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The Foundations and Values of Korean Culture - w9
The Foundations and Values of Korean Culture - w9
The Origin and Dynamics of K-Contents: Korean Language & Literature as a Cultural Gene of Korean Wave
교수자: 장문석
1차시 학습목표
2차시 한국의 민주주의와 혁명의 시간
3차시 민주주의 가치를 지향했던 문학
4차시 민주화 운동과 민주주의
5차시 정리하기
한국 문화의 토대와 가치
The Foundations and Values of Korean Culture Guidebook
강의 개요
차시 차시명 학습내용
핵심 질문 알아보기
1 학습목표
핵심 단어 알아보기
독재정권과 시인 김지하
3 민주주의 가치를 지향했던 문학 민주주의를 향한 김지하의 외침
김지하 구명운동
5 정리하기 강의 내용 예고
1차시 |
2차시 |
“아시아적 전제의 의자에 앉아서 민중에겐 서구적 자유의 풍문만 들려줄 뿐, 그 자유를 사는 것을
허락지 않았던 구 정권 하에서라면 이런 소재가 아무리 구미에 당기더라도 감히 다루지 못하리라는
걸 생각하면 저 빛나는 사월이 가져온 새 공화국에 사는 작가의 보람을 느낍니다.”
최인훈은 구 정권, 그러니까 1950년대 권위주의 독재정권 아래에서라면 작품의 소재가 아무리 흥
미롭다고 하더라도 감히 소설로 쓰기 어려웠을 것이라고 말합니다. 그리고 빛나는 4월, 즉 4·19혁명
이 가져온 새로운 민주주의 정권 아래에서였기 때문에 〈광장〉을 쓸 수 있었다고 말합니다. 이제 〈광
장〉이 어떤 소설인지 살펴보도록 하겠습니다. 이에 대한 대답의 실마리 역시 작가의 소감에서 찾을
수 있습니다. 최인훈은 1950년대 권위주의 정권이 독재정치를 행하였고, 민중에겐 서구적 자유의 풍
문만 들려줄 뿐, 그 자유를 사는 것을 허락하지 않았다고 말합니다. 1950년대 한국의 시민들은 민주
주의에 대한 소문은 듣고 있었지만, 실제 한국에서는 민주주의를 경험하지 못하였다는 이야기입니
다. 작가의 소감의 앞부분에도 비슷한 언급이 등장합니다. 작가소감에는 “’메시아‘가 왔다는 이천년
래의 풍문이 있습니다. 신이 부활했다는 풍문도 있습니다. 커뮤니즘이 세계를 구하리라는 풍문도 있
었습니다. 우리는 참 많은 풍문 속에 삽니다. 풍문의 지층은 두텁고 무겁습니다.”라는 언급이 있습니
다. 작가의 소감에 등장하는 한국은 소문을 듣는 나라입니다. 메시아가 왔고 신이 부활했다는 소문,
이것은 그리스도교를 말합니다. 또한 커뮤니즘이 세계를 구하리라는 소문, 이것은 사회주의를 말합
니다. 그리스도교와 사회주의는 모두 서양의 역사에 근거한 서양의 사상입니다. 서양의 사상과 정치
질서는 한국에 소문처럼 들려오지만 아직 한국의 현실과 충분히 결합하지 못하였다는 것이 최인훈의
생각입니다. 이런 시각에서 살펴보면 서양은 역사의 현장이며, 한국은 역사의 현장에서 벗어나 그
역사를 소문으로만 듣는 소문의 나라입니다. 소설 〈광장〉의 중심인물 이명준 역시 이러한 상황에 대
해 고민하였습니다. 최인훈은 이명준을 두고 풍문에 만족하지 않고 현장에 있으려 한 인물이라고 설
명하였습니다. 소설 〈광장〉은 서양에서 소문처럼 온 민주주의가 한국의 현실과 어떻게 만날 수 있는
가를 살펴본 소설입니다. 소설 광장에는 다음과 같은 언급이 등장합니다. “바스티유의 감격도 없고,
을 가진 나라가 되었으면 하고 바랍니다. 그리고 김구는 자신은 독립한 정부의 문지기로 살겠다는
작은 바람을 함께 적어 둡니다. 이명준 역시 냉전 너머의 평화를 꿈꾸었습니다. 이명준의 꿈을 염두
에 둘 때 한국의 민주주의는 권위주의 독재에 대한 저항일 뿐만 아니라, 냉전 너머의 평화에 대한
바람으로 이어집니다.
2차시를 정리하도록 하겠습니다. 최인훈의 소설 〈광장〉은 한국을 서양의 사상인 민주주의를 소문
으로 받아들인 나라였다고 설명합니다. 역사의 현장은 서양이었고, 한국은 서양의 사상을 소문으로
만 받아들입니다. 민주주의 또한 한국이 서양의 사상과 제도를 받아들인 것입니다. 민주주의라는 이
념은 한국의 현실과 결합하지 못하였습니다. 한국의 역사를 볼 때에도 1950년대 한국에서 민주주의
는 현실에 올바로 뿌리내리지 못하였고, 권위주의 독재가 이어졌습니다. 하지만 1960년 4·19혁명으
로 한국의 시민들은 권위주의 독재정권을 무너뜨리고, 한국의 현실에서 민주주의를 쟁취하였습니다.
한국의 현실에 민주주의가 실현된 것입니다. 그리고 민주주의가 현실화된 상황에서 최인훈은 소설
〈광장〉을 창작하였습니다. 소설 〈광장〉에서 인물 이명준은 남과 북 모두를 거부하고 중립국을 선택
합니다. 한국의 시민이 4·19 혁명을 통해 민주주의를 현실로 만든 시기에 최인훈은 이명준이라는 인
물의 선택을 통해 냉전 너머의 평화를 제시합니다. 이 점에서 한국의 민주주의는 독재에 저항하여
시민의 권리를 되찾는 것일 뿐만 아니라, 20세기 세계를 양분하였던 정치 질서인 냉전 너머의 평화
를 꿈꾼 것이었습니다. 이것으로 2차시를 마치도록 하겠습니다.
3차시 |
신새벽 뒷골목에
네 이름을 쓴다 민주주의여
내 머리는 너를 잊은 지 오래
내 발길은 너를 잊은 지 너무도 너무도 오래
오직 한가닥 있어
타는 가슴 속 목마름의 기억이
네 이름을 남 몰래 쓴다 민주주의여
아직 동 트지 않은 뒷골목의 어딘가
발자욱소리 호르락소리 문 두드리는 소리
외마디 길고 긴 누군가의 비명소리
신음소리 통곡소리 탄식소리 그 속에 내 가슴팍 속에
깊이깊이 새겨지는 네 이름 위에
네 이름의 외로운 눈부심 위에
살아오는 삶의 아픔
살아오는 저 푸르른 자유의 추억
되살아오는 끌려가던 벗들의 피묻은 얼굴
떨리는 손 떨리는 가슴
떨리는 치떨리는 노여움으로 나무판자에
백묵으로 서툰 솜씨로
쓴다.
