Introduction to Engineering Analysis

4th Edition Hagen Solutions Manual

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CHAPTER 4

Section 4.3 Practice!

1. Find the resultant force for the forces shown by (a) using the parallelogram law and (b) by
resolving the forces into their x and y components.

Solution

(a) The parallelogram for these forces is shown below.

62
Using the law of cosines, the magnitude of the resultant force FR is

FR = [200 + 300 ̊]1/2

= 178 N

The direction of FR is found by calculating the angle θ. Using the law of sines, we have

sin θ = sin 35̊

200 178

sin θ = 0.6445

θ = 40.1̊

Thus, the angle of FR with respect to the positive x-axis is

φ = 40.1̊− ̊
25

= 15.1̊

(b) The figure below shows the two forces resolved into their x and y components.

Writing the resultant force in terms of the unit vectors i and j,

−200 sin 60̊ + 300 sin 25 )jN

FR = (

= 171.9 i − 46.4 j N

63
 The magnitude of FR is

−46.4)2]1/2
2

FR = [171.9 + (

= 178 N
The direction of FR with respect to the positive x-axis is

φ = tan−1 (−46.4/171.9)

= −15.1̊

The minus sign indicates that FR lies in the fourth quadrant.

2. Find the resultant force for the forces shown by (a) using the parallelogram law and (b) by
resolving the forces into their x and y components.

Solution

(a) The parallelogram for these forces is shown below.

64
Using the law of cosines, the magnitude of the resultant force FR is

FR = [150 + 250 ̊]1/2

= 166 lbf

The direction of FR is found by calculating the angle θ. Using the law of sines, we have

sin θ = sin 40̊

150 166

sin θ = 0.5808

θ = 35.5̊

Thus, the angle of FR with respect to the positive x-axis is

φ = 35.5̊− ̊
30

= 5.5̊

(b) The figure below shows the two forces resolved into their x and y components.

65
Writing the resultant force in terms of the unit vectors i and j,

FR = ( ̊ − 250 sin 30̊ j lbf

= 165 i + 16.0 j lbf

The magnitude of FR is
FR = [1652 + 16.0)2]1/2

= 166 lbf
The direction of FR with respect to the positive x-axis is

φ = tan−1 (16.0/165)

= 5.5 ̊

66
3. Find the resultant force for the forces shown by (a) using the parallelogram law and (b) by
resolving the forces into their x and y components.

Solution

(a) The parallelogram for these forces is shown below.

Using the law of cosines, the magnitude of the resultant force FR is

FR = [15 + 30 ̊]1/2

= 26.0 kN

The direction of FR is found by calculating the angle θ. Using the law of sines, we have

sin θ = sin 60̊

15 26.0

67
 sin θ = 0.4996

θ = 30.0̊

Thus, the angle of FR with respect to the positive x-axis is

φ = 30.0 ̊

= 75.0̊

(b) The figure below shows the two forces resolved into their x and y components.

Writing the resultant force in terms of the unit vectors i and j,

̊+ 30 sin 45 ) j kN
FR = (

= 6.72 i + 25.1 j kN

The magnitude of FR is
FR = [6.722 + 25.1)2]1/2

= 26.0 kN
The direction of FR with respect to the positive x-axis is

φ = tan-1 (25.1/6.72) = 75.0̊

68
4. Consider the three forces, F1 = 5 i + 2 j kN, F2 = −3 i − 8 j kN and F3 = −4 i + 7 j kN. Find
the resultant force, its magnitude, and direction with respect to the positive x-axis.

Solution

The resultant force is the vector sum of the three forces:

FR = F1 + F2 + F3

Adding the corresponding x and y components,

FR = (5 − 3 − 4) i + (2 − 8 + 7) j kN

= −2 i + j kN

The magnitude of FR is

FR = [ (−2)2 + (1)2]1/2

= 2.24 kN

The angle between FR and the x-axis is

φ = tan−1[1/(−2)]

= −26.6̊

The resultant force vector lies in the second quadrant, so the angle between the vector and
̊.

5. Consider the three forces, F1 = 10 i + 9 j kN, F2 = −8 i − 4 j kN and F3 = 4 i + 5 j kN. Find

the resultant force, its magnitude, and direction with respect to the positive x-axis.

Solution

The resultant force is the vector sum of the three forces:

FR = F1 + F2 + F3

Adding the corresponding x and y components,

FR = (10 − 8 + 4) i + (9 − 4 + 5) j lbf
69
= 6 i + 10 j kN

70
 The magnitude of FR is
FR = [62 + 102]1/2

= 11.7 kN

The angle between FR and the positive x-axis is

φ = tan−1(10/6)

= 59.0̊

6. Consider the three forces, F1 = 2 i + 8 j + 7 k lbf , F2 = 3 i − j − k lbf and F3 = 3 i + j + 2 k

lbf . Find the resultant force and its magnitude.

