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교수자: 안숭범
1차시 들어가기
2차시 김민기와 하길종
3차시 긴급조치 9호와 청년문화, TV와 국민총화
4차시 대마초 파동과 우수영화의 그늘
5차시 정리하기
강의 개요
차시 차시명 학습내용
주차 소개
1 들어가기
주차 핵심단어 소개
김민기는 저항가수였는가
2 김민기와 하길종
1980년대로 가지 못한 하길종
대마초 파동
4 대마초 파동과 우수영화의 그늘
우수영화의 그늘
이번 주차 정리
5 정리하기
다음 주차 소개
1차시 | 들어가기
라고 이렇게 말을 합니다.
윤동주라는 시인에 대해서는 해외에 계신 분들은 또 잘 모르실 수 있는데 한국 사람들이 가장 사
랑하는 시인 중 한 명이거든요. 일제강점기 말에 굉장히 동심에 어린, 그리고 자기 성찰적인 그런
시를 썼던 젊은 지식인이었고, 그 시대의 한계에 갇혀서 일찍 요절한 사람이에요. 그런데 그 윤동주
와 같은 이미지를 김민기의 노래에서, 또 김민기라는 사람의 삶에서 이렇게 찾으려고 했던 것 같아
요. 그런 해석도 있고요. 또 한편으로는 ‘상징적이고 은유적인 노랫말을 가진 그의 여러 노래들은
시대상에 대한 재해석의 여지를 담고 있다.’ 이런 평가들도 있었습니다. <아침 이슬>이라는 곡만 조
금 더 따로 떼놓고 보면, 강헌의 말에 따르면 이육사라는 또 다른 저항시인이 있었어요. 일제강점기
때 물론 시인입니다. 그런데 그 ‘육사의 <광야>라는 그 시와 같은 울림을 갖는다.’ 라고도 평가를 합
니다. 아까 그 윤동주와 이육사는 비슷한 시대에, 일제강점기 말에 유명해졌습니다. 일제강점기말을
생각할 때, 윤동주와 이육사는 유명한 두 사람인데, 이육사는 훨씬 더 직접적이고 실질적인 저항시
를 썼던 거죠. 그런데 그 이육사의 <광야>와 같은 그 대표적인 또 시인데 <광야>와 같은 시와 이
<아침 이슬>을 등가에 놓을 수 있지 않을까라는 평가가 있는 거고 많은 사람들이 또 그렇게 생각을
하고 있습니다. 물론 김민기는 그 <아침 이슬>이라는 곡으로 제한될 수 있는 사람은 또 아닙니다.
1973년 김지하가 쓴 그 가사를 가지고 만든 <금관의 예수>라는 노래도 있습니다. 이 김지하라는
사람도 여러분이 아시다시피 1970년대를 지나면서 박정희 정권 당시의 대표적인 저항시인이 또 아
니었습니까. 그런데 그 김지하의 가사를 가지고 <금관의 예수>라는 노래를 만드는데 이것은 민중운
동의 성격을 좀 분명히 갖는 그런 노랫말이었어요. 그래서 ‘기독교 민중가요의 시작’이라고 평가를
하는 사람도 꽤 많습니다. <아침 이슬>, <금관의 예수>, <작은 연못>, 여러 노래들을 언급을 했는데
여기서 <금관의 예수> 그 가사 한 대목을 한번 보도록 하겠습니다. 제가 한번 읽어볼게요.
가 멀었으며 현재까지 불려진 노래들 역시 당시에는 촉망받는 작곡가의 아름다운 노래였을 뿐이다.”
이렇게 말합니다. 어떻게 생각하시나요? 김민기를 두고 상반된 입장, 상반된 어떤 태도가 있는 건데
요. 만약에 이 이혜숙과 손우석의 해석에 힘을 싣는다면, 그에 걸맞는 여러 가지 뒷받침하는 인터뷰
내용도 사실 있어요. 김민기는 다음과 같은 인터뷰도 사실 했거든요. 제가 한번 읽어볼게요.
이번 차시는 긴급조치 9호와 청년문화 그리고 TV와 국민총화 이런 제목을 가지고 강의를 해보겠
습니다. 먼저 ‘긴급조치 9호와 청년문화’에 대해서 알아보지요. 긴급조치는 유신헌법을 공포한 후 박
정희가 영구집권의 의지를 표명하면서 이때 발동한 ‘국가긴급권에 의한 특별조치’를 말합니다. 유신
헌법이 문제적인 것은 국회의 동의 없이 대통령이 국민의 기본권을 정지시킬 수 있고, 국가 체제의
수정이나 변경의 권한을 행사할 수 있기 때문에 그렇습니다. 대통령이 국회해산권을 갖고 있는 상황
에서 국민의 대표인 국회의원이 박정희 대통령의 권한에 대항할 수 있는 방법은 사실상 없었다, 이
렇게 보는 게 맞을 것 같아요. 당시의 시대상, 특히 국경 바깥에서 일어난 사건 중에서 아주 주목할
만한 사건이 있었다면, 베트남 전쟁이 끝난 것입니다. 끝났는데 미국이 이기면서 끝난 게 아니었어
요. 그러니까 미국이 뼈아픈 뒷모습을 남기고 철수를 하는 그런 입장에 섰고 자유진영을 지키기 위
한 전쟁에서 미군이 진 것도 굉장히 충격인데 차기 미국 대통령 당선이 유력했던 카터가 한반도에
서 미군과 핵무기 철수를 공언해 버렸습니다. 그러니까 한반도에서 주한미군이 없어진다고 하면 70
년대의 상황에서는 큰 위기일 수 있죠. 그 때문에 박정희는 자주국방과 핵무기 보유 등을 외치면서
남한 사회를 전시 체제에 준하는 엄혹한 상황으로 몰고 갑니다. 바로 그 상황에서 긴급조치들이 쏟
아졌는데요. 베트남 패망직후 나온 긴급조치 9호는 헌법 비방 및 반대금지를 명목으로 국민들의 입
과 귀를 강력하게 단속하는 내용을 담고 있습니다.
대략적으로 요약해서 제가 말씀드리면, ‘유언비어를 날조, 유포하거나 사실을 왜곡하여 전파하는
행위를 금지’한다. 그리고 ‘집회나 시위, 신문, 방송, 통신 등 공중전파 수단이나 또는 문서, 도화,
음반 등 표현물에 의해 대한민국 헌법을 부정, 반대, 왜곡, 비방하거나 개정 또는 폐지를 주장, 청
원, 선동하는 또는 선전하는 행위’ 이 모든 것을 다 금했어요. ‘학생들의 집회, 시위 또는 정치 관여
행위도 아주 엄격하게 금지’를 하죠. 심지어 이 조치를 ‘공연히 비방하는 행위 자체도 금지’입니다.
여기서 더 나아가서 ‘치안질서 유지를 위해 군 병력이 동원’할 수 있는, 군 병력이 출동할 수 있는
그런 상황까지 합법적으로 열어둡니다.
지금 이 수업을 듣는 분들 중에 20대의 한국 청년이 있다면, 이런 사회에서 살 수 있을 것 같나
요? 지금으로서는 상상할 수 없는 초법적 조치들이 민주주의를 신봉한다는 한국에서 벌어졌고, 이는
오래된 과거가 아닙니다. 긴급조치 9호의 내용에서 보듯이 박정희는 강력한 독재정치를 천명했습니
다. 국제사회의 격동을 근거로 삼긴 했지만 각각의 조치들에서 권력 연장의 욕망을 읽어내는 것도
그렇게 어려운 일이 아닙니다. 국민들은 숨죽여서 순응만 하는 그런 수동적인 어떤 수용자가 되어야
만 했죠. 그런데 그게 가능한 일이겠습니까? 대중문화 속 대중도 매스미디어에 종속되어서 무의미한
수용만 하는 그런 사람들이 아닙니다. 마찬가지로 정치적으로 아주 세밀하게 억압한다고 하더라도
그 억압에 순응만 하는 것은, 순응만 하는 시대는 있을 수가 없습니다. 물론 한국 대중문화 연구자
인 김창남은 1970년대 초반 폭넓게 확산된 한국의 청년문화가 정치적 규제와 함께 맥이 끊어졌다고
말합니다. 그만큼 그 시대가 엄혹했고, 그런 강력한 통제를 통해서 대중문화 자체를 위축시켰어요.
그리고 대중문화의 주향유층이었고 주도층이었던 청년들의 문화도 상당히 위축시켰다고 볼 수가
있죠. 여러 가지 사례를 들어서 그것을 또 설명해 볼 수 있습니다. 청년들의 장발과 미니스커트 이
런 것들이 다 단속됐고요. 외국식 예명을 가진 연예인들의 이름까지 강제로 다 바꿔버렸어요. 예를
들면 ‘패티 김’은 ‘김혜자’라는 이름을 갖게 됩니다. 김혜자 하면 외국의 수강생들이 잘 기억하는 봉
준호라는 감독이 있죠. 이 봉준호라는 감독이 최근에 만든 영화 중에 <마더>라는 영화가 있습니다.
이 <마더>라는 영화의 주인공으로 나왔던 여자 주인공이 ‘김혜자’라는 이름인데 패티 김의 이름을
한 거죠. 한마디로 독재의 길을 걸었던 정권의 입장에서 보면 TV 방송의 자율성을 그대로 지켜줄
리가 만무했죠. 왜냐하면 TV 방송이 갖고 있는 위력이 상당하다는 것을 알았거든요. 그래서 유신정
권은 TV 프로그램 편성에 대해서도 규제를 강화해 갔습니다. 방송윤리위원회를 법정기관으로 강화
해서 사전 심의를 의무화했습니다. 또 교양방송 비중을 높이고, 광고방송의 시간과 횟수도 대통령령
으로 제한을 했습니다.여기서 교양방송의 비중이 높아졌다는 의미는 여러분들이 충분히 짐작하실 수
있을 겁니다.
1975년 9월에는 추계방송순서 개편방향을 작성해서 하달하기에 이르는데요. 그 내용은 다음과 같
습니다. ① 새마을 정신을 생활화하고, ② 퇴폐성 프로는 편성하지 말며, ③ 외화 선정에서 모방이
나 호기심을 자극하는 내용을 일절 금한다. 여기서 ‘새마을 정신’이라는 것은 부가설명이 필요해 보
입니다. 특히 해외의 수강생들 같은 경우는 도대체 무슨 말인가 아마 고개를 갸우뚱했을 것 같아요.
박정희는 1969년에 새마을 운동의 초석을 다진 후에 1971년 농촌 현대화와 지역사회 개발운동의
명목으로 새마을 운동을 전개합니다. 근면, 자조, 협동이 3대 정신이었고요. 새로운 형태의 농촌 계
몽운동이다, 이렇게 볼 수도 있겠네요. 심지어 1973년에는 대통령실과 내무부에 관련 조직이 설치됩
니다. 새마을 운동 지도자 교육도 전국 단위에서 전방위적으로 이뤄지게 되죠. 1975년에는 농촌 현
대화 운동 성격에서 벗어나서 꼭 농촌이라는 어떤 지역적인 타겟에만 국한된 것이 아니라 도시, 공
장지대 근로자 이런 사람들을 상대로도 확대되게 됩니다. 새마을 정신의 실천은 1971년부터 1973년
까지 기반조성 단계를 지나서 1974년부터 1976년까지 자조 발전 단계, 그리고 1977년부터 1980년
까지 자립 완성 단계에 이른다는 계획이 있었습니다. 이 새마을 운동은 꼭 박정희 시대의 산물만은
또 아닙니다. 박정희에 의해서 만들어졌고, 그의 어떤 정치적인 업적 중에 하나라고도 칭해지지만
박정희 정권 사후에도 새마을 운동은 연장이 되었습니다.
그러다가 1987년 우리가 ‘87체제’라고도 부르는데 그때 민주화 운동이 강력하게 일었고 체제가
한번 전환된다고 봐야 되는데 그 무렵에 이 새마을 정신 실천과정에서 부정부패가 많았다는 사실이
밝혀져서 사실상 유명무실화되기에 이릅니다. 새마을 운동에 관해 부연하면 한국 사회에서 전통적인
가옥구조라고 할 수 있는 초가집, 이 초가집이 사라진 게 새마을 운동 덕분이다, 이렇게도 볼 수가
있습니다. 그러니까 농촌이 현대화되는 측면에 있어서는 평가받을 만한 거죠. 물론 국가주도의 산업
화 과정에서 새마을 정신이 크게 기여한 측면도 있습니다. 국가와 이웃을 위해 함께 협력하는 그런
공동체주의 모델로 장점이 있다, 이렇게 생각이 됩니다. 한국 사람들은 지금도 이 공동체주의 정신
을 실천하는데 아주 익숙하고 또 사회를 위해서 사회 구성원으로서 내가 책임을 다해야 된다는 그
런 시민의식이 굉장히 높은 수준이거든요. 그런 면에서 보면 이 새마을 운동이 한국 사람들에게 미
친 영향력이 있을 것이다, 이런 생각도 듭니다. 그러나 이 운동은 박정희 정권 일인독재를 유지하기
위한 정치선전과 체제 동원의 역할을 했다, 이런 평가도 가능합니다. 그러니까 비판을 피할 수 없는
그런 지점도 있다는 거죠.
