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Crisis Related Decision Making and the

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Bernhardsdóttir (Auth.)
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Ásthildur Elva Bernhardsdóttir

Crisis-Related Decision-
Making and the
Influence of Culture
on the Behavior of
Decision Makers
Cross-Cultural Behavior in Crisis
Preparedness and Response
Crisis-Related Decision-Making and the Influence
of Culture on the Behavior of Decision Makers
Ásthildur Elva Bernhardsdóttir

Crisis-Related Decision-
Making and the Influence
of Culture on the Behavior
of Decision Makers
Cross-Cultural Behavior in Crisis
Preparedness and Response
Ásthildur Elva Bernhardsdóttir
Earthquake Engineering Research Centre
University of Iceland
Selfoss, Iceland

ISBN 978-3-319-20713-1 ISBN 978-3-319-20714-8 (eBook)


DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-20714-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2015950197

Springer Cham Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London


© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015
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Springer International Publishing AG Switzerland is part of Springer Science+Business Media


(www.springer.com)
In memory of
my father
Bernharður M. Guðmundsson (1936–2015)
my sister
Kristín Heiðrún Bernharðsdóttir (1956–1914)
my friend and mentor
Ragnar Sigbjörnsson (1944–2015)
Acknowledgments

I owe thanks to many individuals who have given me support during my work on
this research. First I want to thank my professor Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson for initi-
ating a new master program in political science that inspired my interest to go back
to academia and discover how fascinating and rewarding academic research can be.
I also want to thank him for his support, guidance, and keeping the faith in my work.
I am thankful to Bengt Sundelius who brought me the key to crisis management
research by inviting me to participate in a Swedish crisis management project. His
mentorship and support of conference participation in the field of crisis manage-
ment have been invaluable. I am also grateful for my Swedish group of inspiring
and enthusiastic young scholars that I enjoyed much working with. They are Annika,
Dan, Daniel, Fredrik, Jesper, Stephanie, Lina, and Lindy.
I want to thank Peg Hermann for inviting me to work as a research scholar at
Moynihan Institute of Global Affairs and to have given me the opportunity to teach
students in crisis management at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. The
dataset used in this study belongs to Moynihan’s Institute but without the data this
dissertation would not have been possible. I am also thankful for all the informal
meetings I have had with Peg that were entertaining, educating, and nourishing.
Thanks also to Bruce Dayton and Lina Svedin who have given graciously of their
time to serve as opponents for my dissertation defense. Their insightful and critical
comments have helped me refine and clarify the message of my dissertation.
My friends at Moynihan sparkled my life during my stay in Syracuse. I am
thankful for all the moments of conversations, storytelling, and laughter I shared
with Bartosz, Bruce, Elizabeth, Hans, Jishnu, Radell, and Sarah. I want to thank
Sanneke, my housemate, for the valuable time we spent together. I have a fond
memory of how well we served our ambition for having a healthy dish every day—
providing both nurturing and nourishing dinner times. I also thank Heidi who enter-
tained me with her energy and witty humor. I am grateful for Claudia’s moral
support and for the wonderful time we shared at Westcott. I also want to thank
Claire; both she and Radell introduced life in Syracuse to me in the way that only
those who are fond of their community can do. The beauty and wonders of Upstate-
New York I would not have discovered the way I did if it had not been for them.

vii
viii Acknowledgments

I would like to thank my students both at Maxwell School and at the University
of Iceland for their work. It was very rewarding to guide them in writing their case
studies, and it was a learning process for me as well. Many of those cases are
included in the dataset analyzed in this study.
I want to thank the Icelandic Research Fund for financial support. Furthermore,
review of the statistical analysis and preparation of the manuscript was partially
co-financed by the EU Civil Protection Financial Instrument, in the framework of
the European project “Urban disaster Prevention Strategies using MAcroseismic
Fields and FAult Sources” (UPStrat-MAFA, Num. 230301/2011/613486/SUB/A5),
DG ECHO Unit A5.
I would like to thank Ragnar Sigbjörnsson who not only hired me to work for the
Earthquake Engineering Research Centre, as a crisis management researcher, but
who has also been most encouraging and helpful in my efforts to finish this research.
I especially want to thank him for reviewing my statistical analysis. I also want to
thank colleagues at the Centre who have given me a better insight into the technical
world of disasters and disaster management. I want to thank Daniel Teague for
proofreading the manuscript.
I have a decorative plate in my belonging that I have treasured for years with
engraved words: “Wherever you wander, wherever you roam, be happy and healthy,
and glad to come home.” Unfortunately, I cannot give a reference to this saying but
cannot resist including it here. In order to be happy and healthy to come home you
need to know that people there await you and will be glad to have you back. I am
fortunate to have family and friends who have been supportive throughout my work
on this research and have always been willing to greet me whenever I have been
back in their company. I want to thank my parents who have not even once sug-
gested that I quit the race and turn to a more balanced life of work and leisure. I am
thankful to my sister Kristín who has been my “Pollyanna” throughout the whole
working process as well as in life itself. I want to thank Aðalbjörg who has been my
loyal friend since childhood and who traveled to Syracuse to visit me and celebrate
that friendship. I am thankful to Katrin, with whom I have shared countless inspir-
ing and comforting phone conversations. I am also thankful for my friend Elin’s
moral support and uplifting dinner feasts with her and her husband Sigurður, at
times when the research became a difficult undertaking. I thank my friend Hafdis
for nurturing the friendship between our families during my stay abroad. I am
thankful to my niece Kristrún, for all the times she has lifted my spirit with her
healthy cooking and shared laughter. I thank my friend Bryndis for our shared qual-
ity time in the swimming pool that have kept my vigor and enthusiasm through the
last stages of my work. I thank my friend Arney for the treasured time of work and
leisure, we have shared in her cabin. I am grateful for many other friends and col-
leagues not named here but they know who they are.
I want to express a fond gratitude to my good friend John who has been both
encouraging and helpful, by reviewing my text and formatting the manuscript. His
encouragement has often been the push I needed to continue with my writing.
My last thank you I give to my son Elvar Thór. His love and support that I have
enjoyed throughout my research work—as throughout everything else—have
helped me sustain and overcome difficult challenges in life.
Contents

1 Introduction ............................................................................................. 1
1.1 Theoretical Background ................................................................. 3
1.1.1 Social Theory and Culture ................................................. 3
1.1.2 Grid-Group Cultural Theory .............................................. 5
1.1.3 The GLOBE Cultural Approach......................................... 6
1.1.4 Cognitive-Institutional Approach
in Crisis Analysis................................................................ 7
1.2 Purpose and Main Research Questions .......................................... 8
1.3 Research Design and Theoretical Approach .................................. 9
1.4 Working Process............................................................................. 11
1.5 Data ................................................................................................ 15
2 Culture: Conceptualizing the Independent Variable ........................... 17
2.1 GLOBE Dimensions of Societal Culture ....................................... 19
2.2 Individualism Versus Collectivism ................................................. 20
2.2.1 Hofstede’s Approaches ....................................................... 20
2.2.2 Triandis’s Approaches ........................................................ 21
2.2.3 Schwarz’s Approaches ....................................................... 24
2.2.4 GLOBE’s Definition........................................................... 25
2.3 Power Distance............................................................................... 26
2.4 The Other GLOBE Dimensions ..................................................... 27
2.5 Introductory Dialogue Between GGCT
and GLOBE in Summary ............................................................... 28
2.6 Values or Practices?........................................................................ 29
2.7 GLOBE Dimensions Representing Grid and Group ...................... 30
2.8 Culture Categorization ................................................................... 31
3 Crisis Management: Conceptualizing
the Dependent Variable .......................................................................... 35
3.1 Categorizing Crisis Management ................................................... 35
3.2 Cultural Frameworks and the Response Phase .............................. 39

ix
x Contents

4 Risk Reduction ........................................................................................ 43


4.1 Uncertainty Avoidance and Four Myths of Nature ........................ 44
4.2 Preparedness Framework ............................................................... 46
4.3 From Risk Perception to Crisis Perception .................................... 47
4.3.1 Crisis Perception in Sum .................................................... 51
4.4 Origin of Crisis as an Influential Fear Factor? ............................... 51
4.4.1 Origin of Crisis as an Influential Fear Factor in Sum ........ 54
4.5 The Effectiveness of Standard Operating Procedures .................... 54
4.6 Risk Reduction: Summary ............................................................. 55
5 Decision Making and Decision-Making Unit........................................ 57
5.1 What Is Involved in Decision Making? .......................................... 57
5.2 Centralization and Decentralization ............................................... 58
5.2.1 Preparedness Framework and Movement of Power ........... 59
5.2.2 Collective Learning Framework
and Movement of Power .................................................... 61
5.2.3 Group Loyalty Framework and Movement of Power ........ 62
5.2.4 Movement of Power in Sum............................................... 63
5.3 Types of Decision-Making Units ................................................... 64
5.3.1 Preparedness Framework and Types
of Decision-Making Units .................................................. 65
5.3.2 Collective Learning Framework and Types
of Decision-Making Units .................................................. 67
5.3.3 Group Loyalty Framework
and Decision-Making Unit Types ...................................... 67
5.3.4 The Most Influential Types
of Decision-Making Unit in Sum ...................................... 68
5.4 Decision Making and Group Dynamics ......................................... 69
5.4.1 Conformity Versus Conflict ................................................ 69
5.4.2 Three Kinds of Conformity Dynamics............................... 69
5.4.3 Preparedness Framework and Conformity ......................... 70
5.4.4 Collective Learning Framework and Conformity .............. 73
5.4.5 Group Loyalty Framework and Conformity ...................... 76
5.4.6 Conformity Within Decision-Making Group in Sum......... 77
5.5 Conflict (or Non-conflict)............................................................... 78
5.5.1 In-Group Loyalty ............................................................... 79
5.5.2 Loyalty Within the Decision-Making Groups in Sum ....... 81
5.5.3 Trust ................................................................................... 82
5.6 Concern and Decision Makers’ Focus ............................................ 86
5.6.1 Concern and Focus of Decision Makers in Sum ................ 88
5.7 Preparedness Framework and Value Conflict ................................. 89
5.7.1 Collective Learning Framework and Value Conflict .......... 91
5.7.2 Value Conflict in Sum ........................................................ 92
5.8 Decision Making and Decision-Making Units: Summary ............. 92
Contents xi