숨죽여 흐느끼며
네 이름을 남 몰래 쓴다.
타는 목마름으로
타는 목마름으로
민주주의여 만세
4차시 |
5차시 |
Greetings everyone. It's been 9 weeks since the foundation and value of Korean
culture. We've been studying value of Korean culture for past two weeks. last week, we
looked into first value of Korean modern culture, studied the transcultural modernity
through poet Lee Yuksa. Korean culture was formed as various culture cross. Asia and
Western, tradition and mordern, English, East-asian language and Korean, literature and
movie etc has crossed the boarder. As various cultures intersect, the modernity of
Korean culture has formed across cultures. Lee yuk-sa acrossed the culture and
performed with new Korean culture while he forced in a situation of Japanese colonial
era
Today, we'll be looking at the second value of Korean culture, democracy. I will
breifly explain what we'll be learning over the first week today. English historian Eric
Hobsbawm, calls the period from 1789 when the French revolution took place to 1914
when World War I ended the "The long 19th century." The long 19th centry has changed
a lot from before. Hobsbawm divided The long 19th centry into two, age of capitalism
and age of imperialism. Age of capitalism is from 1848 to 1875. This is a period of time
when capitalism expands in Europe. age of imperialism is from 1875 to 1914 This is a
period when Europe has politicaly and institutionally coloniesed Asian and African
countries. The long 19th centry has started as citizens run the country by demolish
mornarchy. But then, they colonized many country in Africa and Asia. The
confrontational perception of Europe as progressive and non-European as savage and
barbaric also emerged at this time of period and this justified colonial rule. However,
colonization also had the potencial of noncolonize. Many empires developed colonies for
efficient control and exploitation, and the development of industry and the spread of
education in colonies led to national consciousness. World War 1 was the decisive
trigger for decolonization. World War 1 was an all-out war involving workers, peasants,
and the people of the colonies. The national consciousness awakened by the war and
led to the national movement. The imperialist powers couldn't turn a blind eye to this
trend of decolonization. Shortly after the Russian Revolution in 1917, Vladimir Lenin
issued a "Declaration on peace" that advocated immediate reinforcement based on the
principle of national self-determination and no indemnification In 1918, David Lloyd
George priminister of England and Thomas Woodrow Wilson president of United State,
has announced national self-determination consecutively. Paris Peace Conference was to
clean out the remainings of World war 1 and establish new world order. In 1919, when
Paris Peace Conference was held, national movements erupted around the world. Big
protest held in Korea and Egypt in March. In April, there was a non-violent resistance
movement led by Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand in India. The May 4th Movement of
1919 took place in China. In 1922, Ireland was reborn as a free country after the War
of Independence, and the Indian Government Act had prosecute which expanded Indian's
participations in politics in 1919, India. Korea's colonization should also be looked at in
the context of world history. In 1910, Korea became a colony. At the end of the global
trend of colonization, Korea became a colony. However, in Korea, news of the Paris
Peace Conference was reported and the March First Independence Movement of 1919
took place as the death of King Gojong overlapped. Many Korean people declared
Korea's independence by shouting "Hurray for Korean independence" in the March First
Independence Movement. A declaration is a linguistic expression that pulls the future
into the present. The Declaration of Independence of the United States in 1776 is a
representative declaration. The United States made their independance official in 1783,
seven years after the Declaration of Independence. Right after World War 1, various
nations that were colonies followed to delcare their independence. Several European
peoples, including Belarus, Latvia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Estonia, Ukraine, Georgia,
Czechoslovakia, Finland, Ireland, and Poland, declared their independence. The
Declaration of Korean Independence issued during the March First Independence
Movement declared Korea's independence and freedom. Moreover, this declaration was
not violent and it was aimed at universalism and pacifism. Through the March First
Independence Movement, the Korean people were politically awakened and formed an
ego. However, the country that the Korean people dreamed of after the March First
Independence Movement was not the pre-colonial Korean Empire. After the March First
Independence Movement, most of the Korean people aimed for a republic. And in April
1919, the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was established in Shanghai,
China. In a declaration written during the March First Independence Movement, it was
clearly written that "Our Korean people are to build a new democratic country based on
justice and freedom." The reason why Koreans were able to aim for a democratic
country as a result of the March First Independence Movement was that there were
discussions and seek for republic in Korea since the end of the 19th century. The
search for democracy was more actively discussed as of the March Frist Movement.
Although Korea did not become independent right after the March Frist Independence
Movement, Koreans built a democratic country after liberation in 1945.
Democracy was the value of the culture that Koreans aimed for modern Korea.
However, democracy was not realized immediately in Korea. In the early 20th century,
Korea was colonized and liberated in the middle of the 20th century. Korea faced war
right after liberation due to cold war and had been divided into two country. Also face
a long period of dictatorship. Democracy has not been fully fulfilled in Korea in the
reality of colonialism, Cold War, war, and dictatorship. However, Koreans thought
democracy was a value that Korean culture should pursue. Koreans created a culture
while aiming for democracy. In week 9, we will look at democracy as the value of
Korean culture. What subject practiced democracy as the value of Korean modern
culture?' is the key question. Democracy, resistance, revolution, solidarity is the key
words. This is it for 1st lecture. Thank you.
Good morning everyone. Let's look into 4.19 Revolution and literature today. We
actually have studied 4.19 Revolution in the third class of Korean modern culture and
the public. 4.19 Revolution was was a civil revolution in Korea from April 18th to 26th,
1960 The authoritarian dictatorship ruled Korea in the 1950s and rigged elections in
March 1960 to extend their administration. When Dictatorship through vandalizing the
democratic value, Korean citizens protest against the dictatorship. A dictatorial
government put down citizens with violence, and some citizens lost their lives. However,
the resistance of the citizens increased. The president of the dictatorship stepped down
and the revolution ended as a result of citizens' resistance. 4.19 Revolution is a political
movement by people against dictatorship and seek democracy. 1960 has been
remembered as the year of the April 19 Revolution in Korean history, since then. Poet
Choi In-hun released his novel 'The Square' in November 1960. Critic Kim Hyun said,
"In terms of political history, 1960 was the year of students, but in terms of fiction
history, it was the year of the Square." Critics and readers thought The square has
described the political imagination that was possible as of the 4.19 revolution. Poet Choi
In-hun also wrote down his feelings of writing his work.
"Sitting on a chair of an asian premise, It only tells the people the rumors of Western
freedom, If you think that under the old regime that didn't allow you to buy that
freedom, no matter how tempting you are, you couldn't dare to deal with it, I feel
rewarded as an artist who lives in the new republic and with that shining April has
brought."