여러 개발도상국들이 오늘날에도 이 새마을 운동의 전개 과정을 배우려고 한국에 와서 그것을 묻
곤 합니다. 그러니까 그만큼 장점을 가진 모델일 수도 있다는 거죠. 그러나 한국 정치사의 측면에서
보면, 유신정권의 이데올로기를 주입시켜서 당대 정권이 상상한 이상적인 국민을 만들어내기 위한
운동이었다, 이렇게 볼 수도 있겠습니다. 그 때문에 1975년 추계방송순서 개편 방향 첫 머리에 새마
을 정신을 내세우는 것은 유신정권이 TV를 어떻게 활용하려 했는가를 단적으로 보여준다고도 말할
수 있습니다. 실제로 1976년에는 시간대별 편성 지침을 각 방송국에 하달했는데요. 방송사 3개 채
널이 모두 동일한 시간대에 동일한 종류의 프로그램을 편성하도록 했습니다. 특히 저녁 8시 때에는
세 개 채널 모두 정부 시책과 관련이 있는 안보, 새마을, 서정쇄신을 기반으로 한 25분 분량의 방송
을 제작해서 방영하도록 했습니다. 박정희 정권은 정권 차원의 국민 계몽과 홍보를 아주 직접적으로
노골적으로 실천하려 했던 것이죠. 여기서 서정쇄신이란 국정에 대한 개혁운동 홍보라고 보시면 될
러니까 그들을 향한 사랑만큼 그들을 향한 비난이 커졌고 그들에게 이제 비난과 불만을 쏟아 놓음으로
써 원래 정권에게 향할 수 있었던 정치적인 과몰입은 이제 사라지게 되거나 희석되는 그런 어떤 상황
이 펼쳐지게 됩니다.
흥미로운 것은 이후 대중문화 예술인을 향한 단속과 처벌이 여러 모양으로 강화되면서 1970년대 후
반에 어떤 대중문화계가 한 번 더 위축되는 그런 현상이 나타난다는 거죠. 징계의 이유는 다양했습니
다. 누군가는 창법이 불량해서 문제가 되었고 또 누군가는 장발이어서 걸렸습니다. 또 누군가는 ‘옷차
림과 제스처가 너무 야하다.’, ‘너무 퇴폐적이다.’ 라고 해서 처벌을 받기도 했습니다. 이로써 청년문화
의 한복판에 있던 예술 장르와 감수성도 점차 교체되게 됩니다. 포크음악이 점차 힘을 잃게 되었고요.
신중현으로 대표되던 록음악은 꽃을 제대로 피우기도 전에 대중음악씬 외곽으로 점차 밀려나게 됩니다.
어떻습니까? 1975년 말 대마초 파동이 그리 단순한 사건이 아니었다는 것이 이해가 되나요? 어쩌면
이 사건은 한국 대중문화사의 흐름에서 여러모로 결정적인 변곡점이 되었다고 생각합니다. 그리고 이
사건은 대중예술인의 활동 범위와 개성, 창조성을 규율하는 계기가 된 것 뿐만 아니라, 불균질한 익명
성, 자율적 집단성에 기초한 대중의 적극적 향유를 위축시킨 아주 결정적인 장면이 아니었나라고 생각
을 해볼 수 있겠습니다.
이번에는 ‘우수영화의 그늘’이라는 제목으로 논의를 이어가보겠습니다. 1973년에 공포된 ‘제4차 개정
영화법’은 일종의 유신 영화법의 성격을 가졌습니다. 겉으로 보면 당시 만들어진 영화진흥공사를 통해
서 국책영화 제작 및 제작비 지원 등의 사업을 원활히 하려고 하는 의도, 이렇게 읽힙니다. 그런데 이
는 영화산업을 국가가 효과적으로 규율하기 위한 공포였다고 볼 여지도 있습니다. 제작사 허가제와 외
화수입 쿼터제는 영화산업 길들이기의 일환이었다고 볼 수도 있겠네요. 이는 TV 보급으로 가뜩이나 위
축된 영화산업에 질적, 양적 수준을 저하시키는 결과로 나타납니다. 허가를 받은 제작사는 안전하게 수
준 낮은 영화들을 찍고도 살 수가 있었습니다. 외화수입 쿼터제는 사실상 우수영화 및 국책영화 보상제
라고 봐야 할 것 같습니다. 정부가 내세운 이데올로기와 정책 방향에 부합하는 영화들을 만든 제작사에
일종의 보상을 주는 그런 정책이었습니다. 제작사들은 정부가 주는 당근책에 안주하면서 혜택을 누리면
그만이었습니다. 그러니까 한국 영화의 다양성은 점차 훼손될 수 있었고요. 의미 있는 영화를 만들어내
는 그런 환경이 어려워지는, 그러니까 의미 있는 영화, 나만의 작가 정신을 가진 예술영화 이런 것들을
만들려고 보면 뒷받침이 안 됐어요. 그러니까 1970년대의 한국 영화사에서 “침체기가 닥쳤다.”고 이런
평가들은 이런 정책적인 뒷받침이 제대로 안되면서 더 악화일로에 가게 됐다, 이렇게 보는 것도 맞을
것 같네요.
외국에서 이 수업을 듣는 수강생 중에는 한국 영화의 거장이라고 할 수 있는 ‘임권택’이라는 이름을
혹시 기억할지 모르겠습니다. 아마 아는 분들도 있을 거예요. 임권택은 한국전쟁 이후에 한국 영화사의
부침을 다 경험한 그런 분입니다. 그가 내놓은 최근의 영화들은 한국 영화사에 아주 중요한 영화들도
꽤 있습니다. 그래서 임권택의 이름을 거론하면서 ‘이분이 한국 영화의 산증인이다.’ 이렇게 말하는 사
람도 많습니다. 제가 임권택 이야기를 한 이유는 1973년에 영화법 개정이 이루어지고 난 다음 영화진
흥공사에 의해 만들어진 첫 번째 국책영화가 임권택의 <증언>이기 때문에 그렇습니다. 당시로서는 엄
청난 자본과 물량공세로 만들어졌는데요. 이 영화는 시청각적 스펙터클이 아주 탁월합니다. 당연한 수
순이었겠죠. 그런데 주제는 반공주의였어요. 물론 이 <증언>이라는 영화를 그렇게 폄하할 수만은 없다
고 봅니다. 그러나 국책영화에 맞게 그 주제나 내용구성이 시대적인 한계에 갇혀 버린 그런 측면도 분
명히 있습니다. 이 작품 이후로 반공영화, 새마을 영화 등이 국책영화로 쏟아지게 돼요. 우수영화를 만
들면 외화를 수입할 수 있는 그런 정책이 펼쳐지고 있었기 때문에 허가 받은 제작자들은 그런 ‘관제영
화’ 성격의 영화, 사실상은 ‘관제영화’라고 불러도 무방한 영화들인데, 크게 어긋나는 것은 아닌데 그런
영화를 찍어낼 수밖에 없었고 또 그렇게 찍어내면 그만이었어요.
1977년부터는 우수영화와 국책영화의 개념이 단일화 되는데요. 그때부터 제작사는 국책영화의 제작
5차시 | 정리하기
긴 강의를 따라오느라 수고가 많으셨습니다. 오늘은 ‘통제의 시대, 굴절의 문화’라는 제목으로 박
정희 정권 후반기의 한국 사회와 그 시기의 대중문화를 연결지어서 성찰해봤습니다. 김민기와 하길
종이 꿈꾸던 예술적 이상과 1970년대 대중문화 현장의 상황은 큰 괴리감이 있었습니다. 대중예술인
들은 자신의 개성을 마음껏 발산할 수가 없었고, 수용자들은 능동적으로 작품의 의미를 결정하고 그
의미를 통해서 주체화되는 과정에 방해를 받았습니다. 이런 시기를 기억하는 것은 매우 중요합니다.
대중문화는 우리의 일상생활과 따로 떼서 생각할 수 없기 때문입니다. 대중문화를 지키는 노력 없이
는 생활의 자율성을 유지해 갈 수도 없습니다. 다음 시간에는 1980년대, 특히 5공화국 시대의 대중
문화를 돌아보고자 합니다. 박정희가 죽고 난 다음 그 권력 공백의 장을 다시 장악한 것은 새로운
군부였습니다. 그래서 이때 등장한 전두환을 비롯한 새로운 군부를 ‘신군부’라고 부릅니다. 수장이
전두환이었지요. 그가 펼친 대중문화 정책은 박정희의 정책과 비슷한 듯 달랐습니다. 물론 그것을
긍정한다는 의미는 아닙니다. 다음 시간에는 전두환 정권 시대의 대중문화를 들여다보면서 대중문화
가 다른 이해와 입장이 충돌하는 권력장이라는 사실을 확인해 보도록 하겠습니다. 흥미가 가시나요?
흥미가 여러분 느껴지나요? 그럼 저는 아쉬운 대로 이번 강의는 여기서 마치고요. 다음 강의에서 더
좋은 강의로 찾아뵙도록 하겠습니다. 감사합니다.
학습활동
■ 학습활동 1: 퀴즈 (2점)
▸ 한국의 70년대 청년문화와 유사한 다른 나라의 청년문화를 찾아보고, 구체적으로 비교해 서술해
보세요. (1점)
■ 학습활동 3: 토론 (2점)
■ 학습활동 4: 학습자료
① 문서
② 영상/음원
............................................................
<퀴즈 정답>
1. ③, 2. ④
This lecture is to figure out the origin of the Korean wave and K-contents through
Korean pop culture. Korean pop culture history through keywords. Today, I will give a
lecture for week 7 under the title of The Age of Control, Culture of Refraction. In the
1971 presidential election held after the Constitutional Amendment for a third-term
Presidency, Park Chung-hee retained power. So, he had already ruled the Republic of
Korea, South Korea, for over 10 years. But at that time, he didn't come to power this
easily. Because it's the theory of age 40s' leader, there was a relatively young politician,
a presidential candidate named Kim Dae-jung who made a splash. So it was an election
President Park Chung-hee felt quite burdensome of Kim Dae-jung's good battle, who was
a candidate of the New Democratic Party.
It turned out there was political intervention by the Korean Central Intelligence
Agency, and there were a lot of cases of spreading gold. Even though he used all these
methods, as he achieved a very critical victory, I think the Park Chung-hee
administration evaluated that it was close to failure. Afterwards, Park Chung-hee
enacted the Act on Special Measures for National Security and invoke the Garrison act,
which in fact, began a strong rule of oppression. In 1972, emergency martial law was
declared. And at that time he dissolved the National Assembly. And the Revitalizing
Reforms Constitution was put to a constitutional amendment vote to lay the groundwork
for permanent power.
In the context of Korean politics and society, a very tragic situation unfolded. These
political and historical changes impacted popular culture. The era of strong control
began. At the end of 1973, the first five-year plan for literary promotion was
announced, and there are many evaluations that this is a strong declaration of the will
to control. If you look at it from the outside, you can't see what kind of control it
contained. Let me tell you the main point: First, they established the right national view
and emphasized new national art. Second, through the popularization of art, the cultural
level of people should be improved. Third, enhancing the national prestige of cultural
Korea by actively promoting international exchanges of culture and art. When you look
at the laws and enforcement plans that were usually promulgated during this period,
you can find a lot of expressions such as 'state', 'nation', and 'people'. This was the
same. However, when you look at it externally, you might think, 'is there such a thing
as oppression?', about this, the pop culture researcher, Kim Chang Nam declared it
was, “A stepping stone to use popular culture as a means of promoting the Yushin
ideology to the people and laying an ideological foundation.”
With this historical situation, today's class will unfold. The goal of the class is how
popular culture was refracted in the era of control, and we are going to figure out what
this means. The keywords of today are Kim Min-ki and Ha Gil-jong, Youth Culture and
Emergency Measure No. 9, TV and National consensus and the Marijuana Scandal and
the Shadow of Excellent Movies. Through today's class, I hope you can see how the
state could use and regulate popular culture according to its policy goals. Also, as
cultural attempts led by new generations disagree with the times, Let's also pay
attention to the process of the new generation speaking out. I hope it will be a
meaningful time of learning.
This time, we will learn about Kim Min-ki and Ha Gil-jong. I am not sure many of you
have heard of them. In the case of the younger generation now, they may not have
heard of either names. Some younger people who are interested in pop culture or older
generations might know about Kim Min-ki and Ha Gil-jong. But for students who are
taking this class overseas, I think their names are very unfamiliar.