6 Information Management ...................................................................... 95


6.1 Lacking, Direct or Hesitant Processing.......................................... 95
6.2 Preparedness Framework and Information Processing .................. 96
6.2.1 Information Processing in Sum .......................................... 97
6.3 Formal Channels and/or Localized Information? .......................... 98
6.4 Preparedness Framework and Formality and/or Localization........ 98
6.4.1 Collective Learning Framework: Formality
and/or Localization............................................................. 99
6.4.2 Group Loyalty Framework:
Formality and/or Localization ............................................ 100
6.4.3 Formal Information Channels
and/or Localization in Sum ................................................ 101
6.5 Complexity of Communication ...................................................... 101
6.5.1 Complexity and Directness in Communication ................. 104
6.5.2 Complexity of Communication in Sum ............................. 105
6.5.3 Media and Trust.................................................................. 106
6.5.4 Media Strategy ................................................................... 106
6.5.5 Media Strategy in Sum ....................................................... 108
6.6 Information Management: Summary ............................................. 108
7 Learning ................................................................................................... 111
7.1 Learning and Modifying ................................................................ 111
7.1.1 Learning and Modifying in Sum ........................................ 113
7.2 Historical Analogies ....................................................................... 113
7.2.1 Historical Analogies in Sum............................................... 114
7.3 Learning from Experience.............................................................. 114
7.3.1 Learning from Experience, in Sum .................................... 117
7.4 Collective Learning ........................................................................ 117
7.4.1 Collective Learning in Sum................................................ 118
7.5 Learning: Summary........................................................................ 118
8 Crisis and Culture Within Countries: Case Study............................... 119
8.1 South Korea: Culture and Crises .................................................... 120
9 Discussion and Summation .................................................................... 127
9.1 The Four Cultural Types in Light of Analysis................................ 129
9.1.1 Fatalism ............................................................................. 129
9.1.2 Individualism...................................................................... 134
9.1.3 Hierarchy ............................................................................ 136
9.1.4 Egalitarianism .................................................................... 140
9.2 Values as Culture ............................................................................ 144
9.2.1 The Most Influential Value? ............................................... 148
9.2.2 The Central Value Orientation............................................ 151
9.2.3 Can Crises Trigger Value Change?..................................... 152
9.3 What Is the Use? ............................................................................ 154
9.3.1 International Cooperation, Cultures,
and Crisis Management ...................................................... 156
xii Contents

10 Conclusions .............................................................................................. 159


10.1 Culture and Crisis Management: Continued Research .................. 164

Appendix A: Summary of Hypotheses .......................................................... 169

Appendix B: Crisis Management Case Coding Guide ................................ 173


B.1 Case Characteristics ....................................................................... 173
B.2 Thematic Analysis .......................................................................... 176
B.2.1 Decision Unit Variables ..................................................... 176
B.2.2 Preparedness Variables....................................................... 177
B.2.3 Value Conflict Variables..................................................... 177
B.2.4 Leadership Variables .......................................................... 178
B.2.5 Crisis Communication Variables........................................ 180
B.2.6 Learning/Adaptation Variables .......................................... 182
B.2.7 Crisis Culture Variables ..................................................... 183

Appendix C: TCM Crisis Cases Dataset ....................................................... 187

Abbreviations and Acronyms ......................................................................... 191

Bibliography .................................................................................................... 193


List of Figures

Figure 1.1 Four paradigms within social theory ............................................ 5


Figure 1.2 Graphical summary of overall analytical approach of study........ 12
Figure 1.3 Origin of hypotheses .................................................................... 13
Figure 1.4 Working process of the study ....................................................... 14
Figure 2.1 GGCT typology of cultural orientations ...................................... 18
Figure 2.2 GLOBE’s, Triandis’s and Swartz’s dimensions located
within GGCT’s map ..................................................................... 22
Figure 3.1 Four key themes in the crisis management process ..................... 36
Figure 4.1 The four primary myths of nature ................................................ 45
Figure 9.1 Alienated culture: apathetic or volatile ........................................ 132

xiii
List of Tables

Table 2.1 Correlations between GLOBE values ......................................... 31


Table 2.2 Correlations between GLOBE practices ..................................... 31
Table 2.3 Values framework ........................................................................ 32
Table 2.4 Practices frameworks................................................................... 32
Table 3.1 Crisis management data variables representing
GLOBE dimensions .................................................................... 40
Table 3.2 Collective learning framework .................................................... 40
Table 3.3 Group loyalty framework ............................................................ 41
Table 4.1 Preparedness framework ............................................................. 46
Table 4.2 Individualism and severity of threat ............................................ 49
Table 4.3 Fatalism and level of urgency ...................................................... 49
Table 4.4 Individualism and level of urgency ............................................. 49
Table 4.5 Hierarchy and unexpectedness of crisis ...................................... 50
Table 4.6 Perception of crises and cultural perspectives summarized ........ 50
Table 4.7 Effect of SOPs on crisis management ......................................... 55
Table 4.8 Summary of hypotheses on risk reduction .................................. 56
Table 5.1 Fatalism (PF) and contraction of authority.................................. 59
Table 5.2 Egalitarianism (CLF) and the form of decentralization .............. 61
Table 5.3 Fatalism (CLF) and the form of decentralization ........................ 62
Table 5.4 Hierarchy (GLF) and the form of decentralization ..................... 63
Table 5.5 Individualism (GLF) and centralization ...................................... 63
Table 5.6 The seven types of decision-making units................................... 65
Table 5.7 The three single types of decision-making units ......................... 66
Table 5.8 Preparedness and decision-making unit types ............................. 66
Table 5.9 Egalitarianism (PF) and single most influential types
of decision-making unit ............................................................... 67
Table 5.10 Single most influential types of decision-making
unit (CLF) .................................................................................... 68

xv
xvi List of Tables

Table 5.11 Single most influential types of decision-making


unit (GLF) ................................................................................... 68
Table 5.12 Preparedness and groupthink....................................................... 71
Table 5.13 Preparedness and new group syndrome ...................................... 72
Table 5.14 Fatalism (PF) and new group syndrome ...................................... 72
Table 5.15 Hierarchy (PF) and new group syndrome ................................... 72
Table 5.16 Individualism (PF) and new group syndrome ............................. 73
Table 5.17 Preparedness framework and rally around the flag ..................... 74
Table 5.18 Hierarchy (CLF) and groupthink................................................. 74
Table 5.19 Hierarchy (CLF) and new group syndrome................................. 75
Table 5.20 Hierarchy and rally around the flag ............................................. 75
Table 5.21 Hierarchy (GLF) and groupthink ................................................ 76
Table 5.22 Group loyalty framework and new group syndrome ................... 77
Table 5.23 Hierarchy (GLF) and rally around the flag.................................. 77
Table 5.24 Hierarchy (PF) and in-group loyalty ........................................... 80
Table 5.25 Egalitarianism (PF) and in-group loyalty .................................... 80
Table 5.26 Fatalism (CLF) and in-group loyalty........................................... 81
Table 5.27 Individualism (CLF) and in-group loyalty .................................. 81
Table 5.28 Uncertainty in defining crisis and groupthink ............................. 82
Table 5.29 Preparedness framework and trust toward others ........................ 83
Table 5.30 Egalitarianism (PF) and trust toward others ................................ 83
Table 5.31 Individualism (CLF) and trust toward others .............................. 84
Table 5.32 Hierarchy (GLF) and trust within the
decision-making group ................................................................ 85
Table 5.33 Concern and decision makers’ focus ........................................... 86
Table 5.34 Egalitarianism (CLF) and concern .............................................. 87
Table 5.35 Egalitarianism (CLF) and decision makers’ focus ...................... 87
Table 5.36 Fatalism (CLF) and concern for others ....................................... 88
Table 5.37 Fatalism (CLF) and decision makers’ focus ................................ 88
Table 5.38 Preparedness and conflict within decision-making units ............ 89
Table 5.39 Preparedness and conflict among stakeholders ........................... 89
Table 5.40 Hierarchy (PF) and value conflict within
decision-making group ................................................................ 90
Table 5.41 Egalitarianism (PF) and value conflict among
stakeholders ................................................................................. 90
Table 5.42 Egalitarianism (CLF) and value conflict among
stakeholders ................................................................................. 91
Table 5.43 Individualism (GLF) and conflict within
the decision-making group .......................................................... 91
Table 5.44 Summary of hypotheses: decision-making
(process and units) ....................................................................... 94
Table 6.1 Information processing ................................................................ 96
Table 6.2 Preparedness and communication coordination .......................... 97
Table 6.3 Preparedness and information formality ..................................... 99
List of Tables xvii

Table 6.4 Egalitarianism (CLF) and information processing channels ....... 99


Table 6.5 Egalitarianism (CLF) and localized information......................... 100
Table 6.6 Egalitarianism (GLF) and information processing channels....... 101
Table 6.7 Complexity of communication and information flow ................. 102
Table 6.8 Decision-making unit types and complexity
of communication ........................................................................ 103
Table 6.9 Complexity and directness in communication ............................ 104
Table 6.10 Trust and media relationship throughout crisis ........................... 105
Table 6.11 Egalitarianism (PF) and media strategy ...................................... 107
Table 6.12 Fatalism (PF) and media strategy ................................................ 107
Table 6.13 Egalitarianism (CLF) and media strategy ................................... 108
Table 6.14 Summary of hypotheses on information management ................ 109
Table 7.1 Fatalism (CLF) and adoption of new legislation ......................... 112
Table 7.2 Egalitarianism (PF) and learning from experience...................... 115
Table 7.3 Hierarchy (PF) and learning from experience ............................. 116
Table 7.4 Egalitarianism (CLF) and learning from experience ................... 116
Table 7.5 Learning from experience and number
of decision-making unit types ..................................................... 116
Table 7.6 Egalitarianism (PF) and collective learning ................................ 117
Table 7.7 Summary of hypotheses on learning ........................................... 118
Table 8.1 South-Korean GLOBE scores ..................................................... 120
Table 9.1 Tested relationships placed on grid-group map ........................... 145
Table 9.2 The grid-relations ........................................................................ 146
Table 9.3 Preparedness framework: tested relationships............................. 148
Table 9.4 Collective learning framework: tested relationships ................... 149
Table 9.5 Group loyalty framework: tested relationships ........................... 150
Chapter 1
Introduction

