Professional Documents
Culture Documents
T I M O T H Y TAC K E T T
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Contents
Acknowledgments vii
Prologue 1
1. Arrival in Paris 6
3. Making a Living 35
6. Days of Glory 79
Conclusion 163
when I did not agree with all of their suggestions, I found their
comments enormously helpful and I want to express my appreci-
ation for the time they took from their busy schedules to examine
my drafts.
An overview of the manuscript was read at the conference in
honor of Peter McPhee at the University of Melbourne in July 2019;
and an earlier version of c hapter 3 was presented at the virtual joint
meeting of the Rudé Seminar and the Society for French Historical
Studies, originally planned to be held at the University of Auckland
in July 2020, but moved to the internet because of the outbreak of
Covid-19.
I was also assisted at various stages of the research by Marc Du
Pouget, director of the Archives départementales of Indre; and by
Valentine Weiss, director of the Centre de topographie parisienne
in the Archives nationales.
Finally, may I express my immense gratitude, as always, to Helen
Harden Chenut and Nicolas Tackett for their love and support
throughout the process of researching and writing this book.
The Glory and the Sorrow
Prologue
women who lived just below him, his most recent laundry package
still lay unopened in his room beside the bed. Colson’s landlord, the
candle maker Jean-Louis Ladoubé, from whom he had rented his
apartment for over twenty years, had brought in two elderly widows
to care for his needs, day and night, during his sickness. And it was
Ladoubé who would soon take charge of Colson’s funeral.3
Perhaps those who knew him best, like Monsieur Ladoubé or
the café owner Psalmon who lived across the street and with whom
he often chatted while he ate his meals, may have wondered what
was passing through Colson’s mind as he lay sick in his apartment.
Surely he must have reflected on the halcyon days of the early
Revolution, when the whole world seemed to be changing; on the
intense feelings of equality and brotherhood; and on the emergence
of a politics of self-determination that would have been quite un-
imaginable only a few years earlier. How could he, how could any
of them, forget the great decree of August 4, 1789, abolishing feu-
dalism in France; or the stunning Declaration of the Rights of Man
and the Citizen only a few weeks later; or the ensuing suppression
of the nobility, the creation of the first French Republic, the abo-
lition of slavery, and the considerable expansion of the rights of
women? But as he lay dying, it must also have been difficult to forget
the fear and terror that had accompanied that Revolution from its
earliest days. There were the successive dangers from invasions
by foreign and counterrevolutionary armies, armies determined,
so it was feared, to wreak havoc on Paris and on much of its pop-
ulation. Perhaps above all, there were the ever-present rumors of
threats from lurking aristocrats, ready to destroy everything they
had struggled to achieve, fears that at times had utterly dominated
their lives. And as Ladoubé and Psalmon well knew, such emotions
had been compounded after 1792 by the personal disappointment
and sorrow that the events of the Revolution had brought about in
Colson’s personal life: the collapse of the relationship with his prin-
cipal employer and of the friendship of his closest friend; and the
closing and destruction of the church he had so long attended.
Prologue 3
Perhaps, as Colson lay sick in his room in 1797, he may also have
thought back almost half a century to the day he first entered the
gates of Paris. For a young man of 23, who had known only the
small towns of eastern France, the sounds and colors and odors,
the extraordinary bustle, the unimaginable expanse of the city must
have seemed quite overwhelming. His hometown of Varennes-
en-Argonne could claim only about a thousand people clustered
around a single main street and a small town square, surrounded
by farmland and forests. But the capital of France in the mid-
eighteenth century already contained over 600,000 souls, making
it the second largest city in Europe—after London—and one of the
larger metropolises in the world at that time.1
As Colson soon came to realize, it was a city of great extremes.