The reason I'm mentioning these two names is because I think they are very
important people to read the times of 1970s. First, I am going to talk about Kim Min-ki.
A more specific title is 'Was Kim Min-ki a resistance singer'? The atmosphere of
popular culture from 1972 to 1980 can be seen through Kim Min-ki. If I have to tell
you, Kim Min-ki and Ha Gil-jong were of the new generation at the time. They showed
the spirit of resistance and experimentation, on the other hand, they showed such
resistance and experimental spirits. They became a little more mythical by the people
around them. Before I talk about Kim Min-ki, let me distinguish him and Ha Gil-jong, as
for Kim Min-ki, he is more known as a symbol of political resistance. At the same time,
Ha Gil-jong is a symbol of a popular artist who showed an aesthetic experimental spirit,
and this is how he is remembered to people. Of course, I don't agree 100% with such
an evaluation that has been solidified as standard theory. So, half is truth and half is
surrounded in myth, however, when we can understand his mythized aspect, in other
words, when we can find the reasons why these people had excessive representation at
that time, then we can understand the 1970s better.
Let's take a more closer look about Kim Min-ki now. Seo Byung-ki, a reporter
specializing in popular music, talks about Kim Min-ki as follows: "He was a
singer-songwriter who had a profound influence on Korean popular music with songs
that resisted the military regime in the 1970s." What do you think? It's a very clear
definition and meaning. But there are also grounds to say this. There's an album called
Morning Dew released in 1971, It's a song of the same name on the album, called
Morning Dew. Including Little pond, this song was released in the 1970s despite Park
Chung-hee's severe oppression, and Young intellectuals, centered on college students,
fought for politics rights through many protests in the 1970s. But during college
students' denunciation meetings and protests, Songs that were used a lot for protest
songs were those like Morning Dew and Little Pond.
Because of that, Seo Byung Ki defined Yang Byung-jip, Han Dae-soo, and Kim Min-ki
as three protest singers in the 1970s. And this isn't just a certain definition by Seo
Byeong-gi, but many people called these three protest singers as representatives of the
era. Pop music commentator Kang Heon also defined Kim Min-ki as a singer-songwriter
who sang a song reflecting the times and igniting the spirit of the times in young
people.
Kim Min-ki gave the song Morning Dew to his junior, Yang Hee-eun, who was a
college freshman at that time, perhaps. I think Yang Hee-eun also wanted to sing this
Morning Dew. So he gave this song to her first. Therefore, Yang Hee-eun first included
the song Morning Dew in her album. It was June, 1971. Kim Min-ki released the song
again, sung by him, in October the same year. At the same time, this Morning Dew
became widely known as a song integrating the atmosphere of the era. Kang Heon said
this: "Kim Min-ki, Korea's first native singer-songwriter, could be interpreted in the
same image as poet Yoon Dong-joo in the Japanese colonial era.“
Overseas students might not know about poet Yoon Dong-joo. He is one of the poets
Koreans love the most. He was a young intellectual who wrote poems that were very
childlike and self-reflective at the end of Japanese colonial era, and he passed away
early because he was trapped in the limitations of that era. But I think people tried to
find the same image as Yoon Dong-joo in Kim Min-ki's song and his life. There was
such an interpretation. On the other hand, 'his various songs with symbolic and
metaphorical lyrics contain room for reinterpretation of the times'. There was those
made such evaluations. If you look at the song Morning dew separately, there was
another poet named Yi Yuksa, according to Kang Heon. Yi Yuksa was a poet in
Japanese colonial era. However, Kim Min-ki is also evaluated as having the same
impression as Yi Yuksa's poem, The Wilderness. Yoon Dong-joo and Yi Yuksa became
famous at similar times, which was the end of Japanese colonial era. When you think of
the Japanese colonial era, they are famous. Yi Yuksa wrote a much more direct and
practical resistance poem. But it's a representative poem like Yi Yuksa's The Wilderness,
and There's an evaluation that you can put a poem like The Wilderness and Morning
Dew as equal. Many people think like this. Of course, Kim Min-ki is not a person who
can be limited to the song, Morning Dew.
There was also a song, Jesus of Golden Crown, written by Kim Chi-ha in 1973. As
you know, this Kim Chi-ha, was a protest poet in Park Chung-hee's regime in the
1970s. With Kim Chi-ha's lyrics, he made the song Jesus of the Golden Crown. This was
a song that clearly had the characteristics of the popular movement. So there are quite
a few people who evaluate it as the beginning of Christian protest songs. I mentioned
many songs, such as Morning Dew, Jesus of the Gold Crown, Little Pond. Let's take a
look at a part of Jesus of the Golden Crown. Let me read it first.
The frozen sky, the frozen fields, the sun loses its light,
Oh, the dark streets of poverty, where is this from?
People with thin faces, what are you looking for?
Those dry hands, oh god, now here, now here,
oh god, now here.
There's no need to interpret it separately, because The lyrics overlapped with the poet
Kim Chi-ha's view of the times, and the reflective view of the singer, Kim Min-ki, was
the song that gave a big impression at that time. After then, Kim Min-ki participated in
the Sori-gut and Dance-gut movements until just before joining the military in 1974. He
was at the forefront of the popular cultural movement that took place at the time. From
the time releasing Kim Min-ki's 1st album to right before his enlistment, the Garrison
act was issued by the Park Chung-hee administration, the Revitalizing Reforms
Constitution was promulgated and the National Assembly was dissolved. He passed
through all these times. So his song had a tremendous ripple effect as it was linked to
those harsh days.
However, if you interpret that Korean folk music was solidified into music with a spirit
of resistance in the 1970s due to Kim Min-ki, it's right on one side, but it may not be
right on the other. Popular music columnists Lee Hye-sook and Son Woo-seok evaluate
that interpretation as a little naive. It is to tie Kim Min-ki up from the perspective of a
folk warrior, and these two columnists said even Kim Mi-ki did not try to include a
spirit of resistance in the actual song. They said he didn't make the song to explicitly
resist the regime. In short, people tried to use his songs to sing, in other words, the
people who tried to sing that song at university rallies, protest sites, or places of
condemnation, evaluated the song as giving it a meaning of the times.
So the two columnists said, "Kim Min-ki's short musical activities in the early 1970s
were far from resistance, the songs sung to now were also beautiful songs by a
promising composer at the time." What do you think? There are conflicting positions
and attitudes toward Kim Min-ki. If we focus on interpretation of Lee Hye-sook and Son
Woo-seok, there are actually various supportive interviews. Kim Min-ki actually had the
following interview. Let me read it.
Being a protest singer is not appropriate. People glorify me. That's too
much. My song is a universal emotion and sadness that I want to
resonate with people. It was also a way to heal me. Perhaps for this
reason, it received favorable criticism from the student activists of the
1980s. It's because my song was full of intellectual weakness and
personal thoughts. I couldn't agree. If you felt a firmness in my song, I
think it would have been a coordination with the emotions of the 1970s.
It was desolate in the 1980s.
He had an interview like this. So, if you look at this interview, even Kim Min-ki
himself, seems hesitant about being called a popular artist who continued to resist the
regime in the 1970s. If you know Kim Min-ki, what do you think about him? For me,
Kim Min ki's song is about the era of oppression, control, prohibition, and discipline in
the 1970s, and I think he touched the unconsciousness of those who had to live while
holding their breath. There are some words left deep in people's hearts that they really
wanted to say, Kim Min-ki composed a song by putting it in a certain rhetorical song.
So, it is right to say 'Kim Min-ki represents the people's movement and youth
movement in the 1970s', so I think it's also right to say, 'Isn't that too much
representation?' But I don't agree that Kim Min-ki was a person who composed beautiful
songs and sang beautiful songs. It is correct to say that some of his songs were made
with full consideration of the possibility of political interpretation. Anyway, the various
interpretations surrounding Kim Min-ki and his song, could be a testimony of the era of
the 1970s.
Now I will talk about Ha Gil-jong. I want to call Ha Gil-jong as 'Ha Gil-jong who
couldn't pass to the 1980s'. Since the Revitalizing Reform in October 1972, the popular
culture scene had shrunk significantly. Movies also could not escape from the discipline
and control of the Park Chung-hee regime. It was a huge constraint and burden to
make a movie that sympathized with the Revitalizing Reform ideology. At that time,
double censorship was conducted by pre-censoring and post-censoring the script. In the
process, Central Intelligence Service agents were involved. If you don't know about the
Central Intelligence Service, you might think they are people who work in information
gathering for the country. At that time, it was a terrifying name to mention 'KCIS'
during the military dictatorship, and in this situation, making auteur theory film with
aesthetic perfection must have been a very distant story for movie directors. And if
they made a movie like that, I think it was 'a resistance in itself rather than an escape.
Ha Gil-jong was a new director in his 30s who started in the severe 1970s when he
declared an art movie movement. To talk about Ha Gil-jong, I have to explain the
Yongsang Sidae(The Visual Age) first. I will explain it to you now. Kim Ho-sun, Byun
In-sik, Lee Jang-ho, Ha Gil-jong and Hong Pa gathered in Mugyo-dong, Seoul, Yongsang
Sidaes is the name of a filmmakers' group, which was established in 1975. They were all
unique and promising filmmakers. Kim Ho-sun and Lee Jang-ho learned how to direct
movies under Yoo Hyun-mok and Shin Sang-ok, respectively, and were from
Chungmu-ro, who grew with stability. Byun In-sik was a promising movie critic at the
time. And Hong pa was known as a former screenwriter. Ha Gil-jong was a promising
new face who returned to Korea from UCLA Graduate School after studying film.
According to Byun In-sik's statement, they gathered the dark basement of Hanyang
Studio which was located in the middle of Namsan, and planned all kinds of challenges
and conspiracy for film and art. They were all in their 30s. They had another hideout,
which was a cafe called Heart and Heart in Myeong-dong at that time. They drank
together and discussed what art is, and lamented the reality under the military regime.
Byun In-sik said, because of the Reform Revitalizing system, not only the university
district but also the entire youth culture was widespread with atrophy and cynicism. In
that situation, Yongsang Sidae interpreted themselves as holding a kind of cultural
guerrilla war with youth as a weapon.
Acoustic guitar, draft beer, and jeans were symbols of youth culture were in their
movies, and they became a modern allegory and this was their message. "The reason
why they were able to put the banner of Korean film artnization in the name of the
Yongsang Sidae was," As some movies became idle hits, their names became recognized
by people. For example, directors of Yongsang Sidae, such as Lee Jang-ho's Heavenly
Homecoming to Stars, Kim Ho-sun's Yeong-Ja's Heydays, and Ha Gil-jong's The March
of Fools were released in the mid 1970s. These films were successful one after another.
That's why movie fans' aspirations were rising significantly. These works gave a new
boost to the Korean film history, and they were received as being very innovative. It's
because after the heyday of Korean movies until the 1960s, Korean movies were in a
rapid downturn. It can be said that environmental and political and historical factors
worked greatly. Of course, the spread of TV and other external factors had a significant
impact. Anyway, in that situation, these movies that suddenly appeared were very fresh
and energetic. If I had to distinguish and contrast, there were too many anti-communist
movies back then. Such movies had a considerable distance from the larger number of
regular movies that openly revealed anti-communism. There were quite a few so-called
national films that directly or indirectly depicted the legitimacy of the regime, and there
was also a point that clearly differentiated it from such movies.
So, while announcing the Yongsang Sidae, the five of them were able to speak out in
a voice calling for reflection on the devastating situation in the Korean film industry,
and were also recognized as a vessel that could embrace the voices of a new
generation. Unfortunately, however, their activities ended within three years. Their new
movies became failures one after another, director Lee Jang-ho was involved in a
marijuana incident, and Ha Gil-jong suddenly passed. I already told you that Ha Gil-jong
passed away early, so let's go to the past and talk about his growth and the appearance
of Ha Gil-jong, who was first born in a wealthy environment. But his mother died when
he was 5 years old, and his father passed away when he was 10 during the Korean War.
So he moved around his relatives' house in his early life. He was able to continue his
studies with difficulty. Kim Chi-ha, grew into a representative resistance poet at
Jung-dong High School in Seoul. Kim Chi-ha is mentioned a lot today. Ha Gil-jong met
Kim Chi-ha and they influenced each other. He later entered Seoul National University.
You may be surprised to list the names of those who entered Seoul National University's
College of Literature at that time. Kim Seung-ok, Kim Hyun, Kim Chi-soo, Lee
Chung-joon, Yeom Moo-woong, Kim Joo-hyun and Kim Kwang-kyu. If you know
literature well, you will know them. These names are still remembered in Korean
literature as a big tree full of shining stars. Of course, I think those who are taking
classes abroad may have heard these names for the first time. If you're not interested
in literature, you may not know these names, and maybe these names you've heard, but
don't know in detail. Anyway, he entered the university with those who have made great
achievements in this literary world all in the same school year.