Choi In-hun said under the old regime, the authoritarian dictatorship of the 1950s, no
matter how interesting the subject matter was, it would have been difficult to write a
novel. And he said that he was able to write "The Square" because it was under the new
democratic regime which 4.19 Revolution had brought . Now let's take a look into novel
"The Square". The clue to the answer can also be found in the author's speech. Choi
In-hun mentioned that in 1950, authoritarianism carried out dictatorship and they only
let citizens know freedom by hearsay but never allow people to have one. In the 1950s,
Korean citizens heard of democracy, but they didn't actually experienced it. A similar
comment appears at the beginning of the writer's speech. "There's a 2,000-year-old
rumor that the Messiah came," the writer said. There's also a rumor that God has been
resurrected. There was also a rumor that communism will save the world. We all live in
a world of rumors. The layers of the rumor are thick and heavy." Korea, which appears
in the writer's speech, is a country that hears rumors around the world. Rumors about
messiah and god being reserected, this is Christianity. Also rumor that communism will
save the world, this is socialism. Christianity and socialism is all based on western
historical movement and ideology. The author thinks that Koreans could hear the
ideology and political order of western society like a rumor, and yet it couldn't fully
bind to the reality of Korea. From this point of view, the West is the actual site of
history, and Korea is a that only hears the history as if it’s a rumor from outside Lee
Myung-joon, the main character of the novel "The square"also pondered this situation.
Choi In-hun discribed Lee Myung-joon as a person that wasn't saticified of rumors but
wanted to be in actual historical site. The story of "The suqre" shows how democracy
from the West can combind to the reality of Korea. The following comments appear in
The square. "There is no excitement of Bastille and also the attack on Winter Palace.
There were no Korean people who witnessed the blood flowing from the guillotine, and
no one from Korea went up the marble stairs and set fire to the emperor's bedroom,
breaking statues and sculptures with a hammer. They only heard rumors of a
revolution.
This is how he described that Korea only heard rumors about the revolution and
democracy that took place in the West from far away. The time employed in "The
square" is from before and after liberation to right after Korean War. During this
period, Korea was liberated from Japan, but was divided with the Cold War system and
experienced the Korean War. Lee Myung-joon, was in middle of these historical
stituation. He travel Korea and North Korea. First, he attended university in Korea. In
his view, Korea was only focusing on imitating Western ideas and cultures that was
spread through rumors. Later, he transferred to North Korea. However, even in North
Korea also used communism only for paerfunctory use. Both South Korea and North
Korea accepted Western ideas superficially and copied them, but could not combine
them with the reality of South Korea and North Korea. Lee Myung-joon tries to find
other ways to help out within his situation but fails. Later on, Lee Myung-jun
participated in the Korean War as a North Korean soldier and was taken as prisoner. As
of ceasefire negotiation, repatriation of prisoners of war was taken place. The screening
process of repatriation of prisoners was the process of deciding where prisoners will go
at the end of the war, South Korea, North Korea, the liberal camp and the communist
camp. Let's take a look at the screening process scene of The square.
The communist side came first in order. He walked over to them and stopped. The
officer talked as he smiled. [Take a sit my friend] Myung-joon didn't move as he can't
hear. [Which party would you pick?] [Neutral country.] They glanced each other. The
officer who asked for a sit bent forward his upper body and said [Neutral country is
also a capitalist country. What will you do in the low-lying place where hunger and
crime are rampant?] [Neutral country!]
The communist party first persuade him but Lee Myung-joon only calls for a neutral
country. The liberal party tried to persuade him next, but he also calls out for neurtal
country. Lee Myung-joon said neutral country 5 times while he's in screening process.
Lee Myung-joon rejected both the capitalist order and the communist order under the
Cold War. At this time, the Cold War system was a political order that came from
abroad and forced Korea into division and war. As rumors say, Lee Myung-joon wants
to reject the whole Western political order and open his own life independently. Then,
Lee Myung-joon leaves the divided Korean Peninsula on the ship Tagore and departs for
neutral country, India. The neutral state that Lee Myung-joon thought of was actually a
neutral state that existed under the Cold War, but also means a peaceful world beyond
the Cold War that he thought it would be. Let's have a look at the neutral country he
have imagined.
Neutral country. Where no one knows myself. Where no one cared even I walk on the
street whole day, no one recognize me and tries to know me. Hospital gatekeepers, fire
department monitors, ticket sellers at theater, I'll get a job where I don't have to use
too much of my mental energy but only need to do the same things repeatedly. I look
at people who have come to cure physical illness in the janitor's room. I'll clean the
building and water flowers every morning and night.
The neutral county Lee Myung-joon imgaine is the most peaceful country. He would
like to sincerely live his normal life as a hospital gatekeeper, firefighter or ticket seller,
etc. His wish also reminds of "My Wish" wrote by Baekbeom Kim Goo. Baekbeom Kim
Goo mentioned his wish is Korea's independence. And he wishes independent Korea
doesn't invade other country, but has strong cultural power. He also left a little note
that he'd live as a gatekeeper of independent Korea. Lee Myung-joon also dreamed of
peace over cold war. Keeping Lee Myung-joon's dream in mind, democracy is not only a
way of resisting dictatorship but also seeking peace beyond the cold war.
Let's summerize 2nd week lecture. Novel The square describes Korea as a country
adapted Western ideology democracy with some words. Western was the place where
history has developed, Korea adapted it with some talk. Democracy also was adapted
from Western system and ideology. Idea of democracy couldn't merge with reality of
Korea. Looking back at the history of Korea, democracy didn't root properly into Korea
and dictatorship long lasted in 1950s. However, Korean citizens demolish dictatorship
through the 4.19 Revolution in the1960s and won idea of democracy. Democracy finally
rooted into Korea's reality. Choi In-hun wrote his work while democracy settled down in
Korea. Lee Myung-joon chose neutral country in his novel. Choi In-hun gives suggestion
of peace by let Lee Myung-joon chose neutral country while Korea just won their
democratic ideal into reality by 4.19 Revolution. Korea's democracy wasn't only fighting
back against dictatorship but ragain people's rights and wish for peace beyond cold war.
This is it for 2nd week. Thank you.
Hello everyone. 3rd class. We'll be looking into literature that resisted dictatorship and
aimed democracy at value. Korean citizens have gained democracy in 1960 through the
4.19 revolution, but soon after, May 16 Coup in 1961 took place. President Park
Chung-hee who was from the military continued dictatorship from 1960 to the 70s,
followed by Chun Doo-hwan in the 1980s. Military turned politicians have been ruling
Korea for long period of time. They suppress democracy by prioritizing economic
development and modernization. The dictatorship suppressed democracy in Korea, but
the citizens of Korea resisted the dictatorship and shouted for democracy. Korean
literature also expressed democracy and resistance to dictatorship during this period. In
this lesson, we will learn about Kim Ji-ha, a poet who resisted the dictatorship, and a
Japanese citizen who was in solidarity with him. Kim Ji-ha was born in Mokpo,
Jeollanam-do Province in 1941. He faced 4.19 revolution and 5.16 coup while he was
attending university. He also attended a protest against talks on the normalization of
diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan in mid-1960s. He sentenced to 4 month
jail time for participating in protest against Korea-Japan talks. Later, he continuously
participated in dictatorship and wrote poetry againt them. In 1970, Kim Ji-ha locked up
in prison again. Because of the poetry, he wrote 'Five Thieves'. Five Thieves' was a
poem that criticized corruption in Korea in 1970. The title Five Theives means five
enemies. Specifically, businessmen, lawmakers, high-ranking officials, generals, and
high-ranking administration officials. Five Thieves is a poem that criticized them for
being the main culprits of corruption. However, Kim Ji-ha is oppressed by the
dictatorship after announcing the poem. Kim Ji-ha was imprisoned right after he
published the poem, and the magazine that published the poem was closed. This is a
called Article Scandal which is a case of political oppression due to a satire on society.