Crisis management broadly encompasses the planning and decision-making process


by which decision-makers within an organization manage its risk and respond to
and recover from crises. Human aspects of crises and crisis management includ-
ing, for instance, leadership styles, personalities, and the dynamic within and
between decision-making groups have been studied and reported on in social sci-
ences while culture as an influential factor has been underexplored. Attempts to
understand and interpret the concept of culture have led to various academic defi-
nitions within the social sciences, ranging from capturing nearly every human
undertaking to specifically presenting certain symbols. Critics have argued that
due to the broad definition, the concept is too weak; if culture can influence every-
thing, it cannot be attributed to particular effects. Scholars have attempted to
define scientifically—and thus clarify—the concept. Particular cultures have been
patterned, and universal claims been made, based on diverse samples of cultures.
Nevertheless, these attempts have not eliminated disagreement on how ‘culture’
should be defined; whether it has a meaningful effect on society; or whether it can
be operationalized. The argument of this book is that culture is an influential fac-
tor in crisis management that can be both defined and operationalized. An under-
standing of the relationships between culture and crisis management provides
insight into how decision-makers’ cultural values influence the way in which they
prepare and respond to crisis.
Crisis is defined as a situation where decision-makers perceive the situation to
involve: a threat to core value(s), a great amount of uncertainty, and time pressure.
Crises can range in scale from upheavals in small organizations to international
confrontations and can impact business, politics, and great societies. A crisis may
be triggered by natural hazard, industrial accident, financial collapse, political
scandal, military provocations, etc. In a crisis, decision makers are challenged with
making critical decisions that may have lasting consequences—both for the
organization(s) involved and the decision makers’ career. A crisis may be quickly
resolved or escalate out of control. A military provocation may be defused

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 1


Á.E. Bernhardsdóttir, Crisis-Related Decision-Making and the Influence
of Culture on the Behavior of Decision Makers,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-20714-8_1
2 1 Introduction

diplomatically or escalate to armed conflict; lives may be saved or lost; political


parties may fall or rise to power, a whole community may be administratively and/
or socially dysfunctional, and so forth.
Four cultural types are studied herein: hierarchy, egalitarianism, individualism
and fatalism. According to Grid Group Cultural Theory (GGCT) these types are the
only four that have stable organization forms, are always present in every group, and
are in constant state of tension with each other. Herein, using analysis of behavior
within decision-making groups in crisis situations tests that theory. It shows, for
instance, that centralized groups (hierarchy and fatalism) are more likely to have
decision-makers who are less concerned and task focused than decentralized groups
(egalitarianism and individualism). Decision makers within hierarchy tend to be
loyal to their group while those within egalitarianism are less likely than other
decision-makers to express loyalty to their decision-making group. As expected,
centralization is least likely among this culture type, of the four, to be displayed
within individualism. The reactivity of decision-makers within fatalism and their
disbelief in learning also becomes apparent.
Culture, and the struggle between cultural types can be identified within groups,
organizations, sectors, states, regions, societies, international associations etc.
Hence, in a society of heterogeneous culture as for instance in the United States—
with its 50 states and diverse ethnic- and racial groups—the cultural emphasis can
differ from one state to another. In crises at a national level the dominant cultural
values of the authorities in power influence the decision-makers and thus the crisis
management. Herein, groups (decision-makers) are the focus but in order to demon-
strate how this study of the relationship between culture and crisis management can
be used to look more deeply into crises and culture within a country, a case study
examining the cultural dimensions of the decision-making process for a crisis in
South Korea is presented. The case displays how behavior of decision makers can
strongly be colored by extremity or struggle between the cultural types. The behav-
ior of the South Korean decision-makers shifts from being very hesitant to being
very decisive although the decision-makers are overall more often decisive and
focus on the task at hand rather than the process. The government is very sensitive
to public opinion but restrains its assertive stance toward groups when it is unsup-
ported by the public. The uniqueness of South Korea’s state-led development for
nearly the last three decades is certainly reflected in decision-makers’ behavior.
An example of how the cultural frameworks can be used to study the influence of
culture on politico-economic union is given in the chapter on the usefulness of this
study by studying its influence on the European Union as a crisis manager. It sug-
gests how interplay of cultural values of France and Germany influences the coun-
tries’ decision-making as key players in the financial crisis which aimed at preventing
a collapse of the banking system in Europe. The countries did not share the same
view on adequate response. While the German government stressed the need for
stricter fiscal rulebook the French government stressed the need for formation of an
economic government for the union. It is, for instance, suggested that French
emphasis on concerned authorities and thus its responsibility of the welfare of
citizens and the German emphasis on cooperative institution-building over the pur-
suit of national interest helped the two societies to agree on a joint governance.
1.1 Theoretical Background 3

Culture is stable, but not static – dramatic surprises can change the prevalent
culture. This book argues that crisis can play a role in the culture change mecha-
nism. It suggests that the most salient reason for a change is a loss of loyalty—or
loss of cohesiveness with the leadership—that triggers volatility among people who
have ended in the fatalistic corner. It is obvious that one isolated incident or crisis
affecting limited number of people will not initiate value change in society. The
crisis or crises must have widespread influence on people’s lives. At that point,
people feel alienated and are not ready to accept the status quo because they believe
there are opportunities to turn the situation around. People demand that values other
than the prevalent ones be emphasized, which can mean a move from the dominant
cultural type to another cultural type. For decision-makers such a change mecha-
nism can create new crisis situations and create or change expectations about
decision-makers behavior in future crises.

1.1 Theoretical Background

1.1.1 Social Theory and Culture

The rise of the scientific concept of culture, which considers the “great, vast variety
of differences among men, in beliefs and values, in customs and situation, both over
time and from place to place” (Geertz 1973: 35), was connected to the rejection of
the view of human nature (dominant in the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century)
as being constant and general.
The field of comparative politics can also be traced back to the period of the
Enlightenment, where Montesquieu was in the forefront in analyzing human soci-
ety, with the focus on how institutions worked within it, including both the political
and cultural aspects of life.
Since the Enlightenment, most great classical writers have used the comparative
approach, which was the dominant perspective of political studies until the begin-
ning of the 1960s (Badie 1989). Those studies focused mainly on political behavior
within a given state and were, for the most part, limited to Western societies. In the
1930s and 1940s, psycho-cultural analysis developed in order to better understand
political culture, but that approach was harshly criticized for its failure to recognize
subcultures. With the end of colonialism, comparativists expanded their focus
beyond Western societies to include other parts of the world, leading to the elabora-
tion of a grand theory of political development (Chabal and Daloz 2006). The “…
universality of the western political model and the underdeveloped nature of differ-
ent models and practices” became the point of departure for analysis (Badie 1989:
341). Hence, societies were categorized as developed or developing, modern or tra-
ditional. This grand theory approach was a challenge for cultural discussion within
the field due to the difficulties in defining and conceptualizing culture in order to
formulate and test hypotheses.
Development of political theory in the 1950s and 1960s was under the influence
of structural functionalism and the modernization theories it triggered. In 1963
4 1 Introduction

Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba introduced one of the most important approaches
at the time in an attempt to explain the influence of political culture. They identified
the “civic culture” as a foundation for democratic political systems and explained
how the role of subjective values and attitudes—institutional variables—impacted
political outcome. Their approach was in line with the behavioral revolution and
challenged the rationalistic approach that had been dominant in political theory
(Almond and Verba 1963; Eckstein 1988).
Toward the end of 1970s doubts about some universalist notions of the western
state model began to crystallize (Badie 1989). A quest emerged to turn back from
the universal to the singular. Clifford Geertz brought his symbolic anthropology to
bear and argued that “… the main contribution of anthropology may lie in showing
us how to find the cultural particularities of people—their oddities—some of the
most instructive revelations of what it is to be generically human” (Geertz 1973:
43). In the 1980s and 1990s the notion of culture as a system of meaning was also a
return to semiotics and structuralism—“a form of structure in its own right, consti-
tuted autonomously through a series of relationships among cultural elements”
(Somers 1995: 131).
Rudra Sil (2000) provides an accessible overview of the theoretical struggle
within social theory, including how to approach culture. He argues that the “war
of paradigms” can be traced to philosophical issues manifested in the theoretical
positions on two fundamental problems in social theory. He displays this “war” by
using a matrix (see Fig. 1.1) that shows how these problems intersect and capture
the analysis within the three paradigms of culturalist, rational-choice, and struc-
turalist theories. The first issue addresses the question of whether individuals’
superiority over structural constraints or ability to give meanings to their actions
should also give them epistemological primacy (vertical dimension). The second
issue is whether material factors (e.g., wealth, resources, rules, social networks)
should be given more epistemological significance than ideal factors (norms,
identities, symbols, cognitive schema) due to the greater measurability of the for-
mer (horizontal dimension).
Rational-choice theorists claim that the behavior of rational individuals is the
root of all social phenomena, i.e., the basis on which norms, rules, institutions,
communities, and societies are formed. Thus, individuals are supposed to detect
and rank their preferences systematically and base their strategies on calculated
estimates of others’ behavior in a given situation (Levi, 1997; Hechter, 1992 in
Sil 2000).
Contrary to rational-choice theorists, structuralists claim that environmental factors
(rules, regulation, class, institutions, etc.) constrain the actions of individuals as mem-
bers of certain groups (Granovetter, 1992; Steinmo, 1998 in Sil 2000). Structuralists
therefore seek to identify the interests of groups and constraints they have to face in
pursuing those interests, rather than analyzing the interests of individuals.
In cultural studies, culture is mainly analyzed as a system of meaning (Geertz
1973; Chabal and Daloz 2006). Insight into the meaning, i.e., the “mental construct”
shaped by experiences and environments, is necessary in order to understand social
institutions and “particular calculus of costs, benefits and risks” (Sil 2000: 359).
1.1 Theoretical Background 5

Material Ideal
Structuralist Culturalist
Structure Theories Theories

Rational Choice Discipline of


Agency Theories Psychology

Fig. 1.1 Four paradigms within social theory (Source: Sil (2000), Based on figure 1, page 360:
“The Intersection of Agency-Structure and Material-Ideal Aspects of Social Life.” Note: The
arrow shows GGCT’s and GLOBE’s stance between structural and psychological paradigms)

The fourth paradigm represents the idealist agent-centered approaches most


commonly falling under the discipline of psychology. Here the focus is individuals,
and how their psyche influences their behavior in a given context (Sil 2000).
Political scientists driven by these different approaches have followed two strate-
gies in dealing with culture. The first strategy is to conceptualize political culture,
which suggests “… a double agenda: identifying those cultural factors, or political
values that most directly influence political behavior and development and studying
the processes of socialization that result in certain forms of political dynamics”
(Chabal and Daloz 2006: 10). The second strategy is to put culture into a residual
category, based on the argument that due to a lack of operational ability, it cannot be
meaningfully compared. Thus, culture as a subjective factor could merely give color
to the political processes but is not a primary factor (ibid, see also Sjöberg 1997).
This study follows the first strategy, conceptualizing culture by identifying cul-
tural values within the crisis domain. It is important before proceeding to look at the
theoretical position of the most dominant theories used in this study on culture and
crisis management. These three theories are the Grid-Group Cultural Theory, cho-
sen here as the explanatory theory, the GLOBE cultural approach, and the Cognitive-
Institutional approach used in the development of the crisis dataset. Figure 1.1
shows Sil’s matrix including the four paradigms discussed above.