At first, Ha Gil-jong was a student with a very prominent passion for literature. There
was a record that he even published such poetry books at his own expense, which are
close to surrealism, in his third year of college. But I think he was interested in movies.
So after graduating from college, he joined Shin Film, the best film company at the
time. Students who took last week's class and listened carefully should remember Shin
Film. It can be said to be another film history like a shining star, which was rich in the
1960s, was established by Shin Sang-ok. By the way, he joined this company, but was
skeptical about the management and film production of Shin Film, and it is known that
he quit Shin Film in a few months. After that, he went to study in the U.S. He entered
graduate school while doing all kinds of part-time jobs. At that time, it is known that
The Third Session | Emergency Measures No.9, Youth Culture, TV and National Consensus.
This time, I will give a lecture under the titles of Emergency Measures No. 9, Youth
Culture and TV and National Assembly. Let's figure out Emergency Measure No. 9 and
Youth Culture. After announcing the Revitalizing Reforms Constitution, Park Chung-hee
expressed his will to permanently seize power. Emergency Measure refers to special
measures by the national emergency rights initiated. The problem with the Revitalizing
Reforms Constitution is that the president can suspend basic rights of the people
without the consent of the National Assembly, and exercise the authority to modify or
change the state system. With the president having the right to dissolve the National
Assembly, there was virtually no way for a member of the National Assembly, the
representative of the people, to counter the authority of President Park Chung-hee. I
think it's right to look at it like this. If there were any remarkable events that took
place outside the border, especially during these times, it was an end of Vietnam War.
The Vietnam War did not end when the United States won. In the Vietnam War, the
United States was in a position to withdraw, leaving a pain-filled country. It's shocking
that the U.S. military lost the war to protect the free camps, and furthermore, Carter,
who was likely to win the next U.S. presidential election, vowed to withdraw U.S. troops
and nuclear weapons from the Korean Peninsula. In other words, if the USFK (US
Armed Forces in Korea) disappeared from the Korean Peninsula, it could be a big crisis
in the 70s. Because of that, Park Chung-hee shouted for self-defense and possession of
nuclear weapons, and drove South Korean society to a severe situation equivalent to a
wartime era. In that very situation, emergency measures poured out. Emergency
Measures No. 9, which came shortly after Vietnam's defeat, included a strong
crackdown on the mouths and ears of the people in the name of slandering the
constitution and banning opposition.
To summarize it roughly, The act of fabricating, disseminating, or distorting facts was
prohibited. By means of public transmission such as assembly, newspaper, broadcasting,
telecommunications, or expressions such as documents, drawings, albums, etc., the act
of denying, opposing, distorting, slandering, or claiming, petitioning, agitating, or
promoting the amendment or abolition of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea, were
all prohibited. Students' rallies, demonstrations, or political involvement were also very
strictly prohibited. Even the act of publicly slandering this measure itself was prohibited.
Furthermore, military personnel could mobilize to maintain security order, and even
legally leaves such a situation open for military personnel to be dispatched.
If there's a Korean young man in his 20s who's taking this class, do you think you
could live in a society like this? Super-legal measures that cannot be imagined at this
time took place in Korea to believe in democracy, and this was not the distant past. As
shown in Emergency Measure No. 9, Park Chung-hee declared a strong dictatorship. It's
based on the turbulence of the international community, but it is not so difficult to read
the desire to extend power in each measure. The people had to hold their breath and
become passive prisoners who only complied to law. But is that possible? The public in
popular culture is also subordinated to mass media, and they are not just people who
accept meaningless rules. Likewise, even if you suppress law in detail politically, there
can't be an era which only conforms to oppression. Of course, Kim Chang-nam, a
Korean pop culture researcher said that Korea's youth culture, which spread widely in
the early 1970s, was cut off with political regulations. That's how harsh those times
were, through such strong control, popular culture itself was dampened.
The control greatly dampened the culture of young people who were the mainstream
and leaders of popular culture. I can explain it again with various examples. There was
a crackdown on young people's long hair and miniskirts. They forcibly changed the
names of celebrities with foreign stage names. For example, Patti Kim was forced to use
the name Kim Hye-ja. When it comes to Kim Hye-ja, there is a director named Bong
Joon-ho, who foreign students remember well. There is a movie called Mother made by
director Bong Joon-ho. The main character of this movie was also Kim Hye-ja. When
Patti Kim's name was changed to her original name, it was hard to distinguish it. There
are so many more interesting examples than that. Bunny Girls' changed their name to
tokki sonyeo. Onions became yangpa. It would have been difficult for young people to
breathe in such a senseless environment of oppression.
But after 1975, of course, it was a time of intimidation, but I would like to say that
there was another Kim Min-ki, Ha Gil-jong, and his friends. In the romantic youth
culture represented by acoustic guitar, jeans and draft beer, even if it's not a direct or
explicit resistance, in a metaphorical or symbolic way, there were people who lamented
the times, sometimes angry, and engaged in artistic activities. I mean there were works
in which their voices were expressed. If so, let's continue the discussion by paying
attention to the word, youth culture. In fact, youth culture itself can be a kind of
subculture in contrast to mainstream culture. The new values and behavior of young
people can be seen as having a certain difference from the mainstream culture
structured by the older generation. And it's a symbol of a newly emerging culture, you
can think like so. Like the May 1968 events in France, we know of an incident in which
the voices of young people challenging the order and established ethics of a formed
society changed. I can't say that their voice completely revamped all of society, but at
least they asked meaningful questions to society. And then, some people of society sent
out signs of changes outside, ad we also know the events which played those kinds of
roles. These events didn't only happen in France, but also in many cities and places
around the world throughout the 1960s and 1970s, and there was a time when the
atmosphere of the May 1968 events erupted at once. At that time, youth cultural
movements around the world carried a new leftist ideology on their backs, and they
demanded a transition to a new society by advocating war, peace, black rights and
sexual liberation.
Like the rise of hippie culture, the movement of escape from reality was also a
characteristic. And such movements were carried out by affecting various areas of
popular culture, such as movies, arts, plays, music and fashion. New subcultures and
anti-system avant-garde arts appeared, and artists who were active in the underground
emerged as representatives of the times. Compared to that, the youth culture in Korea
in the 1970s couldn't be said while making a healthy autonomous voice. The waves of
youth culture in the 1970s showed the flow of popular culture and some trajectory of
political history at the time, and can be evaluated like stated above.
This time, I'll talk about TV and the National Consensus. In the 1970s, although
political oppression and pressure were severe, some improvements and transitions were
made to state-led economic growth policies, especially export-led economic structures.
As these policies came to fruition, commercial culture internally expanded. Also, when
the overwhelming mass media settled in the Korean living culture, this was also an
important feature of the 1970s. So, the popular culture consumption space was
expanded around large cities at that time. I'll explain focusing solely on TV. The TV
penetration rate increased exponentially in the 1970s; such an evaluation can be made.
In 1970, the number of TV registrations was about 380,000 units. The penetration rate
per household was 6.3%. By 1979, however, the number of TV supplies would rise to
around 6 million. It reached a penetration rate of nearly 80%.
Kim Chang-nam said this situation meant the expansion of the advertising market
from the standpoint of a monopoly capital, and the increase in advertising costs for
large corporations led to an increase in the influence of monopoly capital in the mass
media industry. That's how commercialism expanded in the field of popular culture.
Accordingly, in the popular culture market, the epidermal, sensuous and recreational
culture began to overflow. In a negative sense, this could have a certain effect and
influence of the spread of TV. However, the expansion of mass media, especially the
expansion of TV supplies, produced another problem. I outlined the growth of monopoly
capital and the spread of commercialism. On the other hand, TV led the people,
promoted national achievements as a window for certain strategies at the regime level to
crack down on ideology, so TV began to be used. In short, from the perspective of the
regime of dictatorship, there was no way that the government would protect the
autonomy of TV broadcasting. Because the regime knew that TV broadcasting had
significant power. So the Yushin regime tightened regulations on TV programming. The
Korea Broadcasting Ethics Committee was strengthened to a legal institution to mandate
preliminary review. In addition, the proportion of cultural broadcasting was increased,
and the time and frequency of advertising broadcasting were limited by Presidential
Decree. You can fully guess the meaning of the increase in the proportion of cultural
broadcasting here.
In September 1975, the direction of reorganization of the autumn broadcasting order
was written and delivered. The contents are as follows: 1. Make the spirit of Saemaeul a
part of your life. 2. Don't create decadent programs. 3. In the selection of foreign
movies, any content that stimulates imitation or curiosity is prohibited. Here, the spirit
of Saemaeul is needed to be explained further. In particular, as overseas students might
think, what does this mean? After Park Chung-hee laid the foundation for the Saemaul
Movement in 1969, in 1971, in the name of the rural modernization and community
development movement, launched the Saemaeul Movement. Diligence, self-help, and
cooperation were the three main concepts. It was a new type of rural enlightenment
movement, you can see it like this. Even in 1973, related organizations were established
in the Presidential Office and the Ministry of Home Affairs. Education for leaders of the
Saemaeul Movement was also conducted nationwide. In 1975, it moved away from the
modernization of rural areas, which was not only target of a rural area, but also
expanded to people like urban and factory workers. There was a timeline for the
practice of Saemaeul spirit; the foundation formation stage from 1971 to 1973, the
self-help development stage from 1974 to 1976, the stage of self-reliance completion
from 1977 to 1980. This Saemaeul Movement is not only a product of the Park
Chung-hee era. It was made by Park Chung-hee and is called one of his political
achievements, even after the Park Chung-hee administration, the Saemaeul Movement
was extended.
And in 1987, we call it 87 System, at that time, the democratization movement took
place and the system changed once, around that time, it was revealed that there was a
lot of corruption in the process of practicing the spirit of Saemaeul. In fact, it came to
no fame. If I need to state something about the Saemaeul Movement, thatched houses
which are the traditional house structure in Korean society, disappeared due to the
Samaeul Movement. So, in terms of modernization of rural areas, it is worth evaluating.
Of course, the spirit of Saemaeul has contributed greatly to the state-led
industrialization process. I think it has advantages as such a community model that
cooperates together for the country and citizens. Koreans are still very used to
practicing this spirit of community, for society, as a member of society, Koreans have
to fulfill their responsibilities, that kind of citizenship is very high. In that sense, I think
this Saemaeul Movement influenced Koreans. However, it is also possible to evaluate
that this movement served as political propaganda and mobilization of the system to
maintain the dictatorship of the Park Chung-hee administration. So, there are points
where criticism cannot be avoided.
Even today, many developing countries are still trying to learn about the development
of the Saemaeul Movement, So, it could be a model with that much strength. However,
in terms of Korean political history, Saemaeul Movement instilled the ideology of the
Yushin regime, and was a movement to create the ideal people imagined by the regime
of the time. For that reason, the Saemaeul spirit was put forward at the beginning of
the reorganization of the autumn broadcasting order in 1975, which clearly shows how
the Yushin regime tried to manipulate TV. In fact, in 1976, the government issued
guidelines for time-specific organization to each broadcast station. All three
broadcasting channels were simultaneously required to broadcast the same type of
content at a given time. Specifically, at 8PM, all stations were required to produce and
air a 25-minute broadcast based on security, Saemaeul and the renovation of the
regime. The Park Chung-hee regime tried to foster the enlightenment and publicity of
the people at the government level very directly and explicitly. Here, the renovation of
the regime can be thought as a promotion of the reform movement for state affairs. "So
the Park Chung-hee regime understand the influence of TV, which could give the same
message to a large number of people at once in a short period of time, which was TV's
power," that's why he tried to take precise control of this platform.
As the Yushin regime passed through the mid to late 1970s, from the fact that they
tried to dominate TV, I would like to read the dark side of the word National Assembly.
The word National Assembly did not suddenly appear at this time. The term National
Consensus was also used by Japan, which for the policy of integrating internal affairs
and democratization of the imperial country in the Japanese colonial era. There is a
reason why this word was frequently used during the Park Chung-hee administration,
especially after the promulgation of the Revitalizing Reforms Constitution. The emphasis
on the National Consensus is on policies and ideologies led by individual subjects
without exception. It was more of a compulsion to be loyal. There was also a warning
that if you did something exceptional, you had to bear punishment. As a result, TV
penetration increased rapidly in the 1970s. This was an opportunity for the government,
and there are clear aspects that the administration promoted and encouraged. I can
summarize this period as above. As a result, the autonomy and diversity of popular
culture also shrunk. This explanation is also possible.
The Fourth Session | Marijuana Scandal and the Shadow of Excellent Movies.
This session, I will give a lecture under the title of Marijuana Scandal and the Shadow
of Excellent Movies. First, it's about Marijuana Scandal. The initiative of Emergency
Measure 9, which contains an unprecedented strong will to discipline, left people anxious.