Dictatorship oppressed Kim Ji-ha casuing Article Scandal Kim Ji-ha repeatedly resisted to
dictatorship of Korea and got imprisoned in 1970s. 1972, 1974, 1975 Kim Ji-ha
imprisoned continously. He also sentenced to death penalty. But Kim Ji-ha never stopped
resisting. He concealed from dictatorship and criticized every time he is out from jail
but again went to jail. However, He published his poetry while he is serving time. The
title of the main poem the announced in jail is With a Burning Thirst. This poem was
the one that he wrote while he was escaping from the government. Let's read out loud.
Poem 'Wih a burning Thirst' discribes democracy as a human. This is a form of poem
that calls democracy as you and talkes In the first line, the poetic subject is secretly
writing the name of democracy in the back alley, not in the square, at dawn, not in the
daytime. Wanted to express the time in Korea that was being ruled by dictators and
suppressing democracy. Let's look into the 2nd line. Despite oppression, the poetic
subject has a genuine thirst and longing for democracy, relies on memory, and uses the
name democracy. 3rd line shows suppression of democracy in Korea is shown at that
time of era. You can hear the police whistle in the back alley and you can also hear a
knock on the door through the checkpoint in the middle of the night. 4th line. In the
situation of oppression, the poetic subject moans, wails, and sighs, but as the
oppression intensifies, keep the shining name of democracy in mind. 5th line expressed
how hurt is to live. It hurts to live under oppression without freedom. Freedom only
comes to mind as a memory in the past, and the bleeding faces of friends who have
been subjected to violence from power keep coming to mind. Poetic subject writes the
name of democracy with shaking heart and hand in 6th line. But now, poetic subjects
couldn't write democracy with new pen or paper. He collected a wooden plank and
chalk from the street, and writes democracy with crooked handwriting. 7th line. Poetic
subjects hold their breath and secretly write the name of democracy. 8th line. The mind
of the poetic subject who writes the name of democracy is burning with longing for
democracy. And he express his state of mind as burning thirst. Last in 9th line, he calls
out “Vivat Democracy!” As you can see from looking at the contents of the poem in
order, the poetic subject is living under a dictatorship where democracy is suppressed.
He compares the oppressing situation to a back of ally before dawn. Right now, power
is suppressing the lives of citizens and even violence against them. Despite the gloomy
reality, the poetic subject does not let go of his longing for democracy. He writes the
name of democracy with his burning thirst. He writes the name of democracy even
though he is tired and clumsy, while he is sobbing secretly. And He calls out "vivat
democracy!" This poem contrast cold and gloomy reality with the poetic subject's
burning thirst. The reader feels angry and longs for democracy while reading the poem.
The anger and longings gets bigger as poem goes. The reader calls out vivat democracy
with the poetic subject at the end of poem. Poet Kim Ji-ha cries out for democracy with
his poem "The burning thirst".
But he put into jail right after he release this poem. He repeatedly lived a life of being
chased and locked up while he release his poem against dictatorship. The charges the
dictatorship put on him were violations of emergency measures and violations of
anti-communist laws. Kim Ji-ha sang democracy, but the dictatorship accused him of
threatening democracy under the Cold War regime. This is a crime that the dictatorship
forced Kim Ji-ha to have. Kim Ji-ha was oppressed by the dictatorship and his poems
could not be published in Korea. However, at the same time, in Japan in the 1970s, a
civic movement took place to help Kim Ji-ha. About 20 kinds of publications containing
Kim Ji-ha's works were officially published in Japan in the 1970s. A complete collection
of all of Kim Ji-ha's works was also published in Japanese and Korean in Japan. In
addition, Japanese civic groups continued to publish pamphlets and newsletters and
sometimes published bootleg copies of Kim Ji-ha's collection. If these unofficial
publications are added together, the number of publications about Kim Ji-ha published
in Japan will be immeasurable. The publication of Kim Ji-ha publication in Japan was
part of the solidarity between Korea and Japan led by Japanese citizens. Japanese
citizens, writers, religious people, and Zainichi writers actively published Kim Ji-ha's
publications. Sometimes, Japan became the channel for the publication of Kim Ji-ha's
writings, which could not be published in Korea. The dictatorship imprisoned Kim Ji-ha
and accused him of being a communist and forced him to write a fabricated statement.
Kim Ji-ha prepares a declaration of conscience in prison that accuses this situation and
claims democracy. And in the process of preparing for the declaration of conscience,
Korean citizens who resisted dictatorship for democracy, including lawyer Cho
Young-rae, joined forces. Kim Ji-ha's declaration of conscience was completed, but it
could not be announced in Korea. In the end, Kim Ji-ha's declaration of conscience was
announced through the United States with the help of the Japanese Catholic
Organization, the Japanese Catholic Council for Justice and Peace. Kim Ji-ha's
declaration of conscience received great attention not only in Korea but also
internationally. As such, Kim Ji-ha's writing, which could not be published in Korea,
could be known to the world through the route of Japan. In addition, when Kim Ji-ha
was sentenced to death, Japanese writers and Zainichi writers staged a hunger strike in
Tokyo in front of the Korean government. In front of the Korean Embassy in Japan,
more than 1,000 Japanese citizens gathered to protest, shouting the slogan "Don't kill
Kim Ji-ha" in English, Korean, and Japanese. In addition, an international committee was
established to save Kim Ji-ha, led by Japanese intellectuals such as Oda Makoto and
Tsurumi Shunsukei. With French intellectuals Jean-Paul Sartre, Simon de Beauvoir,
Howard Jean of the United States, and Noam Chomsky participating, the movement of
saving Kim Ji-ha spreads around the world. In this trend, Kim Ji-ha was selected as the
winner of the Lotus Prize for Literature of the 1975 The Afro-Asian Writers` Association.