There were the monumental palaces of the Louvre and the Tuileries
and the Luxembourg; and the town houses that often resembled
small palaces of some of the wealthiest aristocrats in Europe. There
was the magnificent Gothic cathedral of Notre Dame on the cen-
tral island of La Cité—the historic core of Roman Paris—along
with dozens of churches and chapels large and small, some even
older than Notre Dame, scattered across the city. There were the
impressive Renaissance structures of the city hall and many
segments of the Palace of Justice. There were the grandiose open
spaces created by a succession of Bourbon kings—the Place Louis-
Le-Grand (today’s Place Vendôme), the Place Louis XV (Place de la
Concorde), the Champs-Elysées to the west, and the Place Royale
(Place des Vosges) to the east. And there was a whole line of bridges
crossing the Seine, most with narrow shops and houses squeezed
Arrival in Paris 7
precariously along the two sides. He must also have been impressed
by the great number of barges moving up and down the river Seine
or anchored along its banks, unloading cargoes of all kinds, some
from France itself, some from elsewhere in Europe or from beyond
the seas, all for the provisioning of the city.
As Colson also soon learned, however, from the experience of the
neighborhood where he would take up residence, much of the city
was still dominated by a labyrinth of narrow lanes and alleys, dark,
dirty, smelly, and often unpaved, of small cluttered courtyards, and
poor and somewhat dilapidated three-to five-story structures with
Figure 1.1 View of Paris along the Right Bank of the Seine toward
the northwest in the last decade before the Revolution. On the left are
the towers of Notre Dame and the Sainte Chapelle on the island of
La Cité. In the distance is the Notre Dame bridge, with the medieval
structure of the Châtelet just beyond and the palace of the Louvre in
the distance. Colson’s residence on the Rue des Arcis, not visible here,
was about three blocks away from the river and the bridge to the right.
The image depicts the enormous daytime activity along the ports
of the Seine, the crowds and bustle, and the barges filled with wheat
that Colson would have encountered when he first entered the city.
Bibliothèque nationale de France.
8 The Glory and the Sorrow
tiny shops at street level. It was a far cry indeed from the Paris of
the late nineteenth century. The “city of lights,” with its broad tree-
lined boulevards, sidewalk cafes, and department stores, would
emerge only after Paris had been massively rebuilt a century later
by Napoleon III and Baron Haussmann.
Within this extraordinary metropolis, Colson would soon come
across an amazing mixture of some of the wealthiest and some of
the most humble inhabitants in the entire French kingdom. He
would have daily encountered great lords and ladies rushing about
in their elegant carriages; soberly dressed merchants and profes-
sional people going about their business; nuns and clergymen in
their diverse clerical garb; off-duty soldiers hanging out in cabarets
or houses of ill-repute; artisans and shopkeepers at work in their
small shops; and a whole variety of street peddlers, market women,
water carriers, and rag pickers, not to mention prostitutes, pick-
pockets, thieves, and diverse ne’er-do-wells. Although most of the
population adhered to the Catholic faith, there was also a scattering
of Protestants and Jews.2
Amid this great mass of humanity, Colson would have joined the
large numbers of young men and women streaming into the cap-
ital in the eighteenth century from all over France, and even from
several neighboring countries, with myriad accents and styles of
dress, all searching for work and more hopeful futures. By certain
estimates, some 10,000 new faces appeared in the city each year.
Most of the migrants arrived from northern France, from a broad
swath of provinces from Normandy to Lorraine. But others came
from farther afield, bringing with them the customs and languages
of Provence and Languedoc in the south, of Brittany in the far west,
of Alsace to the East. Perhaps the largest group of new arrivals
consisted of those looking for positions as servants. Wealthy
households in the eighteenth century might have dozens of women
and men in domestic service, and even more modest middle-class
families could have one or two. Thousands more of the immigrants,
a great many of them from Auvergne and Limousin in central
Arrival in Paris 9
France, were drawn to the capital by work in the building trades for
a city in full expansion.3 Indeed, in the course of the century, Paris
was bursting beyond its medieval and seventeenth-century walls,
as whole new neighborhoods were created, especially in the west
where the wealthy classes were building residences.