People didn't just feel anxious but felt a great antipathy. However, coincidentally, at that
time, the Marijuana scandal that caused a stir in popular culture occurred. It was
December, 1975. Let me mention some of the names. Singers and celebrities such as Lee
Jang-hee, Yoon Hyung-joo, Shin Jung-hyeon, Kim Chu-ja, Kim Se-hwan, Kim Jung-ho,
Jung Hoon-hee, Lim Chang-je and Lim Hee-sook were ultimately arrested or suspended.
They were all involved in the marijuana scandal. And the second Marijuana scandal
exploded right away. People like Cho Yong-pil, who emerged as a divine-like figure in
the pop music world all got caught, and their activities were suspended. In fact, Cho
Yong-pil was called the king of singers in the 1980s, as one person, an idol, and the
best among singers, was so popular that he established a one-man entertainment system.
In the early days of his career as a singer, he was caught up in the marijuana scandal.
Some of them were taken to the Central Intelligence Agency and subject to beatings.
There are reports that a large number of folk music singers who represented youth
culture smoked marijuana, which became an event that could completely calm the anger
and dissatisfaction that was directed at the Park Chung-hee administration at the time.
This has led to the enactment of the marijuana control bill, which was extremely strict
for marijuana smokers, for example, there was a law that allowed the death penalty, life
imprisonment, or imprisonment for more than 10 years. There are various interpretations
of the nature of the Marijuana scandal. In order for the Park Chung-hee administration
to strengthen its position and turn the public's attention elsewhere, they used stars and
celebrities to make people lose focus of events. So in a timely manner, the government
led this crackdown, and there is also a view that this incident was fabricated at that
time. I thought that students who are taking courses abroad would be very curious about
this case. To add a little bit more about marijuana possession and smoking, Koreans
looked at this problem very seriously from a long time ago. I'm sure the students who
listened to the lecture last time remember, Shin Jung-hyeon, one of the geniuses of
Korean pop music, this marijuana scandal almost caused him to lose his wings, you can
think like this. How did this marijuana scandal happen? To track it down, it is necessary
to think about the eighth US Army stage.
Marijuana was a relatively easy-to-access object for musicians who performed on the
eighth US Army stage, including Shin Jung-hyeon. In addition to the spread of TV, I've
already explained about their rise to the mainstream of popular culture. Therefore, the
regime had been closely watching the movements of popular musicians and celebrities
from the eighth US Army. The ruthless suppression of celebrities who smoked marijuana
at the time can be confirmed by various testimonies. Focusing on Shin Jung-hyeon, he
was branded as a marijuana wench at that time. So what he heard when he was arrested
and questioned was, he had to call out 50 of his fellow celebrities. So, as Shin
Jung-hyeon recalls that memory, He said, "I was the first target of cultural oppression."
Songs like Beauty are non-political love songs. The reality that even these songs were
banned for a very long time, Shin Jung-hyeon is very deplorable about that, and he
interprets his own past in this way.
In summary, Park Chung-hee practiced an anti-degenerate policy, and he intended to
prevent excessive immersion in the people's politics. Maybe he tried to divert the object
of that excessive immersion elsewhere. So I think the celebrities should have been
sacrificed above all else. Regardless of this process and intention, this method of
directing the anger and dissatisfaction that might be directed at the regime on other
public enemies worked at the time. To the star who was loved and supported by the
people, "In what era do you commit antisocial and anti-national crimes?" This gaze
followed. So the criticism towards them grew as much as the love for them, by now
pouring of accusations and complaints on them, the political overindulgence that could
have been directed toward the government, was a situation where it disappeared or was
diluted.
Interestingly, as crackdowns and punishments on pop culture artists were strengthened
in various ways since then, there was a phenomenon in which a certain pop culture
industry shrank once again in the late 1970s. There were various reasons for disciplinary
action. Some people had a problem because they had poor singing skills, and some
people got caught because they had long hair. Another person was punished for 'clothes
and gestures being too lewd' or 'too decadent'. As a result, the art genre and sensitivity
in the middle of youth culture was gradually replaced. Folk music gradually lost its
strength. The rock music that was represented by Shin Jung-hyeon, even before it
blossomed, was gradually pushed outside the popular music scene. What do you think?
Do you understand that the marijuana scandal at the end of 1975 was not such a simple
event? Perhaps this incident became a decisive inflection point in many ways in the flow
of Korean pop culture history. And this incident not only served as an opportunity to
regulate the scope of popular artists' activities, individuality and creativity, but also to
diminish the active enjoyment of the public based on heterogeneous anonymity and
autonomous collectivity. I think it was a very decisive scene.
This time, we will continue the discussion under the title of Shadow of Excellent
Movies. The 4th Revision of the Motion Picture Law formed in 1973 had the character of
Yushin Film Act. From the outside, through the Korean Motion Picture Promotion
Corporation, it reads like this, intended to facilitate business such as production of
national films and support for production costs. However, it can be said that this was a
proclamation for the state to effectively regulate the film industry. The production
company license system and the foreign currency import quota system were part of
taming the film industry. This is the result of lowering the quality and quantity of the
movie industry, which has already shrunk due to the spread of TV. Authorized
production companies were able to safely buy low-quality films. The foreign movie import
quota system can be seen as a reward system for excellent films and national films. To
the producers who made films that conformed to the government's ideology and policy
direction, was kind of a reward policy. It was enough for producers to enjoy the benefits
while resting on government-provided funds. Therefore, the diversity of Korean films
could be gradually undermined. It becomes difficult to create such an environment that
made meaningful films, in other words, a meaningful film, an art film with your own
authorship, when you tried to make these films, there was no support. So, the
evaluation, 'a recession came' in the history of Korean film in the 1970s, as the policy
support was not properly supported, it became worse, you can surmise as such.
Among the students taking this class abroad, you may remember the name of Im
Kwon-taek, the master of Korean film. Some of you might know him. Im Kwon-taek
experienced the ups and downs of Korean film history after the Korean War. His recent
films include quite a few very important films in Korean film history. So, mentioning Im
Kwon-taek's name, many people said he is a living witness of Korean film. The reason
why I talked about Im Kwon-Taek is, after the revision of the Motion Picture Law took
place in 1973, the first state-run film made by the Korea Film Promotion Corporation
was Im Kwon-taek's Testimony. At that time, it was made with a huge amount of capital
and found offensive. The audiovisual spectacle of this film is outstanding. It must have
been a natural phenomenon. But the theme was anti-communistic. Of course, I don't
think we can only disparage the film, Testimony so much. However, there is also an
aspect that the theme or content composition is locked in the limits of the times to fit
state-run films. After this work, anti-communist movies and Saemaeul movies have been
pouring out as state-run movies. Because there was a policy that allowed foreign film to
be imported if an excellent movie was made, Even if it's kind of controlled movie, the
authorized production companies should shoot it, they could not but produce this kind of
films, and it was enough to make a movie like that.
From 1977, the concept of excellent films and state-run films were unified. Since then,
production companies were forced to produce state-run films. Then, let's take a look at
the criteria for selecting excellent films when the Yushin Film Act was created. This
standard is long, but it's very interesting, and it may come as a shock to some people.
It's long, but I'll read them all; First, the implementation of the October Restoration.
Second, movies should include content which can establish the subjectivity of the nation
and inspire and promote the national character of patriotism and family. Third, content
should cultivate an enterprising national spirit full of ambition and trust. Fourth, content
should encourage active participation in the Saemaeul Movement. Fifth, it should
emphasize cooperation and unity, and be based on human emotion that are wise and
willful. Sixth, content that can give dreams and beliefs to farmers and fishermen and
contribute to the development of local culture. Seventh, it should depict a human figure
with sincerity, diligence and a frugal lifestyle. Eighth, content should be of an industrial
warrior who devotes his life to the modernization of his country. Ninth, the content is
based on the historical facts of overcoming the national crisis through wisdom and
courage. Tenth, content that shows the way to overcome the national crisis that lies in
the general unity of the people. Eleventh, a content that calls for the awakening of the
people by using national suffering as a mirror. Twelfth, content that aims to increase
exports or promotes science for the entire nation. Thirteenth, the contents highlighting
the image of a public servant dedicated to the country and people. Fourteenth, content
that can contribute to the purifying of public morals and public sentiment. Fifteenth,
content which can develop and disseminate healthy national entertainment and make life
cheerful. Sixteenth, content that fosters the spirit of love for cultural assets. Seventeenth,
content that can contribute to the transmission and development of indigenous culture
and the promotion of national art. Eighteenth, content that enhances artistry as a pure
literary work by creation.
What do you think? Considering the individuality and originality of Korean original
series that are aired today through global OTT platforms such as Netflix, how outdated
and frustrating are these selection criteria? You've probably felt it now. To help students
understand, let me explain in a little more indirect way how limited the narrow
imagination of the Korean film industry is. The Daejong Film Awards, the oldest film
awards ceremony in Korea, was named the Outstanding Korean Film Festival in 1958. The
Ministry of Education was then a government organization. It was made by the
government. It was in 1962 that it was given the same name as it is now, that is,
Daejong Awards. However, since the start of the state-run film, the theme, character,
and content of the winning entries was exactly what you can imagine. During the Yushin
period, an excellent anti-communist film award was even established. In fact, until the
mid-1980s, films desired by the government, such as anti-communist films, often filled a
significant portion of the award list. Until 1980, the Best Anti-Communist Film Awards did
exist, even after 1981, the Best Anti-Communist Film Award was operated as a special
category. It was only after democratization proceeded, after the uprising in June 1987,
the title of anti-communist film disappeared from the award category.
Let me finalize this session, proceeding with The Shadow of Excellent Movies. During
the 1970s, Korean film entered a period of extreme stagnation. I emphasized it several
times. At that time, even Koreans were a bit disparaged about Korean movies, and they
also had the prejudice that it was not a movie to be seen in a theatre. I mentioned that
this was due to external factors such as the expansion of TV distribution, on the other
hand, as I said, by the strong control of the government, was also because the quality
and quantity of Korean films had significantly decreased. The word Excellent Movies
means to Korean filmmakers that paradox making them feel very sad and miserable. I
think like this. There was a situation that excellent movies were not actually excellent
movies. However, if we look at it in such a situation that Korean movies, dramas and
video contents are being re-evaluated by people around the world, I think this
interpretation of that era is possible. Because this was such an era, the importance of
making a film with autonomy, which all filmmakers came to know. And Koreans who love
Korean movies, came to understand how valuable and precious to society a unique and
original film was. So, I think Korean video content has developed little by little.
You worked hard to follow the long lecture. Today, the lecture title was The Age of
Control, Culture of Refraction, and we reflected on Korean society in the late Park
Chung-hee's regime connecting to pop culture at that time. Between the artistic ideal
that Kim Min-ki and Ha Gil-jong dreamed of and the situation at the popular culture
scene in the 1970s was a big difference. Popular artists couldn't express their
individuality to their heart's content, The consumers were interrupted by the process of
actively determining the meaning of the work and being subjective through it. It is very
important to remember these times. This is because popular culture cannot be thought
of separately from our daily lives. Without efforts to protect popular culture, we cannot
maintain our freedom in life. Next time, I would like to look back on popular culture in
the 1980s, especially in the era of the 5th Republic. After Park Chung-hee died, it was a
new military regime that occupied the power vacuum. So, including Chun Doo-hwan,
who appeared at this time, is called the new military. The head of this dictatorship was
Chun Doo-hwan. His popular culture policy was similar to Park Chung-hee's but
different. Of course, I don't mean that I agree with it. Next time, let's look into the
popular culture of the Chun Doo-hwan regime, and check the fact that popular culture
is a place of power where different interests and positions conflict. Are you interested?
Can you feel the interest? Then I'll end this lecture here even though I feel it's not
enough. I will come back with better content in the next lecture. Thank you.
Cette partie est consacrée à Min-ki Kim et Gil-jong Ha. Je ne sais pas si vous avez
déjà entendu parler d'eux. Ce sont peut-être des noms moins connus des jeunes
générations. Mais pour les personnes plus âgées ou les jeunes qui s'intéressent
beaucoup à la pop-culture, ce sont des personnes plutôt connus. Mais pour nos
auditeurs étrangers, j'imagine que ce sont des noms très peu familiers.
J'évoque ces personnalités car il est important de les connaître pour comprendre les
années 70. Je vais vous parler d'abord de Min-ki Kim. Était-il vraiment un chanteur
engagé? On peut appréhender la situation de la pop-culture de 1972 à 1980 à travers
Min-ki Kim. Les deux personnages, Min-ki Kim et Gil-jong Ha font partie de la jeune
génération de l'époque. Ils montrent un esprit de résistance et essaient de nouvelles
choses. Mais leurs exploits sont en quelque sorte exagérés. Pour distinguer un peu les
deux personnages, Min-ki Kim est considéré comme un symbole de la résistance
politique alors que Gil-jong Ha représente les artistes populaires ayant fait de nouveaux
essais esthétiques. C'est ce qu'on dit en général de ces deux personnes.