Solution

The resultant force is the vector sum of the three forces:

FR = F1 + F2 + F3

Adding the corresponding x, y and z components,

FR = (2 + 3 + 3) i + (8 − 1 + 1) j + (7 −1 + 2) k lbf

= 8( i + j + k) lbf

The magnitude of FR is
FR = [ 82 + 82 + 82]1/2

= 13.9 lbf

71
Section 4.4 Practice!

1. A crate hangs by a rope as shown. Construct a free-body diagram of the crate.

Solution

Assuming the weight of the rope itself is negligible, there are two forces acting on the crate,
the tension force in the rope and the gravitational force (weight of the crate). Both forces act
through the CG of the crate, so the forces are concurrent. Note that, even though this free
body diagram is extremely simple, a coordinate direction is drawn near the diagram to
facilitate the summing of forces in the vertical direction.

72
2. Two crates hang by ropes from a ceiling as shown. Construct a free-body diagram of (a)
crate A and (b) crate B.

Solution

(a) There are three forces acting on crate A, a tension force in the upper rope, a tension force
in the lower rope and the weight of crate A. All forces are concurrent at A.

73
 (b) There are two forces acting on crate B, a tension force in the lower rope and the weight
of crate B. All forces are concurrent at B. Note that the tension force in the lower rope is
labeled consistently with the free-body diagram in part (a) so it is not confused with the
tension force in the upper rope.

3. A wooden block rests on a rough inclined plane as shown. Construct a free-body diagram
of the block.

Solution

There are three forces acting on the bock: a normal force exerted by the inclined plane, a
friction force which maintains the block in position, and the weight of the block itself. The
normal force, N, acts normal to the surface and the friction force, F, acts parallel to the
surface in a direction that is opposite to the direction of impending motion. The weight, W,
acts vertically downward. The x and y coordinates are conveniently defined parallel and
perpendicular to the plane’s surface, respectively.

74
4. An obliquely loaded I-beam is supported by a roller at A and a pin at B as shown. Construct
a free-body diagram of the beam. Include the weight of the beam.

Solution

There are five forces acting on the beam:

1. A normal force exerted by the roller at A.

2. The applied oblique load of 30 kN.
3. The weight of the beam, acting through its CG.
4. A horizontal reaction force at pin B.
5. A vertical reaction force at pin B.

75
 The vertical dimension of the beam is not important as far as the free-body diagram is
concerned, so we depict the beam as a line.

5. A horizontal pulling force P acts on block A as shown. Block B, which rests on block A, is
tied to a rigid wall by a cable. The force P is not sufficient to cause block A to move. If all
surfaces are rough, construct a free-body diagram of each block.

Solution

On the bottom and top surfaces of block A, there is a normal force and a friction force.
Pulling force P acts on block A to the left. On the bottom surface of block B, there is a
normal and friction force, and a tension force in the cable acts to the right. Friction forces
act in the direction opposite to that of impending motion. Both blocks have weight. All
forces are shown in the free-body diagrams below.