The Afro-Asian Writers` Association was initially created as a group of writers from a
newly decolonized country that distanced itself from both the free and communist camps
during the Cold War The group turned a little closer to the communist side later on, In
the context of the Cold War, Korean writers could not join the The Afro-Asian Writers`
Conference. Instead, Japanese writers participated in a writers' meeting in Moscow and
recommended Kim Ji-ha, and thanks to their recommendation, Kim Ji-ha was able to
become a special winner of the Lotus Prize for Literature. Intellectuals from the free
camp, including the U.S. and France, have joined forces, and writers from decolonizing
new countries such as the "Asia and African Writers' Association" have also joined
forces For Kim Ji-ha's release, The international campaign to save Kim Ji-ha was carried
out beyond the boundaries of the Cold War. This international life-saving movement was
possible through the initiative of Japanese intellectuals and writers and citizens. Kim
Ji-ha expressed his longing for democracy in literature while resisting the oppression of
the dictatorship in Korea. When Kim Ji-ha was oppressed in Korea and his work was
difficult to publish, Japanese citizens helped Kim Ji-ha. They launched a life-saving
campaign for Kim Ji-ha's release and published a collection of his works. And beyond
the boundaries of the Cold War, intellectuals and writers from all over the world led
Kim Ji-ha to declare his release. Kim Ji-ha's efforts of crying out for democracy in
Korea were solidarity with writers, intellectuals, and citizens not only in East Asia but
also around the world. The value of democracy that Korean modern culture aimed for
was a universal value and a value that can be shared and united by citizens around the
world. This is it for 3rd week.
Hello everyone. This is the 4th class In this session, we will look at the
democratization movement and the democracy of knowledge and culture. n October
1979, Park Jung-hee, who led the dictatorship for more than 20 years, died at the gun
of his subordinates. The citizens of Korea now expected to put the dictatorship to end
and democracy to take place. However, on December 12, 1979, Chun Doo-hwan and
other soldiers once again raised the coup and took control of the regime. In the spring
of 1980, there was a demonstration in Seoul calling for democratization centered on
students. The protest is called 'Seoul Spring.' Borrowed the term "Prague Spring" from
Czechoslovakia in 1968. In response to student protests, the military regime, including
Chun Doo-hwan, suppressed the democratic movement by expanding the measure of
emergency martial law. On May 17, 1980, the military government expanded the
emergency martial law nationwide, banned political activities, closed schools, and
strengthened censorship of media reports. They also imprisoned politicians who resisted
dictatorship and blocked the National Assembly. On May 18, 1980, there was a
demonstration calling for democratization in Gwangju, Korea. The military government
sent martial law forces to Gwangju to violently suppress the demand for democratization
in Gwangju. The martial law forces also killed and assaulted citizens who did not
participate in the protest. As a result, even students and teenagers in Gwangju stepped
up to the streets and demanded democratization. Martial law forces that withdrew
shortly on May 21 blocked Gwangju and Gwangju got isolated. The dictatorship ruled the
media and spread false rumors about Gwangju. However, the citizens of Gwangju
maintained the order of the city based on the high civic spirit and achieved civic
autonomy during this period. They also held a peace rally demanding democratization.
On May 27, at midnight, martial law forces tookk over Jeollanamdo Provincial Office by
force. Many citizens resisted martial law forces and were sacrificed. The protest for the
democratization of citizens and students in Gwangju from May 18 to 27 is called the
"May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement." However, the citizens of Gwangju were
severely damaged when the military regime strongly suppressed the May 18
Democratization Movement. More than 200 Gwangju citizens were killed or missing from
May 18 to 27, and more than 4,000 citizens were injured. Many citizens were injured
and killed, and more than 3,000 citizens were taken to military units and tortured.
However, the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement was a historical event that
strongly demonstrated the will of Korean citizens to resist dictatorship and pursue
democracy. After the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement, students and citizens
continued the democratization movement in Korea in the 1980s and achieved it in 1987.
In the process of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement, citizens of Gwangju
showed their will and ability to manage democracy and peaceful life through
self-government. Since then, citizens of various countries in Asia have also referred to
which contains the truth of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement, was
enthusiastic. The book became an underground bestseller through word of mouth by
citizens. Many Korean citizens secretly read the book and cried all night. Through
"Beyond Death, Beyond the Darkness of the Age," Korean citizens in the 1980s were able
to face the truth and reflect on the meaning of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization
Movement with great shock. American Korean history researcher Bruce Cumings said,
"Beyond Death, Beyond the Darkness of the Age", is the most detailed and classical work
of the Gwangju uprising, and this book had made an important contribution to modern
Korean history. In October 1985, this book was translated and published in Japan under
the title "Record of Gwangju May Democratic Uprising - Beyond Death and Beyond the
Dark Words of the Age." Translated version was handled by the Japanese Catholic
Council for Justice and Peace. Later in 1999, it translated into English and published in
USA as well. Noam Chomsky, an American linguist and social activist, called Gwangju
Hangsaeng an event that bravely took a step in the struggle of Koreans who wanted to
liberate themselves from a harsh dictatorship and create a peaceful democratic society.
Citizens of Gwangju, who participated in the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement,
became subjects themselves, published Beyond Death, Beyond the Darkness of the Age,
and informed the truth of history by resisting false rumors of the dictatorship. In
particular, this book is meaningful in that it was not written by one person, but by a
number of Gwangju citizens worked together under the oppression of the dictatorship.
Beyond Death, Beyond the Darkness of the Age was widely read by citizens and students
who participated in the democratization movement in the 1980s. This book shows the
will and practice of Gwangju citizens who accused the dictatorship of violence and
oppression and aimed for democracy very well.
Later in the 1980s, there was a pro-democracy movement in Korea that resisted
dictatorship. Korean citizens read and wrote books while resisting dictatorship and
aiming for democratization at that time. In the 1980s, many literary works aimed at
democratization were read in Korea Poems such as Kim Ji-ha, Shin Dong-yup, Kim
Nam-joo, and Park No-hae, and novels by Hwang Sok-yong and Cho Se-hui are
representative. Also, other than "Beyond Death, Beyond the Darkness of the Age," <A
Single Spark > about the life of Jeon Tae-il, a martyr who killed himself while
demanding compliance with the Labor Standards Act in 1970 Presenting a new
perspective on Korean history, "understanding Contemporary Korean History after
Liberation" continued to be a bestseller in the 1980s. Various social science theories
have also been widely read. Some of the books were banned by the government, but
Korean college students and citizens secretly read them. At this time, Korean citizens
and college students did not read books alone, but read them together. In universities,
factories, night schools, churches, and temples, Korean citizens read books with others,
discussed what is democracy, and went on a pro-democracy movement. In particular,
workers who had previously been alienated from modern knowledge and literature
organized a reading club in the 1980s and read books together and wrote themselves.
