
intersected by streets and canals teeming with passengers and
canoes. Here and there rose palatial edifices and towering temples,
interspersed with open squares, and with gardens shaded by trees
and relieved by the silvery jets of the fountain. At their feet lay the
market through which they had just passed, alive with busy
Lilliputians, whose talk and cries reached their ears in a confused
murmur. Cortés could not fail to be impressed by scenes so varied
and so attractive, but the æsthetic aspect was in him speedily
overshadowed by the practical sense of the military leader. Then
rose on high his soul as he thought to secure for Spain so rich an
inheritance as the great city with its vast population, and turning to
Father Olmedo he suggested that the site ought to be obtained for a
church; but the prudent friar remonstrated that the emperor
appeared to be in no mood to listen to such a proposal.
Cortés accordingly contented himself with asking to see the
idols, and after consulting the priests Montezuma led them past the
piscina with the vestal fire into the chapel. Withdrawing a tasselled
curtain he displayed the images, glittering with ornaments of gold
and precious stones, which at first drew the attention of the
beholders from the hideous form and features. Before them stood
the stone of sacrifice, still reeking with gore, and around lay the
instruments for securing the human victim and for tearing open the
breast. On one altar could be seen three hearts, and on the other
five, offered to the idols, and even now warm and palpitating with life.
The interior walls were so smeared with human blood as to obscure
their original color, and to emit a fetid odor which made the
Spaniards glad to reach the open air again.
Forgetting his prudence, Cortés expressed his wonder to
Montezuma that so great and wise a prince should worship
abominable demons like these. “Let me but plant a cross on this
summit,” he said, “and within the chapel place an image of the virgin,
and you shall behold the fear of the idols.” The eyes of the priests
were at this aflame with anger, and the emperor could hardly
suppress his indignation as he replied, “Malinche, had I suspected
that such insults were to be offered, I would not have shown you my
gods. They are good; they give us health, sustenance, victory, and
whatever we require. We adore them, and to them make our
sacrifices. I entreat you say not another word against them.”
Observing the effect his remarks had produced, Cortés thought it
best to restrain himself, and to express regrets at his hastiness.
Then with a forced smile he said that it was time to depart.
Montezuma bade them farewell. As for himself, he must remain to
appease the idols for the insult offered.[494]
Not at all abashed by his rebuff at the temple, Cortés asked
Montezuma to let him erect a church in his own quarters. Glad
probably at finding the Spanish pretensions in this respect so
modified, he not only assented, but gave artisans to aid in the work.
This was concluded within three days, and services henceforth held
therein, at which the Indians were always welcomed. A cross was
also erected before the entrance, so that the natives might be
impressed by the devotion of their visitors.
This effort in behalf of the faith was not to go unrequited. While
looking for the best site for the altar, says Bernal Diaz, Yañez, the
carpenter, discovered signs of a door-way recently closed and
plastered over. Cortés was told of this, and ever on the guard against
plots, he ordered the wall to be opened. Aladdin on entering the cave
could not have been more surprised than the Spaniards were on
stepping into the chamber there revealed. The interior fairly blazed
with treasures; bars of gold were there, nuggets large and small,
figures, implements, and jewelry of the same metal; and then the
silver, the rare bejewelled and embroidered fabrics, the prized
chalchiuite and other precious stones! Cortés allowed the favored
beholders to revel in the ecstasy created by the sight, but to their
greed he set a check. He had reasons for not disturbing the
treasures at this time, and gave orders to restore the wall, so that no
suspicions might be aroused that the deposit had been discovered.
[495]

One reason with Cortés for not touching the treasures was to
hold out an alluring bait to those who, more prone to listen to the
warnings of timid allies than to the ambitious promptings of their
leader, were ever ready to take alarm and urge withdrawal from a
position which they regarded as dangerous. Unbending in his
resolution, the general had nevertheless grasped all the perils of
their position. Hitherto no firm ground existed for alarm. They had
been a week in the capital, and were still receiving from all hands the
kindest treatment and the most generous hospitality. Cortés was
aware, however, that this depended on the favor of the emperor,
whose power over the submissive people resembled that of a god,
and whose person appeared to them as sacred as his will was
absolute. He had also learned that this monarch was a man
affrighted by his superstitions, and often influenced by trifling
circumstances; ready to strike where he had fawned the moment
before, and little bound by words or pledges, particularly when they
involved his own sovereignty. One misstep by the Spanish leader or
any of his men, ill-behaved and importunate as they were, according
to his own statement, might precipitate the change. The presence of
the hated Tlascaltecs was itself a burden, and the drain for
supporting the self-invited guests would soon be felt. The religious
topic had already created a momentary irritation, which might rankle
and grow under the promptings of the priests, who must naturally
object to rival interference.
Emperor and subjects were evidently restrained only by the
military prestige of the Spaniards, and to some extent by the belief in
their divine mission; but they were also aware that, whatever might
be the prowess of the visitors and the power of their weapons and
steeds, they were mortals, for this had been proved quite lately by
the unfortunate defeat of Escalante, and in the Nautla campaign.