76
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 This adjustment and award were accepted and observed, until the
election in November, 1876, when a controversy arose as to the
result, the Republicans claiming the election of Stephen B. Packard
as Governor by about 3,500 majority, and a Republican Legislature;
and the Democrats claiming the election of Francis T. Nicholls as
Governor, by about 8,000 majority, and a Democratic Legislature.
Committees of gentlemen visited New Orleans, by request of
President Grant and of various political organizations, to witness the
count of the votes by the Returning Board. And in December, 1876,
on the meeting of Congress, committees of investigation were
appointed by the Senate and by the House of Representatives.
Exciting events were now daily transpiring. On the 1st of January,
1877, the Legislature organized in the State House without
exhibitions of violence. The Democrats did not unite in the
proceedings, but met in a separate building, and organized a
separate Legislature. Telegraphic communication was had between
the State House and the Custom House, where was the office of
Marshal Pitkin, who with the aid of the United States troops, was
ready for any emergency. About noon the Democratic members,
accompanied by about 500 persons, called at the State House and
demanded admission. The officer on duty replied that the members
could enter, but the crowd could not. A formal demand was then
made upon General Badger and other officials, by the spokesman, for
the removal of the obstructions, barricades, police, etc., which
prevented the ingress of members, which being denied, Col. Bush, in
behalf of the crowd, read a formal protest, and the Democrats
retired. Gov. Kellogg was presented by a committee with a copy of
the protest, and he replied, that as chief magistrate and conservator
of the peace of the State, believing that there was danger of the
organization of the General Assembly being violently interfered with,
he had caused a police force to be stationed in the lower portion of
the building; that he had no motive but to preserve the peace; that no
member or attache of either house will be interfered with in any way,
and that no United States troops are stationed in the capitol building.
Clerk Trezevant declined to call the House to order unless the
policemen were removed. Upon the refusal to do so, he withdrew,
when Louis Sauer, a member, called the roll, and 68 members—a full
House being 120—answered to their names. Ex-Gov. Hahn was
elected Speaker, receiving 53 votes as against 15 for Ex-Gov.
Warmoth.
The Senate was organized by Lieutenant-Governor Antoine with 19
present—a full Senate being 30—eight of whom held over, and 11
were returned by the Board. Gov. Kellogg’s message was presented to
each House.
The Democrats organized their Legislature in St. Patrick’s hall. The
Senators were called to order by Senator Ogden. Nineteen Senators,
including nine holding over, and four, who were counted out by the
board, were present.
The Democratic members of the House were called to order by
Clerk Trezevant, and 61 answered to their names. Louis Bush was
elected Speaker.
January 3d—Republican Legislature passed a resolution asking for
military protection against apprehended Democratic violence, and it
was telegraphed to the President.
On Sunday, January 8th, Gov. Kellogg telegraphed to President
Grant to the same effect.
January 8th—Stephen B. Packard took the oath of office as
Governor, and C. C. Antoine as Lieutenant-Governor, at the State
House at 1:30, in the presence of the Legislature.
January 8—Francis T. Nicholls and L. A. Wiltz to-day took the oath
of office of Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, respectively, on the
balcony of St. Patrick’s hall.
By the 11th of January both parties were waiting for the action of
the authorities at Washington. Gov. Packard to-day commissioned A.
S. Badger Major-General of the State National Guard, and directed
him to organize the first division at once. Two members of the
Packard Legislature, Mr. Barrett, of Rapides, and Mr. Kennedy, of St.
Charles, had withdrawn from that body and gone over to the Nicholls
Legislature.
Messrs. Breux, Barrett, Kennedy, Estopival, Wheeler, and Hamlet,
elected as Republicans, under the advice of Pinchback—a defeated
Republican candidate for U. S. Senator, left the Packard or
Republican, and joined the Nicholls Legislature.
On the 15th, Governor Packard, after receiving a copy of the
telegram of the President to General Augur, issued a proclamation
aimed at the “organized and armed combination and conspiracy of
men now offering unlawful and violent resistance to the lawful
authority of the State government.”
The Nicholls court issued an order to Sheriff Handy to provide the
means for protecting the court from any violence or intrusion on the
part of the adherents of “S. B. Packard, a wicked and shameless
impostor.”
Governor Packard on the 16th, in a letter to Gen. Augur,
acknowledges the receipt of a communication from his aide-de-camp
asking for assurances from him that the President’s wishes
concerning the preservation of the present status be respected, and
says that the request would have been more appropriate if made
immediately after his installation as Governor and before many of
the main branches of the Government had been forcibly taken
possession of by the opposition. He says: “I had scarcely taken the
oath of office when the White League were called to arms; the Court
room and the records of the Supreme Court of the State were forcibly
taken possession of, and various precinct police-stations were
captured in like manner by overwhelming forces. Orders had been
issued by the Secretary of War early on that day that all unauthorized
armed bodies should desist. A dispatch from yourself of the same
date to the Secretary of War, conveyed the assurances that Nicholls
had promised the disbandment of his armed forces. * * * It was my
understanding, that neither side should be permitted to interfere
with the status of the other side. Yet the day after this order was
received and the pledge given by Nicholls, a force of several hundred
armed White Leaguers repaired to the State Arsenal and took
therefrom into their own keeping five pieces of artillery, and a
garrison of armed men was placed in and around the Supreme Court
building. That on the following day, January 11, an armed company
of the White League broke into and took possession of the office of
the Recorder of Mortgages. * * * In view of all these facts it seemed to
me that to give the pledge verbally asked of me this morning would
be to sanction revolution, and by acquiescence give it the force of
accomplished fact, and I therefore declined.”
Many telegrams followed between the Secretary of War, J. Don.
Cameron, Gen’l Augur and Mr. Packard, the latter daily complaining
of new “outrages by the White League,” while the Nicholls
government professed to accord rights to all classes, and to obey the
instructions from Washington, to faithfully maintain the status of
affairs until decisive action should be taken by the National
government. None was taken, President Grant being unwilling to
outline a Southern policy for his successor in office.
 Election of Hayes and Wheeler.