Personnellement, je ne suis tout à fait d'accord avec ce point de vue. Elles sont
partiellement correctes, mais en même temps exagérées. Si on comprend les raisons
pour lesquelles ces deux personnes sont souvent sacralisées à outrance, il est plus
facile de comprendre les années 70.
Focalisons-nous sur Min-ki Kim. Selon Byeong-gi Seo, journaliste spécialisé en
musique pop, c'est un chanteur compositeur ayant beaucoup influencé la pop musique
avec ses chansons contre le régime militaire des années 70. Cette définition est très
clair, n'est-ce pas? On ne donne pas une telle définition sans bonnes raisons. En 1971,
il sort l'album La Rosée du matin dans lequel on peut trouver une chanson éponyme.
Cette chanson-là et d'autres comme Le petit étang sont beaucoup utilisées lors des
fréquentes manifestations d'étudiants et de jeunes intellectuels, durant la dictature de
Chung-hee Park dans les années 70.
C'est pourquoi Byeong-gi Seo définit Min-ki Kim, Byung-jip Yang et Dae-soo Han
comme les trois chanteurs engagés des années 70. Outre Byeong-gi Seo, la majorité des
gens de l'époque voient en ces trois artistes des représentants de l'esprit de résistance.
Heon Kang, critique de musique pop, décrit Min-ki Kim comme un
«auteur-compositeur-interprète qui chante les réfléxions qu'il a sur son temps et qui
sensibilise les jeunes aux problèmes de l'époque».
Min-ki Kim offre La rosée du matin à Hee-eun Yang, une étudiante de 1ère année de
son université, dont il est proche, afin qu'elle l'interprète. Comme Hee-eun Yang veut la
chanter, il la lui donne en premier. Yang intègre ainsi La rosée du matin à son album
qui sort en juin 1971. En octobre 1971, Min-ki Kim sort de nouveau cette chanson, en
la chantant de sa propre voix. Cette célèbre chanson devient un symbole du climat de
l'époque. Selon Heon-Kang, «Minki-Kim est comparable à Dong-ju Yun, poète de
l'époque de la colonisation.»
Dong-ju Yun est peut-être moins connu de nos auditeurs étrangers, mais il est l'un
des poètes les plus appréciés des Coréens. Ce poète a écrit des poèmes introspectifs
avec un cœur d'enfant à la fin de l'époque de la colonisation. Il est mort très jeune
durant la colonisation. Le fait que des gens aient cherché à retrouver les valeurs de
Yun dans les chansons et la vie de Min-ki Kim. est une autre analyse possible. On dit
aussi que les paroles de ses chansons sont riches en métaphores et permettent de
réinterpréter différents aspects de l'époque. On va maintenant se focaliser sur La rosée
du matin en particulier. Heon Kang mentionne Yuksa Yi, un autre poète engagé de
l'époque de la colonisation. Selon Kang, La rosée du matin résonne comme La vaste
plaine de Yuksa Yi. Yun et Yi deviennent célébres à peu près à la même période, vers
la fin de la colonisation. Mais c'est Yi qui écrit les poèmes qui illustrent plus
directement l'esprit de la résistance. On peut se demander si son poème La vaste
plaine, est vraiment comparable à La rosée du matin. Nombreux sont ceux à le penser.
Bien sûr, Min-ki Kim n'écrit pas que cette chason, il chante. aussi Jésus à la
couronne dorée, en 1973, dont les paroles ont été écrites par Chi-ha Kim. Chi-ha Kim,
comme vous le savez, est un autre poète engagé durant la dictature de Chung-hee
Park, dans les années 70. Min-ki Kim compose Jésus à la couronne dorée sur les
paroles de Chi-ha Kim, qui reflètent la résistance du peuple. Selon beaucoup de
personnes, cette chanson marque le début de la chanson populaire chrétienne. Je vous
ai parlé de Jésus à la couronne dorée, de La rosée du matin et de Petit étang. Je vais
vous lire un extrait des paroles de Jésus à la couronne dorée;
On peut facilement voir dans ces paroles le regard du poète sur la situation de son
époque. Ce regard, combiné à celui de Minki Kim dans la chanson, donne provoque un
grand écho avec l'atmosphère de l'époque. Avant d'être enrôlé dans l'armée en 1974,
Kim participe aux mouvements de sorigut et de muyonggut et se place au premier rang
des mouvements culturels de l'époque. La période entre la sortie de son 1er album et
son entrée dans l'amée coïncide avec la période où Chung-hee Park masse des troupes
dans certaine régions, adopte la constitution Yusin et dissout l'Assemblée nationale.
Durant cette période difficile, les chansons de Kim a un grand impact sur le public.
Pour autant affirmer que la musique coréene des années 70 est le reflet d'un esprit
de résistance n'est que partiellement exact. Hye-sook Lee et Woo-suk Son, chroniqueurs
de musique pop, ont un différent point de vue. Ils critiquent la volonté de vouloir
associer la musique folk à la résistance. Ils disent même qu'il n'était pas de l'intention
de Minki Kim de créer des chansons engagées, et que le public n'écoutait pas sa
musique par esprit de résistance. Selon eux, ce sont les gens qui utilisaient ses
chansons lors des rassemblements étudiants et des manifestations qui ont essayé de leur
donner un sens.
Selon ces deux chroniqueurs, «la courte carrière musicale de Min-ki Kim des années
1970 ne s'inscrit pas dans une quelconque volonté de résistance et ses chansons,
toujours chantées de nos jours, n'étaient à l'époque que de jolies chansons d'un artiste
renommé.» Qu'est-ce que vous en pensez? Il y a donc deux regards opposés sur Min-ki
Kim. Si on se penche sur les arguments de Hye-sook Lee et de Woo-suk Son, on peut
trouver une interview qui confirme ce qu'ils affirment. C'est une interview de Min-ki
Kim. Je vais vous la lire;
Voilà ce qu'il a déclaré en interview. On peut donc remarquer que Min-ki Kim
lui-même ne veut pas être vu comme un artiste engagé contre le régime des années 70.
Et vous, qu'en pensez-vous? Je pense que ses chansons ont touché les gens qui
subissaient les oppressions, les interdictions et les lois dans les années 70. Min-ki Kim a
puisé les mots cachés au plus profond de son esprit et en a fait des paroles pour ses
chansons. Quand on dit que Min-ki Kim représente le public et les jeunes engagés de
l'époque, c'est vrai. Il est aussi vrai de dire que ses exploits ont été exagérés. Je ne suis
pas d'accord avec le fait de dire que Min-ki Kim n'a fait que composer et chanter des
belles chansons, car certaines d'entre elles ont clairement été composées pour assumer
un rôle politique. Bref, les interprétations diverses concernant Min-ki Kim et ses
chansons montrent à quoi ressemblaient les années 70.
Je vais maintenant vous parler de Gil-jong Ha, cet artiste qui n'a pas pu voir les
années 80. Après l'adoption de la consitution Yusin d'octobre 1972, la culture populaire
perd de sa force. Le monde du cinéma est également impacté par les règles et le
contrôle du régime de Chung-hee Park. Les cinéastes sont obligés de créer des films
conformes à l'idéologie. Les scénarios sont censurés deux fois: un fois avant la
production et une fois après. Les agents de l'Agence centrale du renseignement de
Corée sont également impliqués dans la censure. Vous pouvez penser qu'il s'agit de
simples agents qui travaillent dans le renseigment coréen, mais ce sont en réalité des
personnes effrayantes qui œuvrent pour le régime militaire de l'époque. Créer des films
de qualité avec une puissance esthétique est donc quelque chose d'inimaginable pour les
réalisateurs de l'époque. Oser même produire ce genre de films, devait être considéré
Gil-jong Ha est issu d'une famille aisée Sa mère décède quand il a cinq ans et son
père, durant la guerre de Corée, quand il a dix ans. Il grandit donc chez ces cousins et
il poursuit difficilement ses études. Il devient amis avec Chi-ha Kim au lycée Joongdong.
On parle beaucoup de lui aujourd'hui. Chi-ha Kim deviendra plus tard un poète engagé.
Gil-jong Ha entre à l'université nationale de Séoul. Vous seriez surpris de découvrir
tous les écrivains qui ont fait leurs études à l'université nationale de Séoul. Seung-ok
Kim, Hyun Kim, Chi-su Kim, Cheong-jun Lee, Mu-ung Yom, Ju-hyun Kim et Gwang-gyu
Kim. Tous sont de grands écrivains connus de tous ceux qui étudient la littérature
coréenne. Ils sont peut-être peu connus de nos auditeurs étrangers ou de ceux qui ne
s'intéressent pas vraiment à la littérature. Pour eux, ces noms seront étrangers. Ces
écrivains ont tous accompli de grands exploits et sont entrés dans la même université,
la même année.
Au début, Gil-jong Ha est un des étudiants les plus passionés par la littérature. Il sort
même un recueil de poèmes surréalistes par ses propres moyens quand il est en
troisième année. Mais il nourrit un grand amour pour le cinéma aussi. Après ses
études, il intégre Shin Film, la plus grande société de production de cinéma de l'époque.
"Vous vous souviendrez de Shin Film si vous avez bien suivi le cours de la semaine
dernière. C'est cette grande entreprise de production des années 60, créée par Sangok
Shin. Ha entre donc dans cette entreprise, mais n'apprécie pas sa gestion ni sa manière
de produire les films, et quitte l'entreprise au bout de quelques mois seulement. Il part
ensuite étudier aux États-Unis. et entre à l'université tout en faisant toutes sortes de
petits boulots. À l'université de Californie à Los Angeles, il est considéré comme un
élève brillant et unique.
Il rentre en Corée en 1970. Il fait ses débuts en tant que réalisateur à Chungmuro
avec le film The Pollen of Flowers. Ce film n'est pourtant pas une réussite. D'après les
spectateurs de l'époque, Ses deux premiers films sont sont expérimentaux et reflètent sa
forte personnalité. Ces films ne sont donc pas facilement compris du public ou des
critiques. Après ces deux échecs, Ha sort un nouveau film The March of Fools, qui
devient un symbole de la culture des jeunes des années 1970. On dit souvent que c'est
un film de qualité qui a aussi su gagner la popularité du public. C'est grâce à ce film
que Gil-jong Ha laisse son nom dans l'histoire du cinéma. Ce film de 117 minutes à
l'origine subira malheureusement une censure l'amputant de 15 minutes qui seront à
jamais perdues, ne nous laissant aujourd'hui que sa version de 102 minutes. De plus,
les chansons du film Why Do You Call Me et Whale Hunting, de Chang sik Song sont
interdites.
Gil-jong Ha veut créer d'autres films que The March of Fools. Il souhaite produire des
films encore plus osés, plus expérimentaux, mais sa volonté n'est pas comprise par du
public de l'époque. Par exemple, son film suivant, The Ascension of Han-ne, est un film
artistique. Mais le public n'attend pas de lui des films artistiques à cette époque. C'est
un artiste en avance sur son temps. Il doit donc se contenter de faire des films comme
The Home of Stars et Byung-tae and Young-ja, des films qui ressemblent à The March
of Fools. Selon les témoignages de son entourage, c'est un réalisateur qui souffre de la
dissonance qui existe entre son idéal et la réalité, et boit beaucoup pour supporter son
malheur. C'est peut-être à force de boire que lorsque Byung-tae and Young-ja est à
l'affiche du cinéma Seukala qu'il décède dans un bar à bière proche, en 1979. C'est un
réalisateur et critique qui a des idées très précises du cinéma. Quand il voit des films
peu artistiques, même des films de grands réalisateurs, il les fustige. Il ne donne de
critiques favorables qu'à un petit nombre de réalisateurs comme Hyun-mok Yun et
Ki-young Kim. Il dirige le mouvement de production des films 8 mm et publie deux
magazines de cinéma durant son temps passé à Young Sang Shi Dae. Les activités de
Young Sang Shi Dae s'arrêtent au bout de trois ans, mais Gil-jong Ha et ses amis
parviennent à donner naissance à la prochaine génération d'acteurs et de réalisateurs.
C'est un point peu visible mais significatif de l'histoire du cinéma des sombres années
70.
Un autre événement dans l'histoire politique coréenne a lieu en 1979, l'année de la
mort de Gil-jong Ha. Après avoir gouverné le pays pendant 18 ans, Chung-hee Park est
assassiné par balle la même année. Je trouve intéressant le fait que ces deux
personnalités complètement différentes, Gil-jong Ha et Chung-hee Park, soient morts la
même année. Ils ne prendront pas part à l'avènement d'une nouvelle ère. Gil-jong Ha et
mort jeune, mais son esprit et ses idéaux resteront longtemps gravés dans les années
70 dont on parle aujourd'hui.