1.1.2 Grid-Group Cultural Theory

For the last 40 years influence of Grid-Group Cultural Theory (GGCT) as a social
theory has grown. The theory was conceived in the field of sociology, refined in
cultural anthropology by the inspirational work of anthropologist Mary Douglas,
then advanced and applied to political science by Aaron Wildavsky in the 1980s.
Douglas and Wildavsky, together with anthropologists Michael Thompson and
Steve Rayner, and political scientist Richard Ellis, have laid a foundation for using
GGCT to explain political phenomena (Douglas 1970, 1973, 1975, 1978; Douglas
and Wildavsky 1982; Thompson et al. 1990; Coyle and Ellis 1994; Schwarz and
Thompson 1990; Lockhart 1999). The theory is not riding the high waves of the
6 1 Introduction

cultural studies paradigm but is closer to the structuralist theories paradigm. GGCT
is a functionalist theory that can be traced back to Emile Durkheim or, more pre-
cisely, to a modification of his structural functionalist theory. However, contempo-
rary studies of culture tend to be more attentive to the “relevance of particular
norms, values, identities, and symbols in particular contexts.” (Sil 2000: 359)
Although the contemporary structuralist analysis differs from structural-
functional analysis in that “it is founded on a more historical epistemology and a
more inductively oriented, case-based approach to comparative analysis,” the com-
mon nominator of structuralist theories is the assumption that a group’s social envi-
ronment sets common constraints on group-members and influences their behavior
(ibid:357).
According to Douglas, the apparently unique combination of cultural bias and
social relations in different social settings is most fruitfully analyzed using a simple
grid-group typology of sociality. Thompson, Ellis and Wildavsky (1990) further
clarify this combination with their “way of life” definition. They define cultural bias
as shared values and beliefs, but ‘social relations’ as patterns of interpersonal rela-
tions. People organize their social relations, based on their values and beliefs as
exposed in two fundamental dimensions of social life: boundedness/collectivity
(group) or prescription/stratification (grid). GGCT offers four viable ways to orga-
nize social relations that are based on these dimensions: hierarchy scores high on
both stratification and collectivity; egalitarianism score low on stratification but
high on collectivity; individualism scores low on both stratification and collectivity;
and fatalism scores high on stratification but low on collectivity. The “way of life”
combinations can also be called political cultures, (sub)cultures, or rationalities.
The rationality here is plural. “[T]he cultural bias justifies the social relations which
confirm the expectations raised by the cultural bias” (Mamadouh 1999: 397). People
behave rationally when meeting expectations they base on their ideals. Thus, these
rationalities pull GGCT closer to the psychological paradigm than the rational
choice paradigm.

1.1.3 The GLOBE Cultural Approach

The Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE)


research program, examines the effects of culture on leadership, organizational
effectiveness, economic competitiveness of societies, and on the human condition
of members of societies (House and Javidan 2004). Culture is defined as the psycho-
logical attributes of “shared motives, values, beliefs, identities, and interpretations
or meanings of significant events that result from common experiences of members
of a collective that are transmitted across generations” (House and Javidan 2004:
15). GLOBE scholars, like GGCT scholars, look to anthropology in their emphasis
on values. The two kinds of cultural manifestation of the GLOBE operational defi-
nition place its theoretical stance between structural and psychological paradigms;
these manifestations are: (a) the commonality (agreement) among members of
1.1 Theoretical Background 7

collectives with respect to psychological attributes [specified in the definition above


which reflects the psychological paradigm] (b) the commonality of observed and
reported practices of entities, such as families, schools, work organizations, eco-
nomic and legal systems and political institutions [the structuralist paradigm] (ibid).

1.1.4 Cognitive-Institutional Approach in Crisis Analysis

The crisis management dataset1 utilized in this research is based on a process trac-
ing strategy as a prerequisite for reconstruction and dissection of crisis cases. The
case study design was originally developed within the Cognitive Institutional
Approach (Stern 1999; Stern and Sundelius 2002).
For the purpose of crisis analysis, Eric Stern (1999) argues the usefulness of
combining elements of psychology and organizational theory in order to cope with
the “contextual and situational complexity and steer safely between the twin pitfalls
of gross oversimplification and getting lost in the potentially bewildering mass of
empirical detail which confronts the case researcher (ibid: 30).” From that point of
departure the Cognitive-Institutional Crisis Analysis was developed, based on the
cognitive revolution in psychology and neo-institutional movements in sociology,
economics, and political science (ibid).
The cognitive revolution emphasizes subjectivity, i.e., how the stimuli represen-
tation of individuals and groups influences the way in which they respond. In the
crisis management analysis attempts are made to understand why these actors inter-
pret and perceive the environment in the way they do (Stern 1999). Stern also argues
that the neo-institutionalism multidisciplinary approach offers a “middle ground
between utilitarian rational choice perspectives and structural deterministic
approaches to the study of public policy” by respecting both the autonomy of indi-
viduals and the constraints of institutions in which they are embedded (Stern 1999:
36). Referring to the social theory paradigm above it can be argued that due to the
emphasis on subjectivity, ideal factors are of more significance than the materialis-
tic factors for the autonomy of individuals. Thus, the approach can be placed
between the paradigm of structural theories and the paradigm of psychology.
Subjectivity is the key word here. In order to define a situation as a crisis, deci-
sion makers have to perceive that great values are at stake, requiring urgent response
in the midst of a high uncertainty. In their theory of surprise GGCT scholars also
emphasize the need to understand how perception shapes behavior. According to
the theory, how people perceive a situation will determine how they will react to it.
Thus, an event is never surprising in itself. It is surprising only if is identified as
such by a holder of a particular set of convictions that thought differently about the
world than it actually turned out to be (Thompson et al. 1999). Hence, scholars
developing GGCT and GLOBE and scholars framing the Cognitive-Institutional
approach for crisis management research emphasize the subjective—i.e., the

1
For further introduction to the dataset, see Sect. 1.4.
8 1 Introduction

importance of understanding how and why individuals (groups) perceive the situation
as they do. Referring to the social theory paradigms, such subjectivity displays the
rational choice perspective as a minor factor in individuals’ and/or group behavior.

1.2 Purpose and Main Research Questions

This study has both empirical and theoretical objectives. The empirical goal is to
explore how culture influences crisis management. The theoretical objective is to
make an extension to the Grid-Group Cultural Theory, the main assertion of which
is that culture matters. The theoretical and empirical typologies can strengthen each
other: the former grounding the latter in an explanatory framework and the latter
validating the former (see Mamadouh 1999: 402).
GGCT typology comprises four types of cultures constrained by both group and
grid: hierarchy, egalitarianism, fatalism and individualism (see Sect. 2.1). Thus,
relationships between all four cultural types and crisis management need to be
tested.
In order to strengthen the cultural frameworks processed in this study, the analy-
sis of GLOBE research data is used (see Sect. 1.3 on research design). Values and
practices were differentiated in GLOBE in which provides the opportunity in this
study to go deeper into the meaning of values as culture and test whether crisis
decision making more closely reflects expressed values or practices as measured by
the answers to the GLOBE survey. In order to make the comparison, cultural frame-
works are developed for both values and practices. For the support of GGCT, which
defines culture as a combination of social relations and values/beliefs, the values
framework needs to come closer to reflecting the crisis decision making.
In summary, there are two main questions:
1. How does culture influence crisis management?
Four sub-questions that are directly connected to this question are:
• How does fatalism influence crisis management?
• How does individualism influence crisis management?
• How does hierarchy influence crisis management?
• How does egalitarianism influence crisis management?

2. How does analysis of the relationship between culture and behavior of decision
makers in crisis situations support the Grid Group Cultural Theory?
Three sub-questions are directly connected to this question:
• Is the behavior of crisis managers more reflective of the expressed values or
the reported practices as measured by GLOBE?
• Does the proposed tension between the cultural types become salient in this
study?
• How can the relationship between culture and crisis management shed light
on a probable value change?
1.3 Research Design and Theoretical Approach 9