The troubles in the South, and the almost general overthrow of the
“carpet-bag government,” impressed all with the fact that the
Presidential election of 1876 would be exceedingly close and exciting,
and the result confirmed this belief. The Greenbackers were the first
to meet in National Convention, at Indianapolis, May 17th. Peter
Cooper of New York was nominated for President, and Samuel F.
Cary of Ohio, for Vice-President.
The Republican National Convention met at Cincinnati, June 14th,
with James G. Blaine recognized as the leading candidate. Grant had
been named for a third term, and there was a belief that his name
would be presented. Such was the feeling on this question that the
House of Congress and a Republican State Convention in
Pennsylvania, had passed resolutions declaring that a third term for
President would be a violation of the “unwritten law” handed down
through the examples of Washington, and Jackson. His name,
however, was not then presented. The “unit rule” at this Convention
was for the first time resisted, and by the friends of Blaine, with a
view to release from instructions of State Conventions some of his
friends. New York had instructed for Conkling, and Pennsylvania for
Hartranft. In both of these states some delegates had been chosen by
their respective Congressional districts, in advance of any State
action, and these elections were as a rule confirmed by the State
bodies. Where they were not, there were contests, and the right of
district representation was jeopardized if not destroyed by the
reinforcement of the unit rule. It was therefore thought to be a
question of much importance by the warring interests. Hon. Edw.
McPherson was the temporary Chairman of the Convention, and he
took the earliest opportunity presented to decide against the binding
force of the unit rule, and to assert the liberty of each delegate to vote
as he pleased. The Convention sustained the decision on an appeal.
 Ballots of the Cincinnati Republican Convention, 1876:

Ballots, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Blaine, 285 296 292 293 287 308 351
Conkling, 113 114 121 126 114 111 21
Bristow, 99 93 90 84 82 81
Morton, 124 120 113 108 95 85
Hayes, 61 64 67 68 102 113 384
Hartranft, 58 63 68 71 69 50
Jewell, 11
Washb’ne, 1 1 3 3 4
Wheeler, 3 3 2 2 2 2

Gen. Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, was nominated for President,

and Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice-President.
The Democratic National Convention met at St. Louis, June 28th.
Great interest was excited by the attitude of John Kelly, the
Tammany leader of New York, who was present and opposed with
great bitterness the nomination of Tilden. He afterwards bowed to
the will of the majority and supported him. Both the unit and the
two-thirds rule were observed in this body, as they have long been by
the Democratic party. On the second ballot, Hon. Samuel J. Tilden,
of New York, had 535 votes to 203 for all others. His leading
competitor was Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, who was
nominated for Vice-President.
 The Electoral Count.