Korean workers often had educational background graduating from elementary or middle
school back then. However, these workers organized a book club based on their passion
for knowledge and read books. The workers wrote themselves. They read each others
work and discussed about it. Workers wrote mainly about life in the early days, but
later created literary works. Park No-hae, a worker-turned-poet, started his career
against the backdrop of this social situation in the 1980s. His collection of poems, The
Dawn of Labor, was widely read in the 1980s. The process of workers writing themselves
meant reorganizing the social position of literature. In the early 20th century, literature
was to be read and written by intellectuals in Korea. The worker stayed in the role of
being educated about literature at school and did not write literature. Workers were
alienated from literature. However, in the 1980s, workers became subjects of literature
and culture, reading books together and creating literature. Workers writing in the
1980s, when the democratization movement was active, was aimed at democracy of
knowledge and culture. In 1987, the citizens of Korea ended the dictatorship through the
June Democracy and elected the president directly. Democracy has been institutionalized
and democratized in Korea. The 1990s was the era of pop culture, and in the late 1990s,
Korean society was reorganized under neoliberalism. In the process, workers' reading
sessions and workers' writing, which carried out the democracy of knowledge in the
1980s, declined. However, the worker's idea in the 1980s that anyone can write and
become the subject of culture is now the idea that all Korean citizens have. The
democratization movement in the 1980s and the democracy of knowledge and culture
are connected to the current Korean culture. In this regard, as the value of Korean
culture, democracy is still meaningful to this day.
Let's summerize. In the early 1980s, citizens of Gwangju widely promoted the truth of
history and the value of democracy through "Beyond Death, Beyond the Darkness of the
Age," which recorded the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement. And the citizens
of Korea who fought for democratization in the 1980s widely read "Between Death and
the Darkness of the Age." Also, workers who were alienated from existing knowledge and
literature became subjects and read and wrote literature at the same time. They aimed
for a democracy of knowledge and culture. The 1980s was a period of democratization
movement and a period of experience that any citizen of Korea could become a subject
of knowledge and culture. This is all for 4th week. Thank you.
Greetings everyone. This is the 5th class. Today we'll summerize 9th week lecture.
Today, in the 9th week, we learned about democracy as the value of Korean culture.
Democracy had been the value of culture that Koreans have pursued since the March
1st Movement. However, democracy did not come to pass immediately in Korea.
Democracy did not become a complete reality in Korea, where colonialism, Cold War,
war, and dictatorship continued. However, Koreans created modern Korean culture while
aiming for democracy as a value. We first looked at Choi In-hoon's novel "The Square,"
which was released after the April 19 Revolution in the 1960s. The April 19 Revolution
was an event in which Korean citizens achieved democracy in the reality of Korea by
resisting the authoritarian regime. At a time when Korean citizens realized democracy,
novelist Choi In-hoon suggested peace beyond the Cold War through the character Lee
Myung-joon's choice. Korea's democracy was to regain citizens' rights by resisting
dictatorship and at the same time to dream of peace beyond the Cold War order that
divided the world in the 20th. Next, we looked at the poem by Kim Ji-ha, a poet who
resisted the dictatorship. Kim Ji-ha sang democracy through poetry in a life of
resistance and imprisonment. And when he was imprisoned, Japanese citizens joined
together with Kim Ji-ha. Japan was the way to publish Kim Ji-ha's writings, which could
not be published in Korea, and its citizens protested for his freedom and release.
Japanese citizens crossed the boundaries of the Cold War and provided an opportunity
for intellectuals and writers around the world to support and unite with Kim Ji-ha.
Democracy, the value of modern Korean culture, has a universal character and can be
united with citizens in the world. And we looked at the May 18 Gwangju Democratization
Movement. Against the oppression and violence of military dictatorship, the citizens of
Gwangju aimed and practiced democracy. They recorded the May 18 Gwangju
Democratization Movement on their own and spread the history of truth and the value
of democracy. Korean citizens who fought for democracy in the 1980s read the records
of Gwangju citizens widely. Also, at the same time, workers who were alienated from
existing knowledge and literature became the subjects themselves and started to read
and write literature. The workers aimed for democracy of knowledge and culture. The