1.3 Research Design and Theoretical Approach

Ontology and epistemology can considerably influence the choice of research meth-
ods in the social sciences (Morgan and Smircich 1980). A particular view of ontol-
ogy gives “superiority of a particular approach to epistemology” (Burrel and Morgan
1979: 279). A researcher who proposes that reality is a concrete process or concrete
structure chooses positivist epistemology and leans toward objectivist approaches
that use, for instance, historical analysis, lab experiments and surveys as research
methods. On the other hand, a researcher who assumes that reality is a social con-
struct chooses normative epistemology and leans toward subjective approaches that
use hermeneutics (interpretation) as a research method (Morgan and Smircich
1980). While the positivist epistemological stance seeks to explain, the normative
epistemological stance seeks to understand.
The ontological assumption of this study is that reality is a social construct, but
that reality can take the form of concrete processes and structure, which a person
has to adapt and/or respond to. The epistemological stance of the study is to under-
stand how social reality is created in order to study and explain processes and
change. Thus its aim is to both understand and explain and, in doing so, it takes the
above-mentioned middle stance between the empirical and interpretative approaches.
The understanding of reality is sought here through the cultural focus.
Theories are used as tools to explain reality. This study uses the theory-testing
approach, where the theory chosen is the Grid-Group Cultural Theory (GGCT). The
observations made should test the applicability of GGCT, which moves them from
the general of how culture influences people’s behavior to the particular of how
culture influences crisis managers’ behavior (See De Vaus 2001).
In the process of building hypotheses on the relationships between culture and
crisis management, an interdisciplinary dialogue is initiated between GGCT and
GLOBE (see Sects. 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, and 2.8). While anthropologists and
political scientists are in the forefront of GGCT, most GLOBE scholars have back-
grounds in management and/or psychology. Such a dialogue challenges the ten-
dency of “knowledge contributions [being] captive to one privileged view…” (Lowe
et al. 2007). It should be emphasized that “dialogue” is chosen for this study rather
than “debate” in order to serve the main aim (at this point in the study) of looking
for concordances between GGCT and GLOBE on culture. Some disagreements are
of course expected (and will be reported) but may not outweigh a prerequisite for
logical dialogue, which is that GGCT and GLOBE scholars have to view culture
from the same paradigms, i.e., the dialogue has to start from the same premises
(Williamson 2002). As has been discussed under the theoretical introduction, both
approaches intertwine with the structural paradigm (positivist approach) and the
psychological paradigm that recognizes the role of beliefs, values, and cognition in
the creation of reality (interpretive approach). Thus, both GGCT and GLOBE schol-
ars lean toward the middle stance and, in doing so, use a mix of both qualitative and
quantitative research methods.
Project GLOBE uses multiple methods to develop measurement of culture, both
qualitative and quantitative, but “[t]he primary source of data used to measure the
10 1 Introduction

core GLOBE dimensions are questionnaire responses” (House and Javidan 2004:
19). The project updates and redefines Hofstede’s dimensions; his book, Culture’s
Consequences (Hofstede 1980), where he introduces his method of using surveys to
measure cultural values, elevated quantitative societal culture research.
GGCT has become more realistic as a scientific theory, but at the cost of greater
problems of measurement (Grendstad and Selle 2000). Surveys used to measure
cultural biases have been deemed insufficient, and it is argued that lack of empirical
testing makes it difficult to find a solid argument supporting the theory (Milton
1996; Sjöberg 1997, 2003). Douglas, who has applied the theory in a usually quali-
tative case study context, but also in quantitative surveys, agrees that there is too
little survey data to “demonstrate the value of the theory” (Douglas 1999: 415). In
this study, the need of survey data is met by using the analysis of GLOBE survey
data to form cultural frameworks, based on the inter-correlations of the cultural
dimensions and the functional GGCT four-fold typology. Hence, these inter-
correlations represent the core cultural pattern of the four different cultural types of
GGCT. Each type offers a different pattern—puts different emphasis on the mixture
of cultural attributes. The use of GLOBE dimensions as the core of the cultural
types is well justified since the measurement and development of the GLOBE
dimensions builds on a thorough review of corresponding literature, and some of
these dimensions have centuries-old roots (House and Javidan 2004). Additional
variables in the data will also be used in this study to test the relationship between
culture and crisis management (see Chap. 3).
The empirical data analyzed in this study are quantitative and draw on in-depth
qualitative case studies of crises and their management (see Sect. 1.6). As discussed in
the theoretical introduction, the approach was originally designed within the Cognitive
Institutional Approach, which shares the GGCT’s and GLOBE’s intersection between
the structural and psychological paradigms in social theory. Hence, the crisis manage-
ment data are based on both normative and positivist approaches.
The qualitative and quantitative methods are integrated in this study. The empiri-
cal data are used to test hypotheses on the relationships between GGCT cultural
types and crisis management; for further interpretation case studies are also utilized.
The chosen statistical tool is the Chi-Squared Test Statistic which “is the oldest test
statistic in use today, having been introduced by the British statistician Karl Pearson
in 1900” (see, for instance, Argresti and Finlay 1999: 255; Kanji 2006: 91). The
test—symbolized by χ2—tests the independence of variables (ibid). The null
hypothesis for this study suggests that the variables, culture and crisis management,
are statistically independent. Thus, the tested alternative hypothesis argues that the
cultural- and crisis management variables are statistically dependent (i.e. reject the
null hypothesis). Since an identified association, in this study, represents only sug-
gestive evidence of connections, interpretation is used to back-up the suggested
influence of the independent variable (culture) on the dependent variable (crisis
management). Because the direction of the relationship is stated, a one–tailed test is
required (see, Field 2005). Thus, correlation analysis is used to test the hypotheses,
but since an identified relationship represents only suggestive evidence of causal
connections, interpretation is used to back-up the suggested influence of the inde-
pendent variable (culture) on the dependent variable (crisis management). The unit
1.4 Working Process 11

of analysis is the decision-making unit. Hypotheses are based on a review of the


literature in the field of culture and crisis management. The dialogue between
GGCT and GLOBE plays an important part in this review and, thus, in the develop-
ment of the hypotheses, as discussed above. Furthermore, an analysis of crises in
South Korea is used as a qualitative case study of the interplay between culture and
crisis management within countries (see Chap. 8).
GLOBE scholars measure cultural dimensions on both an organizational and a
societal level, but “[t]he central proposition of [their] integrated theory is that the
attributes and entities that differentiate a specified culture are predictive of organi-
zational practices and leader attributes and behaviors that are most frequently
enacted and most effective in that culture” (House and Javidan 2004: 17). Their
findings display a strong relationship between the societal and organizational cul-
ture—“organizations mirror societies from which they originate” (Javidan 2004:
726). The cultural frameworks to be tested in this study are based on GLOBE’s
statistical findings on societal culture. Not only is it expected that organizational
culture is influenced by societal culture (based on GLOBE’s findings) but also sug-
gested that in situations where a crisis is triggered at the organizational level, the
crisis tends to have extended influences on the environment and/or society as a
whole and thus expands the decision makers’ awareness of societal values in their
response to the situation. In this study the crisis decision makers come more often
from public agencies, which makes it even more appropriate to look at the ways in
which crisis management is influenced by societal culture.
Figure 1.2 summarizes the overall analytical approach used in this study. Here
set up as four concentric circles that needed to be worked through in order to test the
behavior of the decision-making unit (crisis managers) that is the unit of analysis in
this study. The two outer circles encompass the GGCT and GLOBE and the dia-
logue between that results in cultural frameworks. The third circle captures the set
of hypotheses regarding the effect of the four types of cultures and the relationship
between culture and certain aspects of crisis management under each crisis-
management theme. The decision-making unit is reached at the center of the circles,
indicating the testing of observed behavior versus the hypothesized behavior.

1.4 Working Process

The working process of the study consists of eight primary parts that are graphically
presented in a flowchart (see Fig. 1.4). Part I of how the independent variable—
culture—is being conceptualized for this study, by developing cultural frameworks
based on the functional typology of the Grid-Group Cultural Theory (GGCT) and
findings of the Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness
(GLOBE) cross-cultural research program.
Eight of GLOBE cultural dimensions are placed on the GGCT map. Two of the
GLOBE dimensions represent the grid and the group dimensions of GGCT and are
thus the core dimensions within each framework. The cultural dimension represent-
ing grid then becomes high in the high grid cultures, hierarchy and fatalism, and low
Another random document with
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is added to the contents of the retort and distilled so as to yield a
distillate containing “albuminoid ammonia,” the result being as
follows in pure teas:—
Free 0.28 milligrams.
ammonia,
Albuminoid 0.43 “
ammonia,
——
Total, 0.71 milligrams.
While the extract from a sample of spurious leaves yielded of
Free 0.20 milligrams.
ammonia,
Albuminoid 0.295 “
ammonia,
——
Total, 0.495 milligrams.
This experiment is made with the greatest ease, and will also be
found valuable by brokers and others interested in tea for testing the
strength of the tea-infusion. As has already been observed, tea is
also remarkably rich in nitrogen, so much so that a determination of
nitrogen may be resorted to as a means of identification. With this
object it is best to take a sample of tea, first mixing it up well and
powder it in a mortar. Of this tea-powder some 0.3 grams should be
accurately weighed out. This is then to be mixed with some 50
grams of oxide of copper, which has been first oxidized without the
employment of nitric acid, and which shortly before using had been
ignited and allowed to cool. A combustion-tube of hard German
glass, closed at one end and perfectly clean, is next charged as
follows: At the closed end a layer, some three to four inches in
length, of a mixture of dry bi-carbonate of soda and fused bi-
chromate of potash is placed, the mixture being intended to give out
carbonic acid. Next to this compound place two inches of oxide of
copper, then the mixture of tea and oxide of copper, then more oxide
of copper and some clean metallic copper on top, then a perforated
cork and exit tube, which dips under the mercury, and place the
combustion-tube in an appropriate furnace to heat. By heating the
layer of carbonate of soda and bi-chromate of potash, carbonic acid
is caused to traverse the tube and expel the air from it. This having
been done the tube is next heated gradually from before so as to
burn up the tea, the gases being collected over the mercury. At the
end of the operation the carbonic acid is once more made to traverse
the tube by again heating the mixture at the back, all the nitrogen
being driven from the tube and collected. Finally the carbonic acid is
absorbed by means of the potash and, the residual nitrogen gas is
measured with well-known precautions. This gas should also be
tested for bin-oxide of nitrogen by means of oxygen and pyro-galate
of potash, any bin-oxide of nitrogen gas to be measured and allowed
for in the test.
Among the most common forms of adulteration practiced by dealers
in this country is that of substituting old and valueless Young Hysons
for Japans or mixing them together the better to disguise the fraud.
The mixing or blending of old, stale, weedy or smoky Congous with
Oolongs, particularly when such teas become a drug on the market.
The reduction of Moyunes by the addition of Pingsueys in the
proportions of half and half and then refacing them as “True
Moyunes.” The refacing of Ningyongs and other Amoys as Formosas
being still another form, for which at the present low prices of the
commodity there is not the slightest occasion. The most recent “trick”
of the tea trade being that of mixing Japan Nibs with Twankays and
Hysons, the latter, I regret to add, being now extensively adopted by
at one time reputable houses.
Some law should be passed in this country to ensure the public
against the possibility of purchasing spurious and adulterated teas
as in Russia, where the dealers are compelled to sell their teas
under government labels placed on the packages by experts
appointed by the Government for that particular purpose and who
work under official inspectors, the expense of examining and labeling
being defrayed out of the revenue realized from the sale of the labels
to the dealers. To such an extent was the nefarious practice carried
on in that country that the adoption of this system became imperative
in order to restore the confidence of the public in the genuineness of
the tea offered for sale, with the result of having materially checked
the traffic in spurious and adulterated teas in that country.
CHAPTER VII.