The election followed Nov. 7th, 1876, Hayes and Wheeler carrying
all of the Northern States except Connecticut, New York, New Jersey
and Indiana; Tilden and Hendricks carried all of the Southern States
except South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana. The three last named
States were claimed by the Democrats, but their members of the
Congressional Investigating Committee quieted rival claims as to
South Carolina by agreeing that it had fairly chosen the Republican
electors. So close was the result that success or failure hinged upon
the returns of Florida and Louisiana, and for days and weeks
conflicting stories and claims came from these States. The Democrats
claimed that they had won on the face of the returns from Louisiana,
and that there was no authority to go behind these. The Republicans
publicly alleged frauds in nearly all of the Southern States; that the
colored vote had been violently suppressed in the Gulf States, but
they did not formally dispute the face of the returns in any State save
where the returning boards gave them the victory. This doubtful
state of affairs induced a number of prominent politicians of both the
great parties to visit the State capitals of South Carolina, Florida and
Louisiana to witness the count. Some of these were appointed by
President Grant; others by the Democratic National Committee, and
both sets were at the time called the “visiting statesmen,” a phrase on
which the political changes were rung for months and years
thereafter.
The electoral votes of Florida were decided by the returning board
to be Republican by a majority of 926,—this after throwing out the
votes of several districts where fraudulent returns were alleged to be
apparent or shown by testimony. The Board was cited before the
State Supreme Court, which ordered a count of the face of the
returns; a second meeting only led to a second Republican return,
and the Republican electors were then declared to have been chosen
by a majority of 206, though before this was done, the Electoral
College of the State had met and cast their four votes for Hayes and
Wheeler. Both parties agreed very closely in their counts, except as to
Baker county, from which the Republicans claimed 41 majority, the
Democrats 95 majority—the returning board accepting the
Republican claim.
In Louisiana the Packard returning board was headed by J.
Madison Wells, and this body refused to permit the Democrats to be
represented therein. It was in session three weeks, the excitement all
the time being at fever heat, and finally made the following average
returns: Republican electors, 74,436; Democratic, 70,505;
Republican majority, 3,931. McEnery, who claimed to be Governor,
gave the Democratic electors a certificate based on an average vote of
83,635 against 75,759, a Democratic majority of 7,876.
In Oregon, the three Republican electors had an admitted majority
of the popular vote, but on a claim that one of the number was a
Federal office-holder and therefore ineligible, the Democratic
Governor gave a certificate to two of the Republican electors, and a
Mr. Cronin, Democrat. The three Republican electors were certified
by the Secretary of State, who was the canvassing officer by law. This
Oregon business led to grave suspicions against Mr. Tilden, who was
thereafter freely charged by the Republicans with the use of his
immense private fortune to control the result, and thereafter, the
New York Tribune, with unexampled enterprise, exposed and
reprinted the “cipher dispatches” from Gramercy, which Mr. Pelton,
the nephew and private secretary of Mr. Tilden, had sent to
Democratic “visiting statesmen” in the four disputed sections. In
1878, the Potter Investigating Committee subsequently confirmed
the “cipher dispatches” but Mr. Tilden denied any knowledge of
them.
The second session of the 44th Congress met on Dec. 5th, 1876,
and while by that time all knew the dangers of the approaching
electoral count, yet neither House would consent to the revision of
the joint rule regulating the count. The Republicans claimed that the
President of the Senate had the sole authority to open and announce
the returns in the presence of the two Houses; the Democrats plainly
disputed this right, and claimed that the joint body could control the
count under the law. Some Democrats went so far as to say that the
House (which was Democratic, with Samuel J. Randall in the
Speaker’s chair) could for itself decide when the emergency had
arrived in which it was to elect a President.
There was grave danger, and it was asserted that the Democrats,
fearing the President of the Senate would exercise the power of
declaring the result, were preparing first to forcibly and at least with
secrecy swear in and inaugurate Tilden. Mr. Watterson, member of
the House from Kentucky, boasted that he had completed
arrangements to have 100,000 men at Washington on inauguration
day, to see that Tilden was installed. President Grant and Secretary
of War Cameron, thought the condition of affairs critical, and both
made active though secret preparations to secure the safe if not the
peaceful inauguration of Hayes. Grant, in one of his sententious
utterances, said he “would have peace if he had to fight for it.” To this
end he sent for Gov. Hartranft of Pennsylvania, to know if he could
stop any attempted movement of New York troops to Washington, as
he had information that the purpose was to forcibly install Tilden.
Gov. Hartranft replied that he could do it with the National Guard
and the Grand Army of the Republic. He was told to return to
Harrisburg and prepare for such an emergency. This he did, and as
the Legislature was then in session, a Republican caucus was called,
and it resolved, without knowing exactly why, to sustain any action of
the Governor with the resources of the State. Secretary Cameron also
sent for Gen’l Sherman, and for a time went on with comprehensive
preparations, which if there had been need for completion, would
certainly have put a speedy check upon the madness of any mob.
There is a most interesting unwritten history of events then
transpiring which no one now living can fully relate without
unjustifiable violations of political and personal confidences. But the
danger was avoided by the patriotism of prominent members of
Congress representing both of the great political parties. These
gentlemen held several important and private conferences, and
substantially agreed upon a result several days before the exciting
struggle which followed the introduction of the Electoral
Commission Act. The leaders on the part of the Republicans in these
conferences were Conkling, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen; on the part of
the Democrats Bayard, Gordon, Randall and Hewitt, the latter a
member of the House and Chairman of the National Democratic
Committee.
 The Electoral Commission Act, the basis of agreement, was
supported by Conkling in a speech of great power, and of all men
engaged in this great work he was at the time most suspected by the
Republicans, who feared that his admitted dislike to Hayes would
cause him to favor a bill which would secure the return of Tilden, and
as both of the gentlemen were New Yorkers, there was for several
days grave fears of a combination between the two. The result
showed the injustice done, and convinced theretofore doubting
Republicans that Conkling, even as a partisan, was faithful and far-
seeing. The Electoral Commission measure was a Democratic one, if
we are to judge from the character of the votes cast for and against it.
In the Senate the vote stood 47 for to 17 against. There were 21
Republicans for it and 16 against, while there were also 26
Democrats for it to only 1 (Eaton) against. In the House much the
same proportion was maintained, the bill passing that body by 191 to
86. The following is the text of the

ELECTORAL COMMISSION ACT.