The soldiers of Montezuma had but to raise the bridges of the
causeways and cut off retreat, then stop supplies and reduce them
by starvation. True, there was the fate of Cholula before the
Mexicans; but they had gained experience, and could mass vastly
more warriors and arms, while the Spaniards would have no allies in
reserve to operate in the rear. Besides, what mattered the
destruction of a part, or even of the entire city, when thereupon
depended the safety of the throne, menaced by a horde of cruel,
avaricious monsters!
Cortés had considered all these points, and knew the
expediency of resolute action. He had undertaken an enterprise
wherein one bold move must be supported by another, and to these
all means had to be subordinate. He had not come all this way to
place himself within the power of a suspicious and vacillating despot,
nor to waste his time in waiting for what events might bring forth,
while his enemies, headed by Velazquez, were arranging for his
overthrow. He had formed his plans long beforehand, as indicated in
his first letter to the king, wherein he promised to have the great
Montezuma “a prisoner, a corpse, or a subject to the royal crown of
your Majesty.”[496] Conquest, followed by settlement and conversion,
was his aim. It would not pay him to play for a smaller stake.
Just now rumors began to circulate tending to stir anew the fears
which Montezuma’s friendly and hospitable demeanor had soothed.
One was that the nobles had actually prevailed on the emperor to
break the bridges, to arm the whole city, and to fall on the Spaniards
with all available strength.[497] Soldiers were readily found who
fancied that the mayordomo was less obsequious than formerly, and
that he gave scantier supplies. It was also understood from
Tlascaltecs that the populace appeared less friendly during the last
day or two. These reports may have sprung wholly from timid minds
still agitated by the warnings uttered by Tlascaltecs before the
departure from Cholula, or they may have been promoted by Cortés
himself in furtherance of his plans. He at any rate seized the
pretence to hold a council, composed of Alvarado, Leon, Ordaz, and
Sandoval, together with twelve soldiers whose advice he most
valued, “including myself,” says Bernal Diaz. His chief reason was to
persuade them of the necessity for the measure he had resolved on,
and to win their hearty coöperation. Laying before them the current
rumors which confirmed the warnings formerly received, and
representing the unreliable and suspicious character of Montezuma,
his great power, and the peculiar position and strength of the city, he
concluded by proposing the daring venture of seizing the emperor
and holding him a hostage.[498]
Here was folly run mad! Four hundred men, after penetrating
formidable barriers and gaining the very heart of a great empire,
whose vast armies could oppose a thousand warriors to every
Spaniard there, coolly propose to take captive the worshipped
monarch of this vast realm, and then to defy its millions of subjects!
The wildest tales of mediæval knights hardly equal this project.
Reckless as was the conception, it was the fruit of yet greater
audacity. Cortés reared his structure of folly insensate upon the
platform of still greater insensate folly. If it was true that he had
practically placed himself in the position of a captive, then he would
cut the knot by capturing the captor. And yet, foolhardy as might
appear the scheme when coolly viewed from the isle of Cuba,
situated as the Spaniards were, it was doubtless the best they could
do; it was doubtless all they could do. The efficiency of hostages had
been frequently tried by the conquerors in the Antilles, and the
opportune seizure of the Cempoalan lord had not been forgotten; but
this had been effected under the impulse of the moment, while the
chieftain was surrounded by Spaniards. Here was required not only
a calm resolution, unflinching to the end, but a well laid stratagem.
Cortés stood prepared with both.
Producing the letter from Villa Rica, which had been kept secret
all this time, he gave an account of the unfortunate successes at
Almería, describing in exaggerated terms the treachery of
Quauhpopoca, and consequently of Montezuma as his master, and
stirring the feelings of the council by an appeal to avenge their
comrades.[499] Here was a pretence[500] which served also to set
aside the suggestion that the emperor would be only too glad to let
them depart in peace, for it was argued that a retreat now, since the
Spaniards stood revealed as mortals, would draw upon them not
only the contempt of allies and countrymen, but a general uprising,
with the most fatal results. Retreat meant also the surrender of all
hopes of wealth, preferment, and honor, to be followed by
punishment and disgrace for their irregular proceedings so far. With
Montezuma in their power, they possessed a hostage whose
sacredness in the eyes of his subjects insured their safety, and made
the people pliable to their will, while disaffected vassals could be
secured by alliances, or by the promise of reforms. Should the
seizure result in the monarch’s death, the succession would
doubtless become the cause of division and dissension, in the midst
of which the Spaniards might influence affairs in their own interest.
Thus were answered the various objections raised.
As for the manner of seizure, the safest plan would doubtless be
to inveigle Montezuma to their quarters and there detain him; but this
would cause delay, and might arouse suspicion,[501] and, since
prompt action was considered necessary, the best way would be to
seize him in his own palace. This was agreed upon, and the same
evening the facts and arguments were effectively presented to the
men and preparations made.