As the eighteenth century progressed, an impressive number of
the better educated joined an overabundant population of hopeful
young writers, with visions of demonstrating their genius and of
embracing the goals of the Enlightenment—the great reform move-
ment of the eighteenth century—and of becoming new Voltaires or
Diderots or Rousseaus. Many, unfortunately, would only be able to
scrape by with degrading jobs writing pornography or serving as
police spies—“gutter Rousseaus” as they were called in the nine-
teenth century. There was also a growing surplus of those trained
in the law. In the late eighteenth century, well-educated young
men who might once have gone into the clergy seem increasingly
to have opted for legal careers. A certain number, like the future
Revolutionaries Camille Desmoulins and Jacques Brissot, might
also have hoped to carve out careers as writers. In this respect,
Colson was no doubt fortunate to have arrived at mid-century, a
decade or two before the great influx of unemployed or underem-
ployed lawyers.4
Indeed, Colson’s career was all the more unlikely in that he
originated in a family of artisans, while the vast majority of lawyers
in Paris came from milieus of middle-class professionals or even
from the nobility.5 He was born in 1727, the son of another Adrien
Colson, a tanner in Varennes, in the northeast corner of France, not
far from Luxembourg and what were then the Austrian Lowlands
and would later become the sovereign state of Belgium. It was
a frontier zone, not only politically but also in terms of both lan-
guage and religion. Although the population of Varennes and the
immediate region had long spoken French, the German-speaking
zone of Lorraine was not far away. During both the French Wars
of Religion of the sixteenth century and the Thirty Years War in
10 The Glory and the Sorrow
the seventeenth century, the town, protected within its walls, had
remained securely Catholic, even as Protestant armies ravaged the
nearby countryside. It was only in 1659 that Varennes and the re-
gion of the “Clermontais” in which it was located had come per-
manently into the French sphere of influence, with Paris as its
political and cultural focal point.6 Yet the frontier mentality may
well have affected Colson, as seen both in his strong adherence to
Catholicism and in his feelings of French identity, frequently indi-
cated in his correspondence well before the French Revolution.
Colson had been one of nine siblings born to his father and his
mother Marie Mallot, six coming before him and two after.7 Sadly,
however, all of his brothers and sisters had died either in infancy or
in early childhood. Such a frightful mortality rate was not altogether
unusual in Old Regime France, a hecatomb of babies and small chil-
dren swept away by disease, sometimes aided by malnutrition that
was even worse during the prolonged warfare and generally colder
weather at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Whatever the
realities described by demographers in abstract charts and graphs,
it would be callous to think that women and men ever entirely over-
came the loss of these little beings they hardly knew and whom
they could only send off to heaven with prayers for their souls. And
for Colson the ever-present reality of death had struck home even
more tragically after his mother died, worn out at age 51 when the
future lawyer was just 12, leaving him an only child, living with his
father. Thereafter, the father never remarried, and one must think
he was probably too elderly to have had anything but a platonic re-
lationship with Barbe Bisot, the middle-aged women who cared for
the family and kept house after the mother’s death.8 In any case, it
is little wonder that for the rest of his life, Colson—like so many
others of his age—would remain obsessed with illness and death.
Yet as a result of the tragedies of his family life, Colson now
found himself the sole heir to what was clearly an upwardly mobile
family. His grandfather had been a simple shoemaker in a nearby
village. His father, with the help of a judiciously chosen wife and the
Arrival in Paris 11
“for several years.” Did the father and the son feel a sense of grief at
the parting? Unfortunately, one will never know. Given the father’s
“great age” (85 years old at the time) and of his “longstanding
infirmities,” everyone suspected that he might soon pass away.
Indeed, the younger Colson drew up a power of attorney in favor of
a family friend to handle all their affairs in case of his father’s death.
Then in late 1758, Adrien-Joseph Colson, aged 31, departed from
Varennes for Paris, never to see his father again. By the time Colson
senior died in the spring of 1759, his son had already been gone
from his home town for some eight months and was beginning to
build a new life for himself in central Paris.