TESTING, BLENDING
AND
P R E PA R I N G .

There is no article handled by the grocer which engages more of his


time, demands greater attention, or has a more important bearing
upon the success of his business than Tea. In many respects it
stands ahead of all other commodities in commanding and
maintaining patronage, also in that it is expected to attract and retain
trade for other articles, and at the same time yield a larger margin of
profit. As gain is the fundamental object of business, and as Tea
plays such an essential part in determining this profit, we may be
excused if, considering the article from a purely practical standpoint,
we urge the relation which it bears to the success of the dealer in it,
and who, as a rule, experience more difficulty in the selection of Tea
than in any other article he trades in. The cause is obvious, being
due to the numerous varieties and almost innumerable grades,
characters and flavors with which he is confronted, and to be
selected from, taken in connection with the diversity of tastes and
preferences to be catered to, it requiring no ordinary skill or
knowledge to make the proper selection under these circumstances
to suit patrons. The acquisition of such knowledge, for all practical
purposes, is not, however, quite as difficult as many may suppose,
as it can be fairly obtained by a little study, a few simple and
inexpensive experiments and repeated trials to familiarize oneself
with the leading characteristics and values of the different varieties,
grades and flavors of the teas best adapted to each particular class
or section of the country.
Teas have two values—an Intrinsic or real value, and a Commercial
or market value; quality, strength and flavor constituting the first, the
latter being more often based on style, appearance, supply and
fluctuations in price. So that in their selection for commercial
purposes four leading features are to be considered—Leaf, Style,
Liquor and Flavor. The drawing and drinking qualities of the tea in
the cup are paramount to the style and appearance of the leaf in the
hand, as many teas, though rough-looking and coarse in “make” or
style, draw and drink well in the infusion. There are five principal
methods of testing the merits of a tea:—

By Style or Appearance.—Which, though not invariably an


indication of merit, has still considerable to do with the value and
quality of a tea. Choice teas of all kinds are however, handsomely
made and stylish in appearance, that is, compactly if not artistically
curled, twisted, folded or rolled, according to its make, and all teas
being small and fine in proportion to their youth and tenderness, the
ripest and most “sappy” curling up tightest and retaining their form
longest, consequently the younger and fresher the leaves the richer,
more juicy and succulent the tea. If it be Green tea of the Imperial or
Gunpowder order the leaf is hard-rolled and “shotty,” regular in
make, bright natural green in color, very uniform and pleasing in
general appearance. But if of the Hyson or Young Hyson sorts, the
leaf will be well and evenly curled or twisted, the latter being almost
“wirey” in texture and of the same hue as the former. If Black, of the
Oolong or Congou variety, the leaf will be finely made, “silky” or
“crapy” in texture and varying in size from small to medium,
artistically twisted and attractive to the eye. Old and inferior teas, on
the other hand, will be large, rough and loosely rolled or curled, in
proportion to their age, quality and picking, and being partially or
entirely devoid of “sap” or succulence, they are correspondingly thin,
coarse or flavorless in the infused state.
By Feeling.—Judging a sample of tea by feeling is applicable more
to the curled, twisted or rolled sorts, such as Oolongs, Congous,
Souchongs and Hyson teas. If the leaves of a tea of these makes, so
tested, be really choice they will be found smooth, crisp and elastic
in the hand, and capable of resisting a gentle but firm pressure,
yielding rather than snapping or breaking under it. But if old and
“sapless,” they will be found rough and “chaffy” to the touch, very
brittle, cracking easily and crumbling under the same conditions,
making much dust.

By Smelling.—By blowing or breathing hard upon a sample of tea


and then quickly catching the odor emitted from it a fair estimate of
its general character and value may be arrived at. To judge by this
method, however, an acquaintance with the distinctive flavors and
peculiarities of the various sorts and grades will be first necessary.
This knowledge is best acquired by adopting as a type or “standard”
a sample of the tea to be matched and educating this sense to its
flavor and aroma. It is not for a moment claimed that this test will be
at all times accurate or reliable, and only a general estimate can be
formed, especially if suffering from a cold, in which case its true
character or value cannot be even approximated. Again, many teas
that may be “new and nosey” in the hand will be “thin and flat” in the
cup, the “flashy” or evanescent flavor passing off rapidly on infusion.

By Masticating.—A close and almost accurate estimate of the


character and value of a tea can be formed by chewing a few of the
leaves. With this method a good tea may be recognized by the ready
manner in which the leaves almost dissolve in the mouth on slight
mastication, becoming quickly reduced to a “pasty” consistency if
young, tender and succulent, the “sap” or juice yielded will be
abundant, pungent and pleasing to the taste. If of the Green or
Japan variety the residue will be of a bright, natural-green color on
removal, rich olive-green if Oolong, of a rich reddish-brown tint if
Congou and dark-red if India or Ceylon. But if composed of old,
inferior, spent or spurious leaves they will be found difficult to
masticate, being dry, “chippy,” sapless and tough in texture, yielding
little or no juice according to its age and inferiority. Whatever little is
expressed being “wild,” “weedy,” “woody,” “herby,” “mousey,”
“grassy” or “metallic” and bitterly astringent to the taste, the residue
being dark in color, coarse or granulated on removal. This test
should not be resorted to only on extreme occasions, as a too
frequent chewing of tea-leaves, owing to the tannin in their
composition, severely affects the nervous system and ultimately the
digestive organs.