1980s were the period of the democratization movement and the experience that any
Korean citizen could be the subject of knowledge and culture. The citizens of Korea
practiced it to achieve democracy and made it as a reality. Citizens became the subject
of democracy and opened up the democracy of knowledge and culture. Also, the
democracy that the citizens of Korea were aiming for was to have a universal character
and for citizens from all over the world to unite. Any Korean citizen can become a
subject of culture and create his own culture nowdays. In the candlelight protests that
continued from 2016 to 2017, Korean citizens once again took to the streets with
candles and realized democracy. When the existing democratization movement was based
on the organization, the candlelight protest was based on the loose solidarity of
individuals, and when the existing democratization movement focused on resistance and
struggle, the candlelight protest focused on non-violent peace. As the value of modern
Korean culture, Democracy continues to evolve and becomes the basis for creating
Korean culture. Democracy is also the basis for the political order created by Korean
citizens and an opportunity to unite with citizens of the world. This is it for 9th week
lecture. Thank you.
第1課時 |
大家好,现在开始韩国文化的根基与价值第九周的课程 从上周开始,我们用两周的时间来学习韩国
文化的价值 上一周我们通过韩国诗人李陆史,学习了韩国文化的第一个价值文化横断面的近代特性 韩
国文化是在多种文化的融合之下形成的 空间上横跨东方和西方,时间上贯穿远古与近代,语言上结合
西方语言、东亚语言和韩语,形式上包含文学、电影等 在这样一个多文化交织的过程中,近代韩国文
化展现出了文化横断特性 李陆史跨越文化的界限,打造了新的韩国文化,在殖民主义的历史背景下,
坚持自己的反殖民主义抗争
今天我们来学习韩国现代文化的第二个价值,民主主义 在第一课时,我们来简单介绍一下这节课要
学习的内容 英国历史学家埃里克·霍布斯鲍姆将法国革命爆发的1789年到第一次世界大战结束的1914年
称为"漫长的十九世纪" 在"漫长的十九世纪",欧洲经历了诸多变化 霍布斯鲍姆将"漫长的十九世纪"划分
为革命时代、资本时代和帝国时代 资本时代指的是1848年到1875年这段时期 这个时期是欧洲资本主
义扩张时期 帝国时代是指1875年到1914年这段时期 这个时期欧洲列强在亚洲、非洲等地大肆推行殖
民主义和帝国主义 欧洲"漫长的十九世纪"虽始于推翻封建皇权,掀开了人民掌管国家的共和政治序幕
同时期欧洲各国也在亚非地区大肆推行殖民主义 欧洲是先进的象征,欧洲以外都是野蛮的代表,这种
对立认识在这个时期登场,正是这种思想使殖民统治正当化 但是殖民地化也蕴含着非殖民地化的可能
性 多个帝国为了有效的支配和掠夺,实施了殖民地的开发,而随着殖民地产业的发展和教育的普及,
民主意识逐渐高涨 反殖民地化成了第一次世界大战的决定性契机 第一次世界大战是工人、农民和殖民
地人民的全民抗战 通过战争觉醒的民族意识延续到了民族运动的爆发 帝国主义列强也无法对这种非殖
民化的趋势熟视无睹 1917年十月革命后,列宁从民族自决和无赔偿无合并原则出发,发表了《和平法令》
1918年英国首相劳埃德·乔治和美国总统伍德罗·威尔逊接连表明了民族自决的原则 巴黎和会是为了整理
第一次世界大战和构建新的世界秩序而召开的会议 巴黎和会召开的1919年,世界各地的民族运动爆发
3月韩国和埃及发生了大规模示威 4月印度爆发了甘地主导的非暴力抵抗运动 中国爆发了五四运动
1922年爱尔兰独立,1919年印度实行了扩大印度人政治参与度的印度统治法 韩国的殖民地化也应从这
样的世界史脉络中来观察 1910年韩国成为日本殖民地 在世界殖民地化进程末期,韩国沦为了殖民地
但在韩国,随着巴黎和会的消息传开,加上高宗的死亡,三一运动爆发了 韩国民众在三一运动中高呼
大韩独立万岁,宣布韩国独立 所谓宣言,就是将即将到来的未来提前表达的语言表达方式 1776年美国
的独立宣言就是代表性的宣言 美国发布独立宣言的7年后于1783年正式独立 第一次世界大战后,全球
有很多沦为殖民地的国家相继宣布独立 白俄罗斯、拉脱维亚、亚美尼亚、阿塞拜疆、爱沙尼亚、乌克
兰、格鲁吉亚、捷克斯洛伐克、芬兰、爱尔兰、波兰等纷纷宣布独立 三一运动中发表的独立宣言也宣
布了韩国的独立和自主 但是该宣言并不是主张暴力,而是提倡普遍主义和和平主义 通过三一运动,韩
国的民众的政治意识和自主意识觉醒 三一运动以后,韩国民众梦想的国家并不是殖民地以前的大韩帝
国 三一运动以后,韩国的民众向往共和政治 1919年4月大韩民国临时政府在中国上海成立 三一运动当
时写下的宣言中明确写道:"我们朝鲜民族要建设以正义和自由为基础的民主主义新国家" 韩国人在三一
运动后之所以向往民主主义,是因为从19世纪末开始,韩国逐渐对共和政治进行了讨论和摸索 以三一
运动为契机,更加积极地探索民主主义 三一运动之后,韩国虽然未能独立,但1945年解放后,韩国人
建设了民主主义国家
第2課時 |
崔仁勋是说如果是在旧政权,即1950年代的权威主义独裁政权下,即使作品的素材再有趣,也很难写成小
说 只有在这样一个阳春四月,也就是四一九革命带来的新的民主主义社会里,才能创作《广场》 下面我
们来看一下《广场》是一部怎样的小说 对此也可以从作家的感想中找到 崔仁勋表示,1950年代在权威主
义政权的独裁政治之下, 民众只能听着讲述西方自由的故事,却不能拥有自由 1950年代,韩国市民虽然
听到了有关民主主义的传闻,但实际上在韩国没有经历过民主主义 作家感想的前半部分也出现了类似的
表述 作家在感想中写道:"有传闻说《弥赛亚》来了 也有人说神复活了 还有传闻说,沟通会拯救世界 我
们生活在很多传闻中 传闻的地层十分厚重“ 作者的口中的韩国是个听信传闻的国家 弥赛亚来了,神复活
的传闻,这些指的是基督教 另外,沟通将拯救世界的传闻,这指的是社会主义 基督教和社会主义都是基于
西方历史的西方思想 崔仁勋认为,西方的思想和政治秩序在韩国像传闻一样传开,但还没有与韩国的现实
充分结合 从这个角度来看,西方是历史的呈现,而韩国则是一个脱离历史,通过传闻了解历史的国家 小
说《广场》的主人公李明俊也对这种情况感到苦恼 崔仁勋介绍说李明俊是一个不满足于传闻,专注于现
实的人物 小说《广场》是观察了从西方传来的民主主义如何与韩国的现实结合的小说 小说广场上出现了
以下内容 “既没有巴士底狱的激动,也没有对袭击东宫的兴奋 没有朝鲜人目睹过从断头台流下的血,
也没人用铁锤砸碎铜像和雕塑,涌上大理石台阶,举起点燃皇帝寝室的火把 他们只是听说过革命。“韩
国与西方相隔遥远,在西方发生的革命运动和民主主义实践对于韩国人来说只是听闻 《广场》以解放前
后到韩国战争之后的时间为背景 在这个时期,韩国虽然从殖民地解放出来,但随着冷战体制的到来,
韩国被分裂,经历了韩国战争 李明俊正处于这样的韩国历史状况之中 他往返于韩国和北韩 刚开始李
明俊在韩国上大学 在他看来,韩国只致力于模仿传闻中的西方思想和文化 后来李明俊前往北韩 但他发
现,北韩也只是从形式上接受社会主义理念 韩国和北韩都只是把西方的思想当作传闻来模仿,没能将
其与现实结合 在这种情况下李明俊一直在寻找力所能及之事,但还是以失败告终 之后李明俊作为北韩
军参加了韩国战争,后来成为战俘 停战前后经受了俘虏遣返审查 遣返俘虏审查是在战争结束时决定俘
虏去韩国、北韩、自由阵营和共产阵营去向的过程 我们来看一下小说《广场》中的遣返审查场面
起初共产阵营企图说服李明俊,但李明俊只回答说中立国三个字 后来资本主义阵营试图说服李明
俊,但李明俊依然只回答说中立国 在遣返俘虏审查上,李明俊出了中立国三个字之外,什么也没说 李
明俊拒绝了冷战体制下的资本主义和共产主义 当时冷战体制就像传闻中的韩国一样,是从国外来到韩
国,用分裂和战争控制韩国的政治体制 李明俊拒绝了西方的政治体制,希望以自主的方式开启自己的
人生 李明俊乘坐"泰戈尔号"船舶离开韩半岛,前往中立国印度 虽然李明俊认为的中立国是指在冷战体
制下实际存在的中立国 但那也是冷战年代的和平世界 让我们来看一下李明俊想象的中立国家的样子
李明俊想象的中立国是一个和平的国家 在那里,他想做医院门卫、消防员、电影院售票员这样的平
凡的职业,简单的生活 李明俊的期望让人想起独立运动家白凡金九的作品《我的愿望》 白凡仅就在文章
中说自己的愿望是实现韩国独立 希望独立的韩国不是侵略其他国家的国家,而是拥有强大文化力量的
国家 而且金九还写下了自己要给独立政府当门卫的小愿望 李明俊也梦想着冷战下的和平 通过李明俊
的梦想,可以看出韩国的民主主义不仅是对权威主义独裁的抵抗,更是对和平的渴望
总结一下第二课时的内容 崔仁勋的小说《广场》中说韩国是一个把西方思想民主主义当作传闻的国家
西方是历史的呈现,而韩国则是通过传闻了解西方思想 民主主义也是韩国接受西方的思想和制度的结
果 民主主义的理念没能与韩国的现实相结合 韩国历史上,20世纪50年代在韩国民主主义未能正确扎根
现实,权威主义独裁横行 但是1960年的四一九革命推翻了权威主义独裁政权,韩国人争取到了民主主
义 民主主义在韩国得以实现 在这样的历史背景下,崔仁勋创作了小说《广场》 小说《广场》中的人物李
明俊拒绝了韩国和北韩,选择了中立国 在韩国人民通过四一九革命实现民主主义的时候,崔仁勋通过
李明俊这一人物向世人展现了一个和平的世界 由此可以看出,韩国的民主主义并不住止步于反抗独裁
和获得人权,更是对20世纪全球和平的期望 第二课时内容到此结束
第3課時 |
在黎明前的后巷
写下你的名字民主主义啊
我的脑海早把你遗忘
我的脚步把你遗忘得太久太久了
只留有一丝
焦渴的记忆在胸膛里燃烧
偷偷写下你的名字民主主义咧
东方还未破晓的后巷
脚步声哨子声砸门声
间或传来一声长长的悲鸣
呻吟声拗哭声叹息声里
在深深刻入我胸腔里的名字之上
在你名字孤傲的耀眼夺目之上
复苏了生的悲哀
复苏了蔚蓝色自由的记忆
复苏了被掳去的朋友们沾满血污的脸
用颤抖的手颤抖的胸膛
用颤抖的切齿的愤怒 在木板上
用粉笔 用笨拙的手
写着
屏住呼吸抽泣着
偷偷写下你的名字
用燃烧的渴望
用燃烧的渴望
民主主义啊万岁!