2
Life in Paris before the Revolution
Once reestablished in the capital and after one or two initial moves,
Colson took up permanent residence in a small apartment on
the Rue des Arcis, which he sublet from the master candle maker
Ladoubé, who lived and worked there with his wife and two adult
daughters. The street no longer exists, except for a small portion
attached to the bottom of the Rue Saint-Martin, while the building
itself disappeared in the nineteenth century when the broad Rue
de Rivoli was pushed through the neighborhood. Colson’s res-
idence took up the entire second floor of the five-story building,
a three-room L-shaped apartment, wrapped around a common
stairwell, with a sitting room, an office of sorts, and a bedroom,
and with exposed wooden beams in the ceilings throughout.1 The
privy, outside by the stairwell, held a pot and a seat shared by others
living above in the building. The pot would have been emptied
each night—when the contents were carried away in the nightsoil
carts— thus sharing its distinctive aromas with much of the
building. But then Parisians were accustomed to such odors, which
were, after all, part of everyday urban life—and would remain so
well into the following century.2 Overall it was a larger living space
than that inhabited by perhaps 80 percent of Parisians, as for a great
many of them, whole families were crowded into a single unheated
room. Nevertheless, it was a relatively modest abode for the typical
Parisian lawyer, whose residence more commonly occupied four to
six rooms.3
If one had entered Colson’s apartment, one would have found a
fairly cheery sitting room with two east-facing windows, trimmed
with blue curtains, looking out on the Rue des Arcis and bringing
Life in Paris before the Revolution 17
in the morning light. By leaning out one of his windows, the lawyer
had an excellent view to his right toward the Notre-Dame Bridge,
crossing over to the island of La Cité.4 It was the perfect platform
for watching the passing of life’s parade in his neighborhood—
where noisy activities often continued well into the night—and
for viewing the events of the Revolution. Indeed, as an extension
of the long, straight Rue Saint-Martin, the Rue des Arcis was part
of a major north-south axis through the city, “a busy street,” as he
18 The Glory and the Sorrow
case, if the structure was at all typical, the inhabitants would have
been progressively more humble as one climbed up the stairway,
with the poorest at the top, living without heating under the roof.
Below Colson the Ladoubé family had a kitchen and a dining room
on the ground floor, behind their shop, and sleeping quarters on
the floor above, reached by a private staircase. In the shop itself
they both sold and manufactured candles of various sizes, so that
the aroma of hot tallow—another relatively disagreeable odor—
would regularly have wafted up through the building as the melted
ingredients were poured into an array of molds of different sizes. In
many respects the Ladoubés and “the house”—as Colson frequently
referred to it—became the family he had scarcely known in his
youth. The stairway for the renters living above in the building was
at the back of the shop, and whenever the lawyer passed through he
might stop to chat with the family members present. If Colson had
to be out of town on business, he might even ask Monsieur Ladoubé
to keep an eye on his correspondence and to write back to Lemaigre
on specific issues. On one occasion he asked the younger of the two
daughters to stand in line for him to exchange gold at the bank.9
The candle shop was a perfect spot to pick up the latest news and
gossip circulating in central Paris. The shop’s work space opened di-
rectly onto the street with a large wooden door left open during the
day, except in the most inclement weather, so that customers and
neighbors might have easy access. Oil lanterns were still relatively
rare in most apartments, and a supply of candles was necessary if
inhabitants were to keep their homes lit in the evenings—amid
the nighttime darkness that would have seemed all the more per-
vasive since outside street lamps were few and far between on the
back streets where the poorer neighbors lived. Indeed, like the local
bakery or the public fountain or the cabaret, the candle shop was a
place where virtually everyone in the neighborhood normally had
to go from time to time and where local gossip could be shared.