By Infusing or Drawing—Is unquestionably the most reliable and


satisfactory method of testing or appraising tea, being the one
adopted by all brokers, experts and dealers as the most conclusive
and least injurious to the system. For this purpose a number of small
porcelain cups, scales and half-dime weight is requisite, together
with a perfectly clean kettle and freshly distilled or filtered water,
briskly boiled. Take the weight of the half-dime of leaves and mark
the cups to correspond with the samples under examination, then
pour on the briskly boiling water and allow it to draw from three to
five minutes by the watch, first seeing that the cups are thoroughly
clean and dry, or, better still, heated or rinsed with boiling water
before weighing or putting in the tea, as cups used for drawing other
sorts of tea will impart the flavor of those previously tested to the last
if not properly washed and dried before using again; also see that
the water is briskly boiling before pouring it on the leaves, as water
not properly boiling will cause the leaves to float. If large cups are
used the quantity of leaves should be increased proportionately, say
to that of a dime in weight for an ordinary tea-cup. It is customary
with some brokers and tea-testers to cover the cups with a lid or
saucer during infusion, but this precaution is not absolutely
necessary; still it has its benefits, as it prevents the vapor and aroma
from escaping, both valuable factors in the exact testing of tea. The
water used should be as soft and pure as can be obtained; boiled
briskly and used only at the boiling point. That is, it must boil, but not
overboil, for if it be allowed to do so for even a few minutes it will not
extract the full strength and flavor of the leaves. Expert tea-testers
are most particular in this respect, watching their kettles so that the
water may be used the minute it boils, and if any water remains in
the kettle it is poured off and refilled with fresh water before using
again, as the effect of using water that has been boiled a second
time is the same as that of water which has been overboiled. In
testing teas by infusing or drawing five important points are to be
considered: Body, Color, Strength, Flavor and Aroma of the Liquor,
the tea combining these qualities in the highest degree proving, of
course, the best. On removing the lids, if used, inhale the vapor
slowly, noting its aroma at the same time; next stir the leaves gently
with a spoon for a few minutes, and smell them occasionally, also
noting their odor; by which time the tea will be cool enough to taste.
Before doing so, however, observe the color of the liquor—an
important factor in tea—a rich straw, golden or corn-yellow colored
liquor, generally, if not invariably, indicating a tea of fine quality,
except it be of the Congou, India or Ceylon variety. Next, taste the
tea by sipping it so as to strike the palate, but do not swallow, as it
kills the taste, and noting its body, flavor, strength and pungency
while so doing, comparing it with the tea required or to be “matched.”
But while a clear, bright, sparkling liquor denotes a fine tea it does
not always determine its body or strength, as many light-liquored
teas are full and round in body, pungent and “snappy;” others again,
though dark and heavy in liquor, are yet devoid of strength and
flavor, the liquor of old and inferior teas being invariably dark, thick or
“muddy” in color, and lacking in briskness and flavor. After an opinion
has been formed of the liquor in all its relations, next examine the
infused leaves with regard to their size, color, form, texture and
condition, as all these points have an indirect bearing on the age,
quality, character and value of the tea under examination. The
infused leaves of fine, pure teas range from small to medium in size,
perfect or nearly so in shape, regular and symmetrical in form,
uniform and unbroken in appearance. While the infused leaf of low-
grade and adulterated teas is large and dark-red or brown in color,
broken, irregular and different in size, form and color from the true
tea-leaf. The smaller, brighter and more symmetrical the infused leaf,
the higher the grade, and consequently the greater the value of the
tea, that of fine Oolongs being olive-green, with slightly brown or
“burnt” edges, Congous and Souchongs rich reddish-brown, India
and Ceylons, “salmony-red.” Scented teas possessing a small olive-
green infused leaf. In Green teas those yielding a bright, sparkling,
“amber”-colored liquor, with small or medium infused leaf and
presenting an unbroken and uniform appearance are the best; the
same rules that govern in the selection of Green teas also applying
to Japans.
The value of tea commercially, depends principally upon the
character and flavor of the infusion and also on the aroma imparted
to it by the volatile oil, which is not generally estimated by chemists
owing to the imperfect methods of obtaining it and the difficulty
attending the operation. But commercially the value of a tea is based
on the amount of “extract” it yields as well as on the quantity of
theine and tannin contained therein. Tea-testers and experts on the
other hand take no account of theine, which is almost tasteless, but
which is at the same time physiologically the most important
constituent of tea. And so far as total extract is concerned Congou
teas are inferior in quantity to Oolongs, Greens and Japans, while
the latter in turn yield a larger percentage of theine than either India
or Ceylons, notwithstanding that it is claimed that they yield less. Yet
it must be admitted that a deeper color is imparted to the infusion by
India and Ceylon teas, and that they are also of greater strength than
China and Japan teas, in fullness (not delicacy) of flavor, the former
claim is not borne out by either analysis or testing. There is also no
uniform relation existing between the chemical composition of teas
and their commercial value, as the percentage of extract determined
by a half-hour’s boiling of the leaves in 100 parts of distilled water
bears in China and Japan teas particularly a more uniform relation to
the price, although the total extract obtained by exhausting the leaf is
very irregular. This result is also quite in accord with the fact that the
finer and more valuable qualities of all teas are to be found only in
the youngest and tenderest leaves, the decline from the finer to the
lower grades in the amount of theine dissolved being also
noteworthy as showing the power to yield nearly all their theine, the
latter doing so only to a limited extent under the same treatment. But
although these results show the difference in the drawing qualities of
all the various kinds of tea, yet they are not sufficiently uniform to
make such analysis the basis for calculating the price of tea. It is
evident, however, that the volatile or essential oil—to which tea owes
it flavor and aroma—plays a more important part than any of the
other constituents in determining the commercial value of tea. Again,
it must be noted the strength and flavor of the infusion is as much
due to the character of the water used in drawing as to any other
cause, the quantity of tannin extracted by soft water being greater
than that obtained by the use of hard.
The taste for tea being an acquired and not a natural one, it
necessarily follows that persons who have been accustomed to a
certain variety or flavor in tea, want that particular kind and will be
dissatisfied if any other is given them. Consumers of wine have their
fancies, so have users of ale or beer—one prefers a dry, another a
sweet wine—one a mild and another a bitter beer. This being the
case, it becomes essential to the success of the tea-dealer to study
and learn what variety of tea or what particular flavor his customers
have been accustomed to before attempting to cater to it. This is a
question somewhat difficult to answer, as not only is there a wide
difference of taste in tea in the different parts of the country, but in
every large town or city alone the varieties and flavors in demand are
so numerous and various that most dealers are compelled to mark
out a distinct line for themselves. In the larger cities this is the most
successful course to pursue, particularly if the kind and quality of the
tea be kept regular and uniform the year round, as it secures the
return again and again of the same customers for that particular tea,
and thus keeps a business always steady and progressive. Even
away from the larger cities it is well to follow this course, but while at
first it may be found advisable to keep close to the established tea-
taste of the section, a gradual change may be found good policy, as
a dealer can by a little effort educate his trade in time to a particular
variety or flavor of tea, for after all is said, and as remarked before,
the taste for a certain tea is only an acquired one. He may, for
instance, be selling a heavy-bodied Amoy or dark-leaved Foochow
Oolong and suddenly change off to a fine Formosa. In such a case
his trade would be very apt to find fault at first, notwithstanding that
the latter may be choicer and more expensive than the former, but by
ignoring the complaints at the beginning and continuing to insist
upon their taking it, eventually succeed in educating them to acquire
a taste for it. Still the importance of retaining and maintaining the
quality and flavor to which his customers are longest accustomed
cannot be overestimated, for no dealer can afford to jeopardize his
business or can expect success if his teas one month consist of fine
flavored teas, the next month of heavy and dull and the third of a
sharp and pungent kind. To maintain this necessary regularity, must
be admitted, is difficult, as no two consecutive importations of tea are
exactly alike although selected from the same picking or chosen
from those grown in the same district the variations may still be so
wide as to cause dissatisfaction among consumers. Therefore it
becomes essential to the success of the dealer to pay particular
attention to the quality of his tea, as there is no article he deals in
which will attract trade or retain it longer than good tea, a fine tea
creating more comment in a town or neighborhood than any other
article used at table and if customers once lose confidence in either
the ability or honesty of the dealer they will be repelled rather than
attracted, it being next to impossible to get them back again. So that
it does not pay a dealer to make any mistake in the selection of his
teas, such mistake proving fatal to drawing or holding trade. Poor
teas will drive more customers away in a week than can be made in
a year; it is therefore much better and more profitable in the long run
to sell only good teas at a smaller margin of profit than to sell poor
teas at a larger one. Many dealers make use of the argument, “I
bought this tea so much cheaper and my customers do not appear to
notice the difference; they do not complain.” This may be true, but it
is delusive, as people seldom complain; they go elsewhere and get
better value. Every community becomes accustomed to drinking a
particular description of tea and is quick to discover any change in
the character and flavor of any tea that may be substituted for it,
thereby becoming dissatisfied notwithstanding that even a higher-
priced tea, of different character, may be given them. For this reason
the dealer will do well to keep as close to the grade and variety in
use there and as nearly uniform as possible at all times maintaining
a “standard.” To do this effectually it will be necessary for him to
study and learn as near as he can the particular grade and flavor his
trade prefers, which is best accomplished by first trying them with
various kinds until he has found that which is best suited to a
majority of his customers; having succeeded in this, let him stick to
that particular kind. Again, as any one variety will not suit all tastes,
he can next endeavor to find a tea adapted to the minority by the
same method, reserving and keeping these two or more kinds as the
case may be. It is much easier to describe what teas to avoid than
those to select or what may be best adapted to a particular section,
as good tea of all kinds will sell at any time.
Again, some sections of the country possess great advantages over
others in the testing and preparation of tea for use, as, wherever the
water is soft and pure, much better results are obtained from the
infusion by a given quantity of leaves, owing to the fact that such
water dissolves more rapidly and extracts a larger amount of the
theine than hard or muddy water. The coarse as well as fine
properties of the tea are also “brought out” more prominently by the
action of the former, it being for this reason that “high-fired,” “toasty”
and “tarry” teas so much in favor in some sections will not sell at all
in others where the water is soft as a rule, and why China Congous
are best appreciated in sections where the water is soft, as the
natural delicacy of their unique “fruity” flavor is best extracted by that
kind of water and to a greater extent than is the flavor of most other
varieties.
The distinctive flavors which characterize the different varieties of tea
may be summed up in a single technical term—Amoys are “nutty,”
Foochows are “mellow,” Formosas are “fragrant,” Green teas are
“pungent,” Pekoes are “piquant,” Congous are “fruity,” Souchongs
are “tarry,” Japans are “mealy,” Scented teas are “aromatic,” Indias
are “malty,” Ceylons are “toasty” and Javas are “sour.” Oolongs of an
“herby,” “weedy” or “wild” flavor should be avoided, as they are
principally mixed with Ankois. Pingsueys, Cantons and all doctored
Green teas should be tabooed altogether; if cheap Green teas must
be had, procure a low-grade Moyune regardless of its appearance,
as it will give better satisfaction than the finest of the foregoing.
Japans of a “fishy,” “grassy” or “metallic” flavor should also be
shunned, as they will be found dear at almost any price. Congous of
a “woody,” “mousey” or “smoky” flavor and too “tarry” Souchongs are
also good teas to leave alone, while Canton and Macao Scented
teas should never find a place in the dealer’s stock. Low-grade India,
Ceylon and Javas are either “raw,” “uncooked,” “baked,” “burnt” or
“sour” in flavor, and decay very rapidly being unfit for use after a few
weeks’ exposure. In brief, do not handle any old, raw, grassy, weedy,
woody, smoky, fishy or brassy flavored teas under any
circumstances. There is no satisfaction in them to the consumer and
no profit in them to the dealer. Keep good teas only and get your
price. It pays best in the end.
A tea-dealer with any desire to extend or even retain his trade should
no more attempt to sell poor, inferior, unclean or damaged tea than a
butcher to endeavor to sell tainted meat or a baker to give his
customers sour bread. The offense may not at first seem so
objectionable, but the verdict of the public will be the same in each
case, and the practical manner in which his customers will manifest
this opinion will be to let such dealer severely alone. Good clean
teas can nearly always be purchased for a few cents per pound
above the price of the “trash” now offered in the American market
and masquerading under the name of tea, being nothing more or
less than a gross libel on the “fascinating beverage.” By this
mistaken policy of trying to save three or four cents, the seed is not
only sown for the future ruin of the dealer himself, but it also
produces the effect of disgusting the public and casting discredit on
tea as an article of food. While, on the other hand, if the dealer make
a comparatively small but necessary sacrifice for the sake of future
gain by selling Tea that is tea and be content with a fair and
legitimate profit, satisfaction will be given to his customers, trade
fostered and the consumption of this now most important food
auxiliary increased at least two-fold in this country.
“Standard Chop,” or “celebrated district” teas, should always be
selected when possible, and “first-crop” for high-grade teas, as first-
crop teas are invariably superior (except in the case of Formosas) to
the later pickings in flavor, aroma and keeping properties, due to the
larger amount of theine and volatile oil which they contain, and
possessing every quality except weight for which tea is valued or
appreciated. To do this it will be necessary for the dealer to ascertain
which “chop” is the best and which district has yielded the best
picking during the current season, thereby making quality as well as
quantity the test of excellence. For, as with wheat and other crops,
the tea crop also varies according to the season and curing; some
years being highly successful in one district while it may be a
comparative failure in another. The “Tong-lees” may be heavy and
flavory this year, thin and flavorless the next; while the “Tong-mows,”
or some other “chop,” inferior in leaf and liquor last season may
possess all the most desirable qualities this. Green teas, Japans,
Congous, Souchongs, India, Ceylons and all varieties of tea being
equally subject to these variations So that the advantages to be
derived from a careful selection of the best “chop” and “district” teas
of the season, with but slight consideration, will be manifest to the
intelligent dealer in tea.
The tastes of communities differing so widely in the various sections
of the country, the dealer must study and learn the particular variety
and flavor best adapted to the locality or town in which he is doing
business, as a tea that may give general satisfaction in one section
may not suit at all in another. But generally in mining, milling or
manufacturing districts or among working classes in cities, heavy-
bodied Amoys and dark-leaved Foo-chous will be found the most
popular. The taste for China and Japan teas in this country is
undoubtedly an inherited one, but irrespective of this cause they are
for the vast majority of tea-drinkers peculiarly the most suitable and
best adapted, being softer, milder, richer, more mellow and
wholesome than either the India or Ceylon growths, and it is only a
cultivated and refined taste that can appreciate them at their true
worth. In a community composed principally of Irish, English or
Scotch, thick “fruity” Congous, heavy-bodied “tarry” Souchongs,
Capers, Pekoes, India and Ceylon teas or combinations formed from
these varieties will prove the most satisfactory. While Green teas are
most in demand in the Southern States. Oolongs in the Eastern and
Middle, Foochows and Formosas being chiefly sold in the larger
seaboard cities, Amoys in the principal manufacturing districts,
Japans in the Pacific and Northwestern, India, Ceylons and teas of
the Congou order, in Irish, English and other foreign settlements.
All teas after ripening have a tendency to decay, some teas not
keeping as well as others, there being a great difference in the time
that some will keep before the deterioration becomes pronounced in
comparison with that of others. And tea also possessing an natural
aptitude to become impregnated with the odor of any high or foul-
smelling article near which it may be placed, care should be taken to
keep it away from such commodities as fish, soap, coal-oil, molasses
and spices, as it quickly absorbs all pungent odors. Yet I have known
of teas that were imported with or stored in close proximity to wine,
oranges, lemons and even camphor to be improved in flavor, more
particularly when very lightly tainted by such odors. Still teas should
be kept as much as possible from the light and air, particularly in
damp or humid weather, as the oxydizing influences of the
atmosphere has a more or less deleterious effect upon them. They
should never be sold out of freshly-painted bins or newly-japanned
tea-caddies, being much better, at all times, to deal them out of the
original packages, replacing the lead and lid when through. The most
successful tea-dealers I have met invariably sell them in this manner.
Do not keep your teas too close to a fire or stove, a dry, cool
atmosphere of moderate temperature is always best.
The tea-market fluctuating considerably in the course of the year, it
will be necessary for the dealer to understand something of the law
of supply and demand, which affects the fluctuation to a
considerable extent, before he can make profitable purchases. The
dealer who is best “posted” in his business makes the best business
man, so that the tea-dealer who not only understands the article he
is dealing in, but whose knowledge and discrimination enable him “to
buy the right tea at the right time” possesses advantages over his
competitors, the value of which can hardly be overestimated. Each
season, on the “first arrivals,” high prices are paid, and if there be a
brisk demand those full prices are continued for some time, after
which follows a dull, drooping or listless market, from which but little
satisfaction can be obtained; but should the demand on arrival be
light, through dealers holding off for better terms, the prices rapidly
decline to a more reasonable level, it then becomes comparatively
steady. When this is the case the decline occurs about the middle of
September, and dealers will do well to take advantage of the choice
selections of teas that arrive during the months of October and
November. For the better buying of teas at this time it will also be
found necessary to note the supply very closely, as during heavy
shipments the market is nearly always easier, while, when the
arrivals are light, the tea-market is higher. These points are
deserving the special attention of the successful tea-dealer.
For some years past a new development of the tea trade has, to the
surprise of the older wholesale and retail dealers, assumed a good
deal of prominence, for if the advertisement columns of newspapers,
startling placards at railroad stations and on fences form any
criterion, the public are taking a liking to teas put up in pound and
half-pound packages under fancy names—the latter having no
relation whatever to any country, district or locality where the teas
are grown. That the public should, to a certain extent, buy anything
persistently forced upon its attention is perhaps possible, but tea put
up in tin, lead or paper packets would seem a somewhat hopeless
direction in which to attempt to draw the public taste. Tea in bulk, in
the original lead-lined chests, undoubtedly keeps better, as it
preserves the strength, flavor and aroma of the tea longer than when
exposed to the oxydizing influence of the atmosphere, particularly in
this climate, so that during transference into the tin, paper or
unseasoned lead packet, ornamented with a “showy” label which the
more gorgeous the more apt it is to communicate a taste of the ink,
paint, glue or material in which it is packed to the tea they are
intended to adorn. Again, these packets, labels and labor add as
much as five to eight cents to the cost of the tea, together with the
expense of flaunting them before the eyes of the public, which must
be simply enormous. The public generally are ignorant in such
matters, and the legitimate dealer might look with amused surprise
on the apparent demand for packet teas if it were not that an
increasing number of dealers are adopting the new system. Engaged
as most of the grocers are in trying to stop the plague of all sorts of
proprietary goods which yield them so little profit and make them the
servants only of the manufacturers and proprietors, it is astonishing,
to say the least, that other dealers should be found who are adopting
the same system with tea. A grocer cannot manufacture spices or
sugar, grow wine, distil whisky or brew beer, but he can, as
generations of grocers have done before him, sell good tea out of an
honest tea-chest,—or caddy—and make a respectable living, if not
money, out of it for himself and not for others, while serving the
public well at the same time. Surely, the attitude of the grocers on
this question should not be one of doubt, as they have it in their
power to make it clear to the public that they can sell cheaper, better
and fresher teas of their own, and with a far better guarantee of the
source of supply named or adhered to than if a paper or metallic
packet with a fancy label, however attractive, is trusted to. Again,
there can be no valid reason why every grocer, if he sees fit, should
not put his own teas up and offer them under his own name and
brand upon it, if his patrons should desire, a fancy and costly packet
with no other advantages attaching to it.