Cette partie sera consacrée aux thématiques suivantes : décret d'urgence no 9, culture
des jeunes, TV et harmonie nationale. On va aborder d'abord le décret d'urgence no 9
et la culture des jeunes. Les décrets d'urgence reflètent la volonté de Chung-hee Park
de gouverner la Corée de manière permanente. Ces mesures spéciales sont annoncées
après l'instauration de la Constitution Yusin. La Constitution Yusin est problématique
car elle permet au président de limiter les droits fondamentaux des Coréens et de
changer le régime, sans l'approbation de l'Assemblée nationale. Comme le président a le
droit de dissoudre l'Assemblée nationale, les élus, représentants des citoyens, n'ont pas
les moyens de s'opposer au président Park. À cette période, il y a un événement
marquant sur la scène internationale. La guerre de Vietnam prend fin, mais ce ne sont
pas les États-Unis qui remportent la victoire et ils n'ont d'autre choix que de retirer
leurs troupes. Leur défaite dans cette guerre menée pour protéger le camp
démocratique est déjà choquante Mais en plus de ça, Carter, un candidat solide aux
éléctions présidentielles, déclare le retrait des troupes américaines et des armes
nucélaires de la péninsule coréenne. La Corée des années 70 est donc dans une
situation critique à cause du retrait de l'armée américaine. Dans ce contexte,
Chung-hee Park instaure un régime stricte qui ressemble à un régime de guerre en
insistant sur la nécessité d'une défense autonome et de posséder des armes nucléaires.
C'est dans ce contexte que les mesures d'urgence sont introduites. Le décret d'urgence
n°9 est déclaré juste après la défaite des Américains et a pour objectif d'exercer un
contrôle sur le public, sous prétexte de défendre la Constitution.
Selon ce décret, il est interdit de fabriquer et de diffuser des rumeurs sans
fondement, de rejeter, déformer, diffamer la Constitution, de demander ou protester
pour sa modification ou son abolition via rassemblements, manifestations, journaux,
émissions, documents, dessins et musiques. Tout est interdit. Rassemblements,
manifestations et activités politiques des étudiants sont surtout interdits. Il est même
interdit de critiquer ouvertement cette mesure. En plus, le gouvernement ouvre une voie
légale pour avoir recours à l'armée en cas de besoin sous prétexte de rétablir l'ordre.
S'il y a de jeunes Coréens parmi nos auditeurs, Vous imaginez-vous pouvoir vivre
dans une société pareille? Des mesures oppressives, inimaginables de nos jours, ont été
appliquées dans un passé pas si lointain. Comme on peut le constater dans le décret
d'urgence n°9, Chung-hee Park montre une forte volonté de dictature totale. Il évoque
les changements sur la scène internationale pour justifier ses mesures mais il n'est pas
difficile d'y lire son ambition de prolonger son mandat. Il aurait fallu que les Coréens
s'y soumettent docilement, mais c'était en vain. Les récepteurs de la culture populaire
ne font pas qu'accepter aveuglement les contenus qui leur sont proposés. De même qu'à
aucune époque le public ne s'est contenté de se soumettre à l'oppression, même
lorsqu'elle était systématique. Néanmoins, selon Changnam Kim, chercheur en culture
populaire coréenne, la culture des jeunes, largement répandue au début des années 70,
finit par perdre de sa force à cause des restrictions politiques. C'est une période
difficile où un contrôle sévère empêche la pop-culture de s'épanouir.
La culture des jeunes, acteurs principaux de la culture populaire, s'affaiblit aussi.
Voici quelques exemples. Les cheveux longs chez les jeunes Coréens et les mini-jupes
sont interdites. Les stars ayant un nom en anglais sont obligées de changer de nom.
Par exemple, Patti Kim adopte le nom Hye-ja Kim. Je suis sûr que nos auditeurs
étrangers connaissent le réalisateur Joon-ho Bong. Dans son film Mother, la protagoniste
s'appelle Hye-ja Kim aussi. Elle a donc le même nom coréen que Patti Kim. Il y a
beaucoup d'autres exemples amusants. Bunny Girls est traduit en coréen et devient
Tokki Sonyeo, Onions devient Yangpa. Les jeunes étouffent dans cette société
oppressive.
Il est vrai que la culture des jeunes perd de sa vigueur après 1975, mais il y a des
artistes qui ressemblent à Min-ki Kim, Gil-jong Ha et leurs amis. Dans la culture des
jeunes, représentées par la guitare, les jeans et la bière pression, il y a toujours des
artistes qui continuent leurs activités artistiques en déplorant le régime, en s'indignant
et qui se font s'entendre à travers leurs œuvres. On va continuer à se focaliser sur la
culture des jeunes. En fait, la culture des jeunes est une sorte de sous-culture qui se
distingue de la culture dominante. Les valeurs et habitudes des jeunes sont différentes
de celles établies dans la culture dominante par les anciennes générations. Et la culture
des jeunes constitue une nouvelle culture. On a déjà connaissance d'événements comme
mai 68 en France, où la voix des jeunes contre l'ordre et les valeurs préétablis a
changé la société. On sait que ces événements n'ont pas transformé la société toute
entière mais ils ont aidé les gens à poser des questions significatives et à étendre des
changements qui ont vu le jour dans une partie de la société à d'autres parties. Ce
n'est pas qu'en France que l'on peut constater de tels événements. Dans le monde
entier, dans beaucoup de villes et d'endroits dans les années 60 et 70, une atmosphère
semblable à celle de mai 68 se manifeste clairement. À l'époque, les jeunes des quatre
coins du monde poursuivent les idéologies de la Nouvelle Gauche et demandent une
transition vers une nouvelle société, en mettant en avant l'anti-guerre, la paix, les
droits des Noirs, et la libération sexuelle.
Des tentatives de fuite de la réalité comme le mouvement hippie se font également
remarquer. Et ces mouvements influent sur divers domaines de la pop culture comme le
cinéma, les arts, le théâtre et la mode. De nouvelles sous-cultures et des formes d'art
subversif apparaissent et des artistes underground deviennent très célèbres. En
comparaison, on ne peut pas vraiment dire que la culture des jeunes en Corée dans les
années 70 s'épanouit de manière autonome et saine. Les changements dans la culture
des jeunes des années 70 vont de pair avec les changements dans la culture populaire
et l'histoire de la politique de l'époque.
Je vais maintenant vous parler de la télé et de l'harmonie nationale. Les années 70
sont une période marquée par une oppression politique extrême mais c'est aussi à cette
période que le gouvernement prend de nouvelles mesures économiques qui permettent la
transition vers une nouvelle structure économique centrée sur les exportations. Ces
mesures s'avèrent effiaces et les industries commencent à se développer. Les années 70
sont aussi une période où les médias de masse s'installent dans le quotidien des
Coréens. Les endroits où l'on peut accéder à la culture populaire augmentent, surtout
dans les grandes villes. Je vais prendre l'exemple de la télévision. Dans les années 70, le
taux de pénétration de la télé augmente de manière exponentielle. En 1970, le nombre
de télévisions enregistrées est de 380 000 environ et 6,3 % des foyers possèdent une
télé. Mais en 1979, ce nombre explose et atteint 6 millions, ce qui veut dire que 80 %
des foyers ont une télévision.
Selon Changnam Kim, cette démocratisation de la télévision entraîne un élargissement
du marché de la publicité et les grandes entreprises exercent un monopole sur
l'industrie des médias de masse, en augmentant leurs dépenses publicitaires. La culture
populaire se commercialise et dans le marché, on peut constater une prolifération de la
culture superficielle, sensuelle et hédoniste. C'est un aspect négatif de la distribution des
télévisions. Les médias de masse et les télévisions apportent d'autres problèmes. Je vous
ai déjà parlé du monopole des grandes entreprises et de la commercialisation de la
culture populaire, mais en plus de ça, la télé devient un outil de propagande pour le
gouvernement servant à inculquer des idéologies dans la tête des gens. Sous ce régime
dictatorial, les chaînes de télé perdent leur autonomie. Comme les chaînes ont une forte
influence sur le public, le régime Yusin renforce son contrôle sur les programmes télé.
La Commission coréenne des standards de communication est transformée et renforcée
en agence juridique et la précensure devient obligatoire. Le gouvernement augmente
également la part des émissions éducatives et limite les heures et la fréquence des
émissions par décret présidentiel. Vous pouvez comprendre pourquoi on a augmenté la
part d'émissions éducatives.
En septembre 1975, le gouvernement donne même des directives pour les programmes
de télé. Voici ces directives : 1. Il faut être conforme au mouvement Saemaul. 2. Les
émissions décadentes sont interdites. 3. Les émissions qui suscitent la curiosité sur les
films étrangers sont interdites. Il faut que je vous explique ce qu'est que le mouvement
Saemaul. J'imagine que nos auditeurs étrangers sont un peu perdus. Chung-hee Park
prépare les bases du mouvement Saemaul en 1969 et emmène ce mouvement en 1971,
sous prétexte de moderniser les régions rurales et de développer les communautés
locales. Diligence, autosuffisance et coopération sont les trois slogans de ce mouvement.
C'est une nouvelle forme de campagne d'éducation des masses paysannes. En 1973, une
organisation compétente est créée sous l'administration présidentielle et le ministère de
l'Intérieur. Et les leaders du mouvement sont formés dans tout le pays. En 1975,
Saemaeul devient plus qu'un mouvement visant à moderniser les zones rurales et
commence à s'étendre auprès des citadins et des ouvriers. De 1971 à 1973, la première
phase du mouvement Saemaul consiste à fournir des infrastructures de base, de 1974 à
1976, la deuxième phase a pour but de développer l'autosuffisance et de 1977 à 1980, la
troisième phase consiste à disséminer le mouvement dans les villes. Le mouvement
Saemaul continue même après la mort de Chung-hee Park. Ce mouvement, créé par
Park, est reconnu par certains comme un de ses exploits politiques mais le mouvement
Saemaul se poursuit même après sa mort.
En 1897, des mouvements de démocratisation font irruption et conduisent à une
transition que l'on appelle le «régime de 1987». Vers cette période, les corruptions qui
ont eu lieu durant la mise en place du mouvement Saemaeul sont dévoilées et le
mouvement est mis à l'arrêt. Je vais vous parler un peu plus de ce mouvement. Les
maisons traditionnelles coréennes, à toit de paille disparaissent durant le mouvement
Saemaul. Ça montre que les efforts de modernisation des régions rurales ont été
efficaces. Ce mouvement a également beaucoup contribué à développer certains secteurs
industriels et se base sur un modèle communautariste dans lequel on travaille ensemble
avec ses voisins pour le bien du pays. Les Coréens conservent toujours cet esprit de
communautarisme et ressentent une forte responsabilité en tant que citoyens dans
l'accomplissement de leurs devoirs pour le bien de la société. Il est donc clair, de ce
point de vue, que le mouvement Saemaul a eu une forte influence sur la mentalité des
Coréens. Mais on peut aussi dire que Chung-hee Park s'est servi de ce mouvement
pour maintenir sa dictature et faire de la propagande. Donc il y a clairement des points
critiquables.
Aujourd'hui, des représentants de nombreux pays en voie de développement viennent
en Corée pour apprendre ce qu'était le mouvement Saemaul, ce qui montre que ce
modèle peut offrir aussi beaucoup d'avantages. Mais dans l'histoire de la Corée, il s'agit
aussi d'un mouvement utilisé par le régime Yusin pour insuffler ses idéologies au
peuple. Et le fait que le mouvement Saemaul soit mentionné dans la première directive
pour les programmes de télé montre bien la volonté du régime Yusin de s'en servir
comme outil. En 1976, les horaires des programmes télé sont fixés par le gouvernement.
Les trois chaînes principales sont donc contraintes de mettre les mêmes types
d'émission aux mêmes horaires. À 20h, les trois chaînes doivent diffuser une émission
de 25 minutes sur des éléments importants de la politique du gouvernement comme la
sécurité, le mouvement Saemaul et le mouvement de réformes afin de faciliter la
transmission des idéologies du gouvernement.
Ce derier veut que l'on parle du mouvement de réforme dans les émissions pour le
faire connaître auprès du public. Donc le gouvernement de Park a bien compris
l'emprise de la télé sur le public, sa capacité à transmettre un même message à
d'innombrables spectateurs en même temps et essaie donc de s'emparer de cette
plateforme.
Ces efforts du régime Yusin pour monopoliser la télé vers la fin des années 70
reflètent le côté sombre du terme «harmonie nationale». Ce terme a une longue histoire.