Colson often sat downstairs with the family and chatted with the
customers or with the two daughters, who always seemed abreast of
20 The Glory and the Sorrow
the latest stories, both accurate and inaccurate. Colson was present
there one day during the early Revolution when a woman rushed in
and assured them all that the Châtelet courthouse was under attack
by a mob—a report that Colson easily disproved by walking to the
building itself.10
Within his apartment, as he himself described it, the lawyer lived
a simple existence, largely devoted to his professional activities. As a
bachelor in his small residence, he did not keep a servant or a cook.
When his friend Lemaigre once sent him a “magnificent basket” of
food items from the province of Berry, he had to apologize that he
could not use them, since “I don’t really take meals in my apart-
ment.” In the end, he gave the basket away as a gift. Although he
probably ate breakfasts in his room—coffee, bread, and butter, per-
haps brought up by one of the Ladoubé daughters—he claimed to
take all of his other meals with a “traiteur,” most likely in the wine
shop and café across the street run by Monsieur Psalmon where,
as he described it, “I spend much of my time.” It was there that he
invited guests visiting Paris from Levroux to dine with him. Indeed,
the wine shop would be another convenient spot for chatting
with friends and picking up gossip and rumors circulating in the
neighborhood.11
Throughout his life his revenues would have been ample enough
for him to eat relatively well and never feel the pinch of hunger that
was so often the lot of a large portion of the Parisian population. At
times in his correspondence he even seemed rather a connoisseur
of food. He commented on the seasonal fruits and vegetables—
green peas or strawberries and cherries—as they became available
in the market, and above all on the quality of the bread, which was
always an important element in every meal of every social class.
He also kept track of the quantity and quality of the grape harvests
around Paris and worried when excessive heat or rain might affect
the crop. The latter concern could partly be linked to his finan-
cial responsibilities for the Ravary wine-growing family, but it was
surely not unrelated to his personal consumption.12
Life in Paris before the Revolution 21
littered with various items for sale or supplies for one or another of
the small shops. In 1782 Colson had to represent his neighbors in
working out an arrangement with the police, after the inhabitants
received a collective citation for leaving too much clutter and trash
in the street. François Dulac, a mason who lived a few houses north
of Colson was more careful when he asked and was granted special
permission to pile his bricks up to six feet along his wall and into
the street.14 Nevertheless, there was always a substantial amount of
Life in Paris before the Revolution 23
For a time it looked like the whole street might catch fire, but the
improvised volunteers were able to extinguish the flames—though
the young woman’s mother was left badly disfigured and a neigh-
boring baker was said to have died from the shock.18
The neighborhood as a whole was not particularly prosperous,
with large numbers of relatively humble folk struggling to hold their
lives together. Colson encountered many of the more impoverished
walking along his street, along with peddlers, and beggers, and
wandering horses, and occasional lost children. Some of them lived
on the upper floors of the Rue des Arcis: apprentice craftsmen, with
or without families; widows on meager pensions; younger women
spinning or sewing in their cramped, unheated apartments.19 There
were also a certain number of relatively modest Jewish families a bit
farther north on the Rue Saint Martin. Although Jews had been for-
mally expelled from the kingdom in the fourteenth century, many
had made their way back into Paris in the eighteenth century. In
the opposite direction, as one approached the Seine and one of the
major ports of Paris, the street changed its name once again to the
Rue de la Planche-Mibrai. It was a somewhat more seamy section,
populated by butchers killing cattle in the street, houses of prosti-
tution, and rowdy cafés, where frequent thefts and fights between
men and sometimes between women were often reported to the
police.20
Yet Colson’s section of the street did have a number of shops
cultivating customers of somewhat greater means.21 There was a
goldsmith, a hat shop, a perfume shop, and the boutique run by the
widow Toutain purveying fine chocolates—specializing in vanilla
and pistachio flavored ”diablotins”—which were reputedly shipped
throughout the kingdom. There was also a haberdasher (mercier),
“the seller of everything and the maker of nothing,” as Diderot
would describe the profession, who often stocked a selection of fine
porcelain. As everywhere in Old Regime cities, the establishments
producing and selling the same products tended to cluster together.