An act to provide for and regulate the counting of votes for

President and Vice-President, and the decision of questions arising
thereon, for the term commencing March fourth, Anno Domini
eighteen hundred and seventy-seven.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Senate
and House of Representatives shall meet in the hall of the House of
Representatives, at the hour of one o’clock post meridian, on the first
Thursday in February, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and seventy-
seven; the President of the Senate shall be their presiding officer.
Two tellers shall be previously appointed on the part of the Senate,
and two on the part of the House of Representatives, to whom shall
be handed, as they are opened by the President of the Senate, all the
certificates, and papers purporting to be certificates, of the electoral
votes, which certificates and papers shall be opened, presented and
acted upon in the alphabetical order of the States, beginning with the
letter A; and said tellers having then read the same in presence and
hearing of the two Houses, shall make a list of the votes as they shall
appear from the said certificates; and the votes having been
ascertained and counted as in this act provided, the result of the
same shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall
thereupon announce the state of the vote, and the names of the
persons, if any elected, which announcement shall be deemed a
sufficient declaration of the persons elected President and Vice-
President of the United States, and, together with a list of the votes,
be entered on the journals of the Houses. Upon such reading of any
such certificate or paper when there shall only be one return from a
State, the President of the Senate shall call for objections, if any.
Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state clearly and
concisely, and without argument, the ground thereof, and shall be
signed by at least one Senator and one Member of the House of
Representatives before the same shall be received. When all
objections so made to any vote or paper from a State shall have been
received and read, the Senate shall thereupon withdraw, and such
objections shall be submitted to the Senate for its decision; and the
Speaker of the House of Representatives shall, in like manner,
submit such objections to the House of Representatives for its
decision; and no electoral vote or votes from any State from which
but one return has been received shall be rejected, except by the
affirmative vote of the two Houses. When the two Houses have votes,
they shall immediately again meet, and the presiding officer shall
then announce the decision of the question submitted.
Sec. 2. That if more than one return, or paper purporting to be a
return from a State, shall have been received by the President of the
Senate, purporting to be the certificate of electoral votes given at the
last preceding election for President and Vice-President in such State
(unless they shall be duplicates of the same return), all such returns
and papers shall be opened by him in the presence of the two Houses
when met as aforesaid, and read by the tellers, and all such returns
and papers shall thereupon be submitted to the judgment and
decision as to which is the true and lawful electoral vote of such
State, of a commission constituted as follows, namely: During the
session of each House, on the Tuesday next preceding the first
Thursday in February, eighteen hundred and seventy-seven, each
House shall, by viva voce vote, appoint five of its members, with the
five associate justices of the Supreme Court of the United States to be
ascertained as hereinafter provided, shall constitute a commission
for the decision of all questions upon or in respect of such double
returns named in this section. On the Tuesday next preceding the
first Thursday in February, Anno Domini, eighteen hundred and
seventy-seven, or as soon thereafter as may be, the associate justices
of the Supreme Court of the United States now assigned to the first,
third, eighth, and ninth circuits shall select, in such manner as a
majority of them shall deem fit, another of the associate justices of
said court, which five persons shall be members of said commission;
and the person longest in commission of said five justices shall be the
president of said commission. The members of said commission shall
respectively take and subscribe the following oath: “I —— do
solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case maybe,) that I will impartially
examine and consider all questions submitted to the commission of
which I am a member, and a true judgment give thereon, agreeably
to the Constitution and the laws: so help me God;” which oath shall
be filed with the Secretary of the Senate. When the commission shall
have been thus organized, it shall not be in the power of either House
to dissolve the same, or to withdraw any of its members; but if any
such Senator or member shall die or become physically unable to
perform the duties required by this act, the fact of such death or
physical inability shall be by said commission, before it shall proceed
further, communicated to the Senate or House of Representatives, as
the case may be, which body shall immediately and without debate
proceed by viva voce vote to fill the place so vacated, and the person
so appointed shall take and subscribe the oath hereinbefore
prescribed, and become a member of said commission; and in like
manner, if any of said justices of the Supreme Court shall die or
become physically incapable of performing the duties required by
this act, the other of said justices, members of the said commission,
shall immediately appoint another justice of said court a member of
said commission, and in like manner, if any of said justices of the
Supreme Court shall die or become physically incapable of
performing the duties required by this act, the other of said justices,
members of the said commission, shall immediately appoint another
justice of said court a member of said commission, and, in such
appointment, regard shall be had to the impartiality and freedom
from bias sought by the original appointments to said commission,
who shall thereupon immediately take and subscribe the oath
hereinbefore prescribed, and become a member of said commission
to fill the vacancy so occasioned. All the certificates and papers
purporting to be certificates of the electoral votes of each State shall
be opened, in the alphabetical order of the States, as provided in
section one of this act; and when there shall be more than one such
certificate or paper, as the certificates and papers from such State
shall so be opened (excepting duplicates of the same return), they
shall be read by the tellers, and thereupon the President of the
Senate shall call for objections, if any. Every objection shall be made
in writing, and shall state clearly and concisely, and without
argument, the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at least one
Senator and one member of the House of Representatives before the
same shall be received. When all such objections so made to any
certificate, vote, or paper from a State shall have been received and
read, all such certificates, votes and papers so objected to, and all
papers accompanying the same, together with such objections, shall
be forthwith submitted to said commission, which shall proceed to
consider the same, with the same powers, if any, now possessed for
that purpose by the two Houses acting separately or together, and, by
a majority of votes, decide whether any and what votes from such
State are the votes provided for by the Constitution of the United
States, and how many and what persons were duly appointed
electors in such State, and may therein take into view such petitions,
depositions, and other papers, if any, as shall, by the Constitution
and now existing law, be competent and pertinent in such
consideration; which decision shall be made in writing, stating
briefly the ground thereof, and signed by the members of said
commission agreeing therein; whereupon the two Houses shall again
meet, and such decision shall be read and entered in the journal of
each house, and the counting of the vote shall proceed in conformity
therewith, unless, upon objection made thereto in writing by at least
five Senators and five members of the House of Representatives, the
two Houses shall separately concur in ordering otherwise, in which
case such concurrent order shall govern. No votes or papers from any
other State shall be acted upon until the objections previously made
to the votes or papers from any State shall have been finally disposed
of.
Sec. 3. That, while the two Houses shall be in meeting, as provided
in this act, no debate shall be allowed and no question shall be put by
the presiding officer, except to either House on a motion to
withdraw, and he shall have power to preserve order.
 Sec. 4. That when the two Houses separate to decide upon an
objection that may have been made to the counting of any electoral
vote or votes from any State, or upon objection to a report of said
commission, or other question arising under this act, each Senator
and Representative may speak to such objection or question ten
minutes, and not oftener than once; but after such debate shall have
lasted two hours, it shall be the duty of each House to put the main
question without further debate.
Sec. 5. That at such joint meeting of the two Houses, seats shall be
provided as follows: For the President of the Senate, the Speaker’s
chair; for the Speaker, immediately upon his left; the Senators in the
body of the hall upon the right of the presiding officer; for the
Representatives, in the body of the hall not provided for the
Senators; for the tellers, Secretary of the Senate, and Clerk of the
House of Representatives, at the Clerk’s desk; for the other officers of
the two Houses, in front of the Clerk’s desk and upon each side of the
Speaker’s platform. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until
the count of electoral votes shall be completed and the result
declared; and no recess shall be taken unless a question shall have
arisen in regard to counting any such votes, or otherwise under this
act, in which case it shall be competent for either House, acting
separately, in the manner hereinbefore provided, to direct a recess of
such House not beyond the next day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of
ten o’clock in the forenoon. And while any question is being
considered by said commission, either House may proceed with its
legislative or other business.
Sec. 6. That nothing in this act shall be held to impair or affect any
right now existing under the Constitution and laws to question, by
proceeding in the judicial courts of the United States, the right or
title of the person who shall be declared elected, or who shall claim to
be President or Vice-President of the United States, if any such right
exists.
Sec. 7. That said commission shall make its own rules, keep a
record of its proceedings, and shall have power to employ such
persons as may be necessary for the transaction of its business and
the execution of its powers.
Approved, January 29, 1877.
 Members of the Commission.