战时期,韩国作家无法加入亚非作家会议 日本的作家们参加了在莫斯科举行的作家会议并推荐了金芝
河,因此金芝河获得了莲花奖特别奖 为了释放金芝河,美国和法国等自由阵营的知识分子齐心协力,
亚洲、非洲作家会议等脱殖民新国家和共产阵营的作家也做出了努力 拯救金芝河运动就这样超越了冷
战和国界 这种国际性的救援运动是在日本的知识分子、作家和市民的主导下才得以实现的 金芝河在韩
国抵抗独裁政权的压迫,用文学表达了对民主主义的渴望 在韩国,金芝河受到压迫,他的作品难以出版时,
日本的市民们援助了金芝河 他们为释放金芝河展开了救援运动,并发行了他的作品集 超越国界,世界各
国的知识分子和作家们主导了释放金芝河的运动 金芝河对于民主主义的追求和呐喊,让东亚乃至全世
界的作家和知识分子和民众都团结了起来 韩国现代文化追求的民主主义价值是普遍的价值,是全世界市
民可以共享和团结的价值 第三课时到此结束
第4課時 |
韩国市民面对历史真相深受冲击,并重新思考了五一八光州民主化运动的意义 美国韩国史研究者布鲁
斯·卡明斯评价说,《超越死亡,超越时代的黑暗》是有关光州抗争的各种记录中最详细、最经典的著作,这本
书为韩国现代史做出了重要贡献 1985年10月,这本书在日本以《光州五月民主化抗争的记录-超越死
亡,超越时代的黑暗》为题发行 日本的译本由日本天主教正义与和平协议会负责翻译的 之后在1999年
翻译成英语,在美国出版 美国语言学家兼社会运动家诺姆乔姆斯基评价说:"光州抗争是从严酷的独裁政
权中解放自己,建立和平的民主社会的韩国人勇敢地迈出了斗争步伐的壮举" 参与五一八光州民主化运动
的光州市民们出版了《超越死亡,超越时代的黑暗》, 抵抗独裁政权的虚假传闻, 公布了历史的真相 特别
是这本书不是一个人的著作,而是在独裁政权的压迫下,由多名光州市民齐心协力执笔,因此意义深远 特
别是这本书不是一个人的著作,而是在独裁政权的压迫下,由多名光州市民齐心协力执笔,因此意义深远
这本书很好地体现了向独裁政权告发暴力和压迫、向往民主主义的光州市民的意愿和实践
此后,1980年代韩国发生了抵抗独裁政权的民主化运动 当时韩国的市民们一边反抗独裁政权,一边向
往民主化,一边读书,一边创作 1980年代,追求民主化的文学作品在韩国非常盛行 金芝河、申东晔、
金南柱、朴劳解等诗文和黄晳暎和赵世熙的小说就是代表作品 除了《超越死亡,超越时代的黑暗》 1970
年要求遵守劳动标准法而自杀的烈士全泰壹生平的《全泰壹评传》 和提出看待韩国历史的新视角的《解放
前后史的认识》在1980年代一直都是畅销书 各种社会科学理论书也广为流传 这些图书中的一部分被政
府指定为禁书,但在韩国的大学生和市民中广为流传 当时的韩国市民和大学生不是个人阅读,而是集
体阅读 在大学、工厂、夜校、教会、寺庙等地方,人们一起阅读,讨论民主主义的真谛并展开民主化运
动 特别是之前被排除在近代知识和文学之外的工人们在1980年代组织读书会,一起读书,一起写文章 当
时,韩国的工人大多只有小学或中学学历 但他们以自己的知识和热情,自发组成读书会,进行创作 工人
们自己进行文学创作 他们互相阅读、合评并讨论 劳动者们在初期主要写有关生活的文字,但之后还创
作了具有文学价值的作品 工人出身的诗人朴劳解以1980年代的社会状况为背景开始了创作 他的诗集
《劳动的黎明》被广泛传阅 劳动者进行文学创作的过程,具有重组文学社会位置的意义 在20世纪韩国的
文学创作只属于知识分子 劳动者只是在学校接受文学教育,并没有进行文学创作 工人们被文学拒之门
外 但是1980年代,工人们自己成为文学和文化的主体,一起读书,一起进行文学创作 在1980年代那个
民主化运动的活跃期,工人们的文学创作都是对知识和文化民主化的追求 1987年,韩国市民通过六月
民主化抗争结束了独裁政权,通过直接选举选出总统 在韩国,民主主义在制度上得到落实,实现了民主化
20世纪90年代是大众文化时代,90年代后期韩国社会秩序在新自由主义下重组 虽然在此过程中,1980年
代执行知识民主主义的劳动者读书会和劳动者写作有所衰退 但1980年韩国工人们让人们意识到人人都
可以称为文化的主体 1980年代的民主化运动、知识和文化的民主主义也延续到了现在的韩国文化 从这
一点来看,作为韩国文化的价值,民主主义至今仍有意义
总结一下第四课时的内容 1980年代初期,由光州的市民们通过自己对五一八光州民主化运动记录编
撰的《超越死亡,超越时代的黑暗》,让历史的真相和民主主义的价值得以流传 此外,1980年代为民主化而
斗争的韩国市民们广泛阅读了《超越死亡,超越时代的黑暗》 而同一时期被现有知识和文学排斥的工人阶
级以自己为主体进行文学阅读与写作 他们向往知识和文化的民主主义 1980年代是民主化运动的时期,
也是韩国人民意识到任何人都可以成为知识和文化主体的觉醒时期 第四课时到此结束
第5課時 |