On the Rue des Arcis the dominant artisans were the tablettiers,
Life in Paris before the Revolution 25
whose guild office was on the nearby Place de Grève and who
specialized in a variety of fine wooden, ivory, and horn objects—
from buttons and snuff boxes to jewelry boxes, document cases,
game boards, and fans. There were at least seven such craft shops
producing and selling along the two short blocks north and south
of Colson’s house. Also found on those two blocks were a master
plumber, a couple of metal workers, and the manager of a used
clothing shop (the fripier), as well as Monsieur Dulac, the mason.
All of these establishments had their own particular shop signs,
signs that might be used in giving directions and locations at a time
when street numbers were only just beginning to appear in Paris—
and would not be imposed systematically until the Revolution.
Some were small works of folk art attached to the buildings or
sometimes hanging out over the street, swinging and rattling when
the wind blew—and occasionally falling on people and animals if
they became detached. The themes of the signs often seemed to
have been chosen whimsically and to have had no particular rela-
tion to the nature of the shops to which they were attached. Among
those on his street, Colson could see the “Pelican” (a tablettier), the
“Sun of Gold” (another tablettier), the “Spanish Arms” (the choco-
late shop), the “Crown of France” (the used clothing store), and the
“Green Monkey” (a haberdasher).22
One of the establishments that Colson would undoubtedly have
frequented, given the constant needs of his profession, was the
stationery shop of Louis Louvet, one or two buildings down the
street, appropriately situated at the corner of Rue des Ecrivains
(the “Writers’ Street”). According to an advertisement, the propri-
etor sold black, gray, and red ink by the pint; both swan and crow
writing quills; and paper and registers of every variety. During
the Revolution, Colson would indicate his relatively low opinion
of Louvet’s son, Jean-Baptiste, who would make something of
a reputation as a novelist and journalist, and later as an orator in
the Girondin faction of the Convention—a faction that Colson
would personally oppose.23 There were also a certain number of
26 The Glory and the Sorrow
professional men with offices on the Rue des Arcis, a notary with
his characteristic sign of the royal coat of arms, and a surveyor.
And several other men trained in the law—barristers and small-
time lawyers—lived in upstairs apartments, without any indication
of their presence on the street, individuals who, like Colson, took
advantage of the relatively low rents in the neighborhood and its
proximity to the Châtelet and the Parlement. But virtually all the
upper elites of the nobility and the high magistracy who had once
resided there had moved away over the previous century to more
upscale districts.24 It was the concentration of small shopkeepers
and craftsmen, with a sprinkling of lower-level professionals, who
would make the neighborhood a central zone for the radical poli-
tics of the “sans-culottes” during the Revolution.25
There were no bakeries on this segment of Colson’s street. The
closest was around the corner on the Rue des Ecrivains while an-
other was found a couple of blocks away on the notoriously odor-
iferous Rue Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie.26 It was no doubt an
apprentice baker from one of these shops who delivered bread
for the Ladoubés and Colson each morning, except when times
were hard and one had to line up in front of the shop from early
in the night in the hope of obtaining a loaf or two. Fortunately,
even during periods of grain shortages, Colson—unlike the great
majority of his neighbors—could substitute the more expensive
“petits pains” rolls sold by the limonadier up the street, a kind of
café selling strong liquors as well as non-alcoholic refreshments
and small munchables.27 On occasion, Colson may also have
frequented this establishment for meals. But his preferred base for
lunches and dinners was no doubt Monsieur Psalmon’s wine shop
across the street at the corner of the Rue Jean-Pain-Mollet, a shop
that apparently did double service as a traiteur or first-generation
restaurant.28 Psalmon’s position was somewhat unusual, however,
in that he actually owned the two buildings in which his ground-
floor establishment was situated. Most of the shopkeepers and
craftsmen were compelled to lease their places of business from
Life in Paris before the Revolution 27
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