Hon. Nathan Clifford, Associate Justice Supreme Court, First

Circuit.
Hon. William Strong, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Third
Circuit.
Hon. Samuel F. Miller, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Eighth
Circuit.
Hon. Stephen J. Field, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Ninth
Circuit.
Hon. Joseph P. Bradley, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Fifth
Circuit.
Hon. George F. Edmunds, United States Senator.
Hon. Oliver P. Morton, United States Senator.
Hon. Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, United States Senator.
Hon. Allen G. Thurman, United States Senator.
Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, United States Senator.
Hon. Henry B. Payne, United States Representative.
Hon. Eppa Hunton, United States Representative.
Hon. Josiah G. Abbott, United States Representative.
Hon. James A. Garfield, United States Representative.
Hon. George F. Hoar, United States Representative.
The Electoral Commission met February 1st, and by uniform votes
of 8 to 7, decided all objections to the Electoral votes of Florida,
Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon, in favor of the Republicans,
and while the two Houses disagreed on nearly all of these points by
strict party votes, the electoral votes were, under the provisions of
the law, given to Hayes and Wheeler, and the final result declared to
be 185 electors for Hayes and Wheeler, to 184 for Tilden and
Hendricks. Questions of eligibility had been raised against individual
electors from Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island,
Vermont and Wisconsin, but the Commission did not sustain any of
them, and as a rule they were unsupported by evidence. Thus closed
the gravest crisis which ever attended an electoral count in this
country, so far as the Nation was concerned; and while for some
weeks the better desire to peacefully settle all differences prevailed,
in a few weeks partisan bitterness was manifested on the part of a
great majority of Northern Democrats, who believed their party had
been deprived by a partisan spirit of its rightful President.
 The Title of President Hayes.