“All night,” writes Bernal Diaz, “we passed in earnest prayer, the
priests devoutly imploring God to so direct the undertaking that it
might redound to his holy service.”[502]
In the morning Cortés sent to announce that he would visit the
emperor. He then despatched a number of small parties as if for a
stroll, with orders to keep themselves in and near the palace, and on
the way to it, ready for any emergency. Twenty-five soldiers were
told to follow him, by twos and threes, into the audience-chamber,
whither he preceded them with Alvarado, Sandoval, Velazquez de
Leon, Francisco de Lugo, and Ávila.[503] All were armed to the teeth,
[504]and as the Mexicans had been accustomed to see them thus
equipped no suspicions were aroused. Montezuma proved on this
occasion to be particularly gracious, and after a brief chat he offered
several presents of finely wrought gold, and to Cortés he presented
one of his daughters, the captains being given women of rank from
his own harem, which was a mark of great favor.[505] Cortés sought
to decline for himself the favor, on the ground that he could not
marry. Montezuma nevertheless insisted, and he yielded not
unwillingly.[506]
Assuming a serious tone, the latter now produced the letter from
Villa Rica, and informed the emperor that he had received an
account of the outrageous conduct of Quauhpopoca, resulting in the
death of some of his men, and that he, the sovereign, had been
accused of being the instigator. Montezuma gave an indignant
denial,[507] and Cortés hastened to assure him that he believed the
charge to be false, but as commander of a party he had to account
for the men to his king, and must ascertain the truth. In this
Montezuma said he would aid him; and calling a trusted officer, he
gave him a bracelet from his wrist bearing the imperial signet—a
precious stone graven with his likeness[508]—bidding him to bring
Quauhpopoca and his accomplices, by force, if necessary.[509]
Cortés expressed himself pleased, but added that, in order to cover
his responsibility as commander, and to convince his men that the
emperor was indeed as innocent as Cortés believed him to be, it
would be advisable for him to come and stay at their quarters till the
guilty parties had been punished.[510]
Montezuma was dumfounded at this unhallowed impudence. He,
the august sovereign, before whom even princes prostrated
themselves, at whose word armies sprang into existence, and at
whose name mighty rulers trembled, he to be thus treated by a score
of men whom he had received as guests and loaded with presents,
and this in his own palace! For a moment he stood mute, but the
changing aspect of his countenance revealed the agitation within. At
last he exclaimed that he was not the person to be thus treated. He
would not go. They could always find him at his palace.
Cortés pleaded that his presence among the soldiers was
necessary, not merely as a declaration of his innocence, but to allay
the rumors which had reached them that he and his people were
plotting for their destruction. Montezuma again made an indignant
denial; but added that, even if he consented to go, his people would
never allow it. His refusal, insisted the general, would rouse the
worst suspicions of his men, and he could not answer for their acts.
Mexico might meet the fate of Cholula, and he with it.[511]
Montezuma now began to implore, and offered to surrender his
legitimate children as hostages if he were but spared the disgrace of
being made a prisoner. This could not be, was the reply. The
Spanish quarter was his own palace, and he could readily persuade
his subjects that he went there for a short time of his own accord, or
at the command of the gods.[512] He would be treated with every
consideration, and should enjoy his usual comfort, surrounded by
favorites and councillors. The plan involved no change beyond that
of residence, to a place where he would be under secret
surveillance.

Montezuma still objected, and time was passing.[513] The

companions of Cortés becoming nervous at this delay, Velazquez de
Leon exclaimed in his stentorian voice: “Why so many words, your
worship? Let us either carry him off or despatch him. Tell him that if
he calls out or creates a disturbance we shall kill him!”[514] Turning in
alarm to Marina, Montezuma inquired what was meant. Full of pity
for the troubled monarch, she told him that the men were becoming
impatient at his delay. She besought him, as he valued his life, to
accede to their wishes and go with them. He would be treated with
all the honor due to his rank. A glance at the frowning faces of the
Spaniards confirmed the mysterious words of the interpreter, and
chilled him to the heart. He had heard too many accounts of the
resolution and cruelty of these men not to believe them capable of
anything. Were he to call for aid they would no doubt kill him and
destroy the city; for few as they were they had proved themselves
equal to hosts of natives.
The unhappy monarch yielded, since it was so decreed—by the
sublime audacity of this score of adventurers. The spirit of Axayacatl
had evidently not survived in the son, and the prestige of his early
career as military leader had dwindled to a mere shadow in the
effeminate lap of court-life.[515] Summoning his attendants, he
ordered a litter brought. Everything had been quietly conducted, and
since none ventured to question the emperor, his command was
silently obeyed; but the mysterious interview and his agitation roused
their suspicions, and the rumor spread that something extraordinary
was about to happen. Wondering and murmuring crowds had
already collected along the route between the two palaces when the
emperor appeared. On seeing the sorrowing faces of the favorites
who bore him, and observing how closely it was surrounded by the
Spanish soldiers who acted as guard of honor, their fears became
confirmed. The distance to the quarters was too short, however, and
the news had not yet travelled far enough, to allow a serious
demonstration.[516] But not long after the plaza in front of it was
blocked with an excited multitude, and a number of leading
personages and relatives made their way into the presence of their
sovereign, asking with tearful eyes and knitted brows how they might
serve him. They were ready to lay down their lives to rescue him. He
assured them with a forced smile that there was no cause for alarm.
Too proud to disclose his pusillanimity, he readily echoed the words