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John S. Major taught at Dartmouth from 1971 to 1984, and since then has
been an independent scholar based in New York. A leading authority on
ancient Chinese religion and cosmology, he is also a highly regarded trans-
lator of classical texts. Much of his work, like the present volume, has been
collaborative.
Metamorphic Imagery
in Ancient Chinese Art
and Religion
DOI: 10.4324/9781003341246
Typeset in Times New Roman
by codeMantra
Contents
1 Introduction 1
9 Conclusion 224
Elizabeth Childs-Johnson
John S. Major
Norfolk and New York City, July 2022
1 Introduction
In this book, we introduce, and present evidence for, a theory about the
development of ancient Chinese religion. Our thesis is that the concept of
metamorphism was central to ancient Chinese religious belief and practices
from at least the late Neolithic period through the Warring States Period of
the Zhou dynasty, i.e. about 3500 BCE to the 4th/3rd c BCE, and remained
fundamental to “Chinese” ways of thinking about the world and human
interactions with that world. Central to our argument is the principal motif
in early Chinese figurative art, the metamorphic image or metamorphic
power mask, anachronistically known in Shang and Western Zhou stud-
ies as the taotie 饕餮. We show that, while that motif underwent considera-
ble stylistic variation over time, its formal properties remained remarkably
consistent, underscoring the image’s ongoing religious centrality. In these
pages, we demonstrate that this power image represented metamorphosis
of royal personages from living humans to deceased ancestors who required
worship and sacrificial offerings. Their visages bespoke their numinous
power. By numinous, we mean “spiritual and awe-inspired emotion aroused
by the presence of divinity.” Treated with suitable deference and generous
respect, the royal ancestors could act in support of their living descendants,
ratifying and upholding their rule; neglected, they became dangerous and
even malevolent. Over the long period covered by this book, the privilege
of worshipping spiritually transformed ancestors expanded from a narrow
ruling lineage to a wider elite, and the symbolism of the metamorphic power
image evolved under the influence of changing socio-political structures.
Any satisfactory exploration of religion in early China and its man-
ifestation in material form clearly demands a comprehensive and holistic
approach, but extant studies of early Chinese art fall short in that respect.
Some monographic studies of imagery were published as early as the 1940s.
In more recent decades, some scholars have argued against any attempt to
discern religious or any other content in the decorative motifs of ancient
Chinese art; others, while not necessarily denying that such motifs were
meaningful, were skeptical about discerning that meaning. None of those
studies could be characterized as multidisciplinary or interdisciplinary.1
Here we take a new and multidisciplinary approach, relying primarily on
DOI: 10.4324/9781003341246-1
2 Introduction
visual material, especially archaeologically documented works of art, placed
within appropriate historical context and making use of oracle bone and
bronze inscriptions and literary evidence from both historically transmitted
and archaeologically recovered texts. Our approach is culture-historical,
drawing inferences from the development of material culture, as defined and
reviewed at length by Bruce Trigger in his History of Archaeological Thought
(2006: 211–313). We do not concern ourselves with such topics as the origins
and evolution of Chinese states, the rise of urbanization, and the dynamics
of relations between the center and the periphery, subjects that have been
well covered by a number of recent scholarly studies that build on the pio-
neering earlier studies of K.C. Chang.2 In the chapters that follow, we allude
briefly to social and political matters, but always and only insofar as such
topics provide context for our study of metamorphism and religion.
Our study makes detailed analyses of form and style, and of change over
time; thus, we observe the importance of relationality and the dynamic
between imagery, materials, and affects, as articulated by A.M. Jones and
A. Cochrane in their 2018 study, The Archaeology of Art, Materials, Prac-
tices, Affects. That study makes the point that to elucidate style and meaning
one needs to recognize the importance of effective practices such as gesture,
exaggeration, assembly and disassembly, or the use of distinctions in color.
The latter considerations “enable key concepts, such as style and meaning,
to be re-imagined as affective practices,” particularly in the field of ancient
art and imagery.
In these pages, we use a few terms that are not yet fully established as
part of the discourse on early China and which, therefore, require some
discussion and clarification. For example, we make frequent use of the term
“Jade Age.” It refers to the phase at the end of the late Neolithic period, ca.
4500–2000 BCE, when the technology of jade-working reached a high point
and objects of finely worked jade symbolized the apex of wealth, prestige,
and cultural power.3 After about 2000 BCE, while jade retained considera-
ble cultural power, it became eclipsed by bronze vessels as prestige goods.
The term “East Asian Heartland Region” was coined by Victor Mair4 as
a way of avoiding the anachronism of using the word “China” to refer to the
territory that became “China” in historic times but was not yet “China” in
antiquity. It also invites consideration of the ethno-linguistic and cultural
diversity of the region in ancient times. It encompasses the land from the
northern edges of the North China Plain to the southern reaches of the mid-
dle and lower Yangzi River Valley, Sichuan, the Wei, Han, Huai, and other
major river valleys, and adjacent territories. The great majority of the sites
discussed in these pages are within the East Asian Heartland Region.
In using the term “metamorphic” we refer to two distinct but closely
related phenomena: on the one hand, figurative imagery that can be viewed
as an image that is mask-like when viewed as a whole (a deified ancestor
transformed) but which may dissolve into its component parts; and on the
other hand, the ability of a person – whether a living king or a dead royal
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THE BRIDGE OF
MIEN CHUH SZE CHUAN.
China is the country of guilds. All workmen and traders have their
guilds. To this rule there are but two exceptions—the water-carriers
and the trackers (men who drag the boats up the rapids); these
alone have no trade organisation. These guilds, or trade unions, are
as complete and as effective for good or harm as anything we know
in this country. They watch most jealously the interests of their craft.
But the guild enters into the life of the people at every turn. The
charities of the Empire, which are numerous, are conducted by
guilds. There is, perhaps, little personal charity and benevolence; it
is safer to leave these to the guilds. But there is scarcely a town of
any size that has not its Guild of Benevolence. Soup kitchens,
clothing for the living, coffins and burial for the dead, hospitals, free
dispensaries, orphan and foundling homes, life-boats, and many
other charities are the outcome of these Guilds of Benevolence.
THE GARDEN OF THE
GUILD OF BENEVOLENCE,
CHUNG KING
A BURIAL CHARITY.
A cemetery, with temple attached, for the burial, with all sacred
rites, of strangers who may have died friendless. To a Chinaman the
most important event in his history is his burial. We can have no idea
of what decent burial means to him. He is thinking of it and arranging
for it all his life, and it is not to be wondered at that so large a part of
the operation of Chinese charity should connect itself with funerals.
To be suitably buried is the great hope and aim of every Chinaman.
This Cemetery, with its funeral rites, is one of the operations of a
Guild of Benevolence.
A BURIAL CHARITY
A BABY TOWER,
FOOCHOW.
When a baby dies, and the parents are too poor to give it a decent
burial, they drop its poor little body into one of the openings in this
tower. A Guild of Benevolence charges itself with the task of clearing
out the tower every two or three days, burying the bodies with all
religious rites and ceremony.