The uniform vote of 8 to 7 on all important propositions

considered by the Electoral Commission, to their minds showed a
partisan spirit, the existence of which it was difficult to deny. The
action of the Republican “visiting statesmen” in Louisiana, in
practically overthrowing the Packard or Republican government
there, caused distrust and dissatisfaction in the minds of the more
radical Republicans, who contended with every show of reason that if
Hayes carried Louisiana, Packard must also have done so. The only
sensible excuse for seating Hayes on the one side and throwing out
Governor Packard on the other, was a patriotic desire for peace in the
settlement of both Presidential and Southern State issues. This
desire was plainly manifested by President Hayes on the day of his
inauguration and for two years thereafter. He took early occasion to
visit Atlanta, Ga., and while at that point and en route there made
the most conciliatory speeches, in which he called those who had
engaged in the Rebellion, “brothers,” “gallant soldiers,” etc. These
speeches excited much attention. They had little if any effect upon
the South, while the more radical Republicans accused the President
of “slopping over.” They did not allay the hostility of the Democratic
party, and did not restore the feeling in the South to a condition
better than that which it had shown during the exciting days of the
Electoral count. The South then, under the lead of men like
Stephens, Hill and Gordon, in the main showed every desire for a
peaceful settlement. As a rule only the Border States and Northern
Democrats manifested extreme distrust and bitterness, and these
were plainly told by some of the leaders from the Gulf States, that so
far as they were concerned, they had had enough of civil war.
As late as April 22, 1877, the Maryland Legislature passed the
following:
 Resolved by the General Assembly of Maryland, That the
Attorney-General of the State be, and he is hereby, instructed, in case
Congress shall provide for expediting the action, to exhibit a bill in
the Supreme Court of the United States, on behalf of the State of
Maryland, with proper parties thereto, setting forth the fact that due
effect has not been given to the electoral vote cast by this State on the
6th day of December, 1876, by reason of fraudulent returns made
from other States and allowed to be counted provisionally by the
Electoral Commission, and subject to judicial revision, and praying
said court to make the revision contemplated by the act establishing
said commission; and upon such revision to declare the returns from
the States of Louisiana and Florida, which were counted for
Rutherford B. Hayes and William A. Wheeler, fraudulent and void,
and that the legal electoral votes of said States were cast for Samuel
J. Tilden as President, and Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice-President,
and that by virtue thereof and of 184 votes cast by other States, of
which 8 were cast by the State of Maryland, the said Tilden and
Hendricks were duly elected, and praying said Court to decree
accordingly.
It was this resolution which induced the Clarkson N. Potter
resolution of investigation, a resolution the passage of which was
resisted by the Republicans through filibustering for many days, but
was finally passed by 146 Democratic votes to 2 Democratic votes
(Mills and Morse) against, the Republicans not voting.
 The Cipher Despatches.

An amendment offered to the Potter resolution but not accepted,

and defeated by the Democratic majority, cited some fair specimens
of the cipher dispatches exposed by the New York Tribune. These are
matters of historical interest, and convey information as to the
methods which politicians will resort to in desperate emergencies.
We therefore quote the more pertinent portions.
Resolved, That the select committee to whom this House has
committed the investigation of certain matters affecting, as is
alleged, the legal title of the President of the United States to the high
office which he now holds, be and is hereby instructed in the course
of its investigations to fully inquire into all the facts connected with
the election in the State of Florida in November, 1876, and especially
into the circumstances attending the transmission and receiving of
certain telegraphic dispatches sent in said year between Tallahassee
in said State and New York City, viz.:
“Tallahassee, November 9, 1876.

“A. S. Hewitt, New York:

“Comply if possible with my telegram.

“Geo. P. Rarey.”

Also the following:

“Tallahassee, December 1, 1876.

“W. T. Pelton, New York:

“Answer Mac’s dispatch immediately, or we will be embarrassed at a critical

time.

Wilkinson Call.”
 Also the following:
“Tallahassee, December 4, 1876.

“W. T. Pelton:

“Things culminating here. Answer Mac’s despatch to-day.

W. Call.”

And also the facts connected with all telegraphic dispatches

between one John F. Coyle and said Pelton, under the latters real or
fictitious name, and with any and all demands for money on or about
December 1, 1876, from said Tallahassee, on said Pelton, or said
Hewitt, or with any attempt to corrupt or bribe any official of the said
State of Florida by any person acting for said Pelton, or in the
interest of Samuel J. Tilden as a presidential candidate.
Also to investigate the charges of intimidation at Lake City, in
Columbia county, where Joel Niblack and other white men put ropes
around the necks of colored men and proposed to hang them, but
released them on their promise to join a Democratic club and vote
for Samuel J. Tilden.
Also the facts of the election in Jackson county, where the ballot-
boxes were kept out of the sight of voters, who voted through
openings or holes six feet above the ground, and where many more
Republican votes were thus given into the hands of the Democratic
inspectors than were counted or returned by them.
Also the facts of the election in Waldo precinct, in Alachua county,
where the passengers on an emigrant-train, passing through on the
day of election, were allowed to vote.
Also the facts of the election in Manatee county, returning 235
majority for the Tilden electors, where there were no county officers,
no registration, no notice of the election, and where the Republican
party, therefore, did not vote.
Also the facts of the election in the third precinct of Key West,
giving 342 Democratic majority where the Democratic inspector
carried the ballot-box home, and pretended to count the ballots on
the next day, outside of the precinct and contrary to law.