L'harmonie nationale est un terme utilisé durant la période de la colonisation par le
Japon quand il voulait transformer les Coréens en citoyens japonais. Le gouvernement
de Park évoque fréquemment ce concept, surtout après la promulgation de la
Constitution Yusin, pour une raison particulière. Mettre l'accent sur l'harmonie
nationale, c'est imposer une fidélité inconditionnelle aux politiques et idéologies du
gouvernement. Elle sous-entend la possibilité d'être puni en cas de comportement non
conforme aux règles. Donc la démocratisation de la télévision dans les années 70 est
vue comme une opportunité aux yeux du gouvernement qui veut que la télévision soit à
la portée du plus grand nombre de personnes. L'autonomie et la diversité de la culture
populaire sont par conséquent diminuées.
Le titre que je voudrais donner à cette partie est «les impacts du cannabis et les
ombres des grands films». D'abord, je vais vous parler de l'affaire du cannabis. Le
décret d'urgence no9 qui reflète une forte volonté de contrôler le peuple suscite
l'angoisse chez les Coréens. Les Coréens sont non seulement angoissés, mais aussi
dégoûtés par cette mesure. C'est durant cette période que l'affaire du cannabis ébranle
le monde de la pop culture. Cela se passe en décembre 1975. Les chanteurs et les stars
comme Jang-hee Lee, Hyung-joo Yoon, Jung-hyeon Shin, Choo-ja Kim. Se-hwan Kim,
ung-ho Kim, Hoon-hee Jung, Chang-jae Im et Hee-sook Lim sont tous arrêtés ou
interdits d'antenne en raison de leur lien avec cette affaire. Juste après, une deuxième
affaire liée à du cannabis survient. Toutes les grandes stars comme Yong-pil Cho sont
inquiétées et sont interdites d'antenne. Yong-pil Cho est une grande icône de la
musique des années 80, la plus grande idole de l'époque qui connaît une incroyable
popularité dans sa carrière de chanteur solo. Lui aussi est impliqué dans cette affaire
de cannabis, au début de sa carrière. Quelques unes des stars impliquées sont
emmenées à l'Agence centrale du renseignement de Corée et sont battues.
Les nouvelles sur cette affaire impliquant de grands chanteurs représentatifs de la
culture des jeunes sont suffisantes pour faire oublier la colère et le mécontentement du
peuple envers le gourvernement de Chung-hee Park. Cet incident fait naître une loi
extrêmement stricte qui punit les consommateurs de cannabis de condamnation à mort,
d'emprisonnement à perpétuité ou à de peine de plus de dix ans. On peut interpréter
cette affaire de plusieurs façons. On peut dire que Chung-hee Park s'est servi des stars
pour renforcer son pouvoir et détourner le regard du public. Certains disent donc qu'il
s'agit d'une affaire fabriquée par le gouvernement pour distraire le public au moment
voulu. Pour aider nos auditeurs étrangers à mieux comprendre, depuis toujours, la
société coréenne considère la détention et la consommation de cannabis comme des
problèmes très graves. Vous vous en souvenez si vous avez bien suivi le cours la
semaine dernière. Jung-hyeon Shin, un des plus grands génies de l'histoire de la
musique pop coréenne, se retrouve complètement bloqué, suite à cette affaire. Alors
qu'est-ce qui a provoqué cette affaire de cannabis? Tout commence lors d'un concert
au siège de la 8e armée américaine.
Pour les musiciens comme Jung-hyeon Shin qui font fréquemment des concerts à la
8e armée américaine, le cannabis est relativement facile d'accès. Je vous ai déjà parlé
de comment ces artistes sont devenus les acteurs principaux de la culture populaire
avec la distribution de la télé. Le gouvernement surveille de près les activités des
musiciens qui se produisent au sein de la 8e armée. On a beaucoup de témoignages sur
la façon dont on a opprimé les artistes ayant fumé du cannabis. Je vais vous raconter
les expériences de Jun-Hyeon Shin en particulier. À cette époque, il est surnommé «le
roi du cannabis». Shin est arrêté et pendant l'interrogation on le force à avouer les
noms des 50 vedettes les plus impliquées dans l'affaire. En parlant de ce qu'il a vécu,
Jun-hyeong Shin dit qu'il était la première cible de l'oppression culturelle de l'époque.
Sa chanson, Beautiful Woman est une chanson d'amour sans aucun message politique.
Mais même cette chanson-là est longtemps interdite de diffusion, ce que Shin trouve
déplorable. Il se voit comme une cible du régime de l'époque.
Pour résumer, Chung-hee Park mène des mesures anti-décadantes, anti-hédonistes et
essaient d'empêcher les Coréens de s'intéresser aux affaire politiques et de détourner
l'attention du public. C'est peut-être dans ce contexte-là que les stars sont sacrifiées.
Qu'on le veuille ou non, cette méthode pour détourner la colère contre le gouvernement
vers un autre ennemi commun s'avère efficace. Les stars, autrefois aimées du public,
sont vues comme des criminels qui ont porté atteinte à l'ordre social. Le public les
critique aussi sévèrement, qu'il les aimait et c'est en les critiquant que le public finit
par abandonner son intérêt pour les affaires politiques de l'époque.
Ce qui est intéressant, c'est que le côntrole et les sanctions renforcés sur les artistes
aboutissent à un affaiblissement de la culture populaire à la fin des années 70. Les
raisons qui motivent ces sanctions sont diverses. Les artistes sont punis car ils ont une
façon de chanter «incorrecte», car ils ont des cheveux longs, car leur façon de
s'habiller et les gestes qu'ils adoptents sont érotiques, ou parce qu'ils sont décadents.
Par conséquent, la sensibilité artistique des jeunes disparaît petit à petit et la musique
folk perd de sa force. La musique rock, représentée par Jun-hyeon Shin devient un
genre marginalisé, avant même de s'épanouir pleinement. Qu'est-ce que vous en
pensez? Est-ce que vous comprenez maintenant que l'affaire du cannabis est plus
qu'une simple affaire de drogues? Il s'agit d'une affaire qui marque un tournant dans
l'histoire de la culture populaire coréenne. C'est suite à cette affaire que le
gouvernement restreint la créativité des artistes et que le public, autrefois libre de
profiter de la culture grâce à son anonymat et son autonomie, se retrouve limité dans
son accès à la culture.
On va maintenant aborder un autre sujet, «les ombres des grands films». Le 4e
amendement de la loi relative au cinéma, promulgué en 1973, ressemble à la
Constitution Yusin. En apparence, il s'agit d'un amendement pour fournir de une aide
financière à la production de films de propagande, via le Conseil du film coréen. Mais
c'est aussi un amendement pour faciliter le contrôle du gouvernement sur l'industrie
cinématographique. Le système d'autorisation des sociétés de production et le système
de quota des films étrangers font partie des restrictions imposées aux cinéastes. Ces
mesures ont pour conséquence une baisse de qualité et de quantité des films, déjà en
repli à cause de la distribution des télévisions. Les sociétés autorisées peuvent s'assurer
des rendements stables, tout en produisant des films de mauvaise qualité. Le système de
quota des films étrangers est en fait un système de récompense pour les films de
propagande. Ce système consiste à récompenser les sociétés de productions qui tournent
des films conformes aux idéologies et politiques du gouvernement. Les sociétés de
production choisissent simplement de profiter des récompenses offertes par le
gouvernement. Le cinéma coréen manque donc de diversité. C'est une époque où il est
difficile de faire des films évocateurs, des films uniques et artistiques. Dans les années
70, l'industrie du cinéma stagne, en Corée et les politiques de l'époque empirent les
choses. C'est ce qu'on peut dire sur ce sujet.
Vous vous souviendrez peut-être de ce nom, Kwon-taek Im, grand maître du cinéma
coréen. Vous le connaissez peut-être. C'est quelqu'un qui connaît les hauts et les bas
du cinéma coréen après la guerre de Corée. Il fait des films très importants dans
l'histoire du cinéma coréen. C'est pourquoi beaucoup disent que c'est un homme qui a
vécu l'histoire du cinéma en Corée. Je vous parle de Kwon-taek Im car suite à
l'amendement de la loi relative au cinéma en 1973, son film, Testimony devient le
premier film distribué par le Conseil du film coréen. C'est un film fait avec un gros
budget avec des effets visuels et sonores excellents. C'est normal, quand on y pense.
Mais c'est un film anticommuniste. Certes, Testimony a de bons côtés, mais c'est aussi
un film de propagande dont la thématique et l'histoire ont leurs limites. Après sa sortie,
anticommunisme, mouvement Saemaul et propagande se verront consacrer de nombreux
films. Le gouvernement permet aux sociétés de production ayant produit de «grands
films» d'importer des films étrangers. Donc les sociétés autorisées n'ont pas d'autres
choix que de faire des films de propagande et sont encouragées à le faire.
En 1977, les «grands films» et les films de propagande deviennent à peu près la même
chose. À partir de ce moment-là, les sociétés sont obligées de produire des films de
propagande. Je vais vous montrer les critères des «grands films», selon la loi relative au
cinéma de l'époque. La liste est longue mais interéssante et elle pourra choquer
certains. Je vais vous lire intégralement.
1, Les films conformes à la Constitution Yusin d'octobre. 2- Les films qui renforcent
l'autonomie et le patriotisme du peuple. 3- Les films qui favorisent la motivation, la
confiance et l'esprit actif du peuple. 4- Les films qui encouragent une participation
active au mouvement Saemaul. 5- Les films qui mettent en valeur l'unité et qui parle
des héros de la nation. 6- Les films qui renforcent l'espoir et la conviction des
agriculteurs et des pêcheurs, et qui contribuent au développement de la culture
traditionnelle. 7- Les films qui mettent en lumière des personnages assidus, diligents et
frugaux. 8- Les films qui parlent des ouvriers qui travaillent et se sacrifient pour la
modernisation de leur patrie. 9- Les films qui traitent des événements historiques où la
Corée a pu surmonter une crise grâce à sa sagesse. 10- Les films qui montrent que
l'unité est la clé pour surmonter une crise. 11- Les films qui relatent des épreuves de
l'histoire stimulant l'éveil du peuple. 12- Les films qui ont pour thématique les
exportations actives de la Corée ou la nécessité d'introduire des méthodes scientifiques
au quotidien du peuple tout entier. 13- Les films qui montrent des fonctionnaires
dévoués pour le bien du pays et du peuple. 14- Les films qui respecte les bonnes
mœurs et apaise les émotions du peuple. 15- Les films qui contribuent au
développement d'une culture de loisir saine pour le peuple. 16- Les films qui suscitent
l'amour pour les héritages culturels. 17- Les films qui contribuent à la transmission et
au développement de la culture traditionnelle. 18- Les films artistiques de pure création.
Qu'en pensez-vous? Quand on pense aux productions originales coréennes diffusés
aujourd'hui sur les plateformes internationales comme Netflix qui sont à la fois uniques
et créatives, on devine à quel point ces anciens critères sont obsolètes et oppressifs.
Pour vous aider à mieux comprendre, je vais vous parler un peu plus des restrictions
imposées au milieu cinématographique en Corée à l'époque. La Daejong Film Awards, la
plus ancienne cérémonie de film en Corée, est créée par le ministère de la Culture et
de l'Éducation en 1958, sous le nom Korean Film Awards. C'est à partir de 1962 qu'il
est renommé et s'intitule Daejong Film Awards. Au début, c'est une cérémonie de films
de propagande. Il est donc facile d'imaginer quelles étaient les thématiques, les
caractéristiques et les histoires des films récompensés. Durant la période Yusin, il y a
un prix spécialement distribué aux films anticommunistes. Jusqu'au milieu des années
80, la plupart des films ayant remporté un prix sont des films anticommunistes et des
films conformes au goût du gouvernement. Le prix pour les films anticommunistes
continue à exister jusqu'aux années 80, et même après, ce prix continune d'exister.
C'est après les manifestations démocratiques de juin en 1987 qu'il disparaît
complètement.
Je vais terminer cette partie en vous parlant des ombres des «grands films».
L'industrie du cinéma coréen stagne dans les années 70. Je vous en ai déjà beaucoup
parlé. À cette époque, même les Coréens ont une mauvaise image de leur cinéma et ne
veulent pas aller dans les salles pour voir des films. Cela est partiellement dû à la
généralisation des télévisions et aussi dû aux restrictions imposées par le gouvernement
qui font baisser la qualité et la quantité des films produits. Donc le terme «grand film»
est assez contradictoire, car il reflète une période triste de l'histoire de la Corée. Car
ces «grands films» ne l'étaient pas. Mais quand on y pense aujourd'hui avec du recul,
cette période est porteuse de sens car c'est en la vivant que les cinéastes coréens ont
compris l'importance de l'autonomie lors de la production des films. Et les Coréens qui
aiment leur cinéma ont pu comprendre les valeurs sociales des films uniques et
originaux. L'audiovisuels coréens a ainsi pu se développer.
5e partie | Conclusion