TEA-BLENDING AS A FINE ART.


Comparatively little is known of the art or principle of mixing or
blending of teas in this country, American dealers and consumers
alike being averse to the practice, regarding it as about on a parity
with other methods of sophistication. Such objections are entirely
erroneous, as it is an acknowledged principle that a combination of
different varieties of wheat make better flour, the same being true of
coffees and other articles of diet. So that the practice of blending
teas, if properly understood and skillfully performed, would prove a
more satisfactory and profitable one to both consumer and dealer.
The object is not, as the public may imagine, to lower the quality or
reduce the cost to the dealer, but simply to produce better tea and
obtain a finer and more desirable flavor than that yielded by any
single variety, one giving better satisfaction to the consumer at a
more moderate price and at the same time allowing a larger margin
of profit to the dealer. As an illustration, a dealer may be selling a tea
possessing a suitable flavor, but be lacking in body or light in liquor,
whereas, by adding to it one or two other teas possessing these
qualities the defect is rectified and a full-flavored heavy-bodied tea is
produced and the two latter also improved. It follows then that by the
judicious blending or mixing of three to five teas, differing in variety
and grade, a more uniform and pleasing tea, heavier in body, richer
in liquor and flavor can be obtained by this principle at a more
moderate cost.
The idea of blending teas originally arose from the experience
incidentally gained that a beverage more pleasing, satisfactory and
less costly, could be produced from a number of different varieties
and grades judiciously and scientifically combined, than could
otherwise be obtained from any single sort when used alone. No
sooner was this experience confirmed than “mixing” or blending of
teas was generally resorted to by many of those who had the
dispensing of the article to the public. Some dealers had marked
success in this branch of the business, while others again who
attempted it failed completely in their efforts to produce any
satisfactory results, the end accomplished being, instead of an
improvement, an injury to the quality and value of the tea combined,
often to such an extent that ordinary plain teas would have pleased
better at less labor and cost. The cause of this failure was due alone
to the want of that necessary training and experience which would
enable the dealer to understand the characteristics and affinities of
both the teas which are improved and those which are deteriorated
by blending together. The knowledge and skill required for this
particular branch of the tea business is only attained in perfection by
numerous tests and constant experiments which are performed by
mixing from two to five or more samples of tea, differing in variety,
character and quality, alternately changing, altering and substituting
them until the dealer has succeeded in producing a tea unique in
character, the body, flavor and aroma of which will prove more
pleasing and satisfactory to a majority of his patrons, at a more
moderate cost, identified with himself and differing in every respect
from that of any tea offered by his competitors. And after he has
succeeded in his efforts he must be careful to keep it as uniform as
possible, never allowing even his employees to know of what teas
his combination is formed. By following these precautions he
becomes noted for keeping a tea that cannot be secured elsewhere
and one which, after his customers become once educated to that
especial flavor, will not be satisfied with any other.
“The world moves” and the American tea dealer should move with it,
as time and experience has proved beyond dispute that skilful and
judicious Tea-blending will be found to amply repay the study and
labor bestowed on it. The chief and only difficulty existing in the art
lays in first finding a combination that will please a majority of your
customers. The primary object and fundamental principle should be
to obtain in a consolidated form, harmony, strength, pungency, flavor
and piquancy and at the same time to effect these results with the
smallest possible outlay. To accomplish these results three important
points must be carefully studied: First, to learn the taste of your
customers; second, to ascertain what teas combine best to suit this
taste; third, to find out to what extent the component parts of a once
adopted and satisfactory blend may be varied in case of difficulty to
secure the same kind of teas for future use. These results can be
best secured only by proper selecting, weighing, regulating and
arranging the proportionate quantities and different qualities in such
a manner as to obtain the best results at the smallest possible
outlay. So that before proceeding to produce a specific blend or
mixture the dealer must consider well the descriptions which will
combine satisfactorily and these that will not unite harmoniously, as
teas that are not improved are certain to be deteriorated by blending.
The chief art in successful tea-blending is to combine body, strength
and some particular and distinct flavor in one, so as to please the
majority of that portion of the public for whom the tea is prepared,
and at the same time so arrange its constituent parts in such a
manner that this desirable result may be obtained at the smallest
possible outlay. To satisfactorily accomplish this object the dealer
must first learn to understand thoroughly the taste of those for whom
the tea is intended, and secondly, to study what teas will combine
best to please their taste, as well as to know how far the component
parts of the blend can be varied without seriously affecting its
regularity so that advantage may be taken of the cheapness of any
special variety or grade of tea. The importance of retaining the
uniformity of a blend, when once a satisfactory combination has
been discovered, must also not be overlooked. Other combinations
may be as good, or better, their component parts skilfully arranged
and properly mixed, but unless one standard blend is decided on,
and then sedulously maintained, fault will be found and customers
go elsewhere. This difficulty is best avoided by paying proper
attention to the selection of the teas constituting the blend, having
each sample matched as close as possible before purchasing, as
well as by not changing more than one of the teas composing the
blend at a time when it is the intention to alter the character of the
tea. When a large number of teas are used in the formation of a
blend, the alteration of any—provided that a particular one is fairly
matched—will effect but a comparatively slight variation in its general
character. But, if more than one change is to be made let it be done
by degrees, for, if the changes in the various teas forming the blend
are made gradually, few, if any, will detect the alteration.
The proper Blending of tea is an art that cannot be correctly taught in
books or easily learned, it must be acquired by study, experiment
and experience alone. Like all other knowledge there is “no royal
road to it” the dealer must endeavor to learn himself, to understand
the flavors, characters and affinities of the teas that will be either
improved or deteriorated by combination, as no absolute rule can be
substituted for the practical knowledge so acquired. In the proper
blending of teas it is essential also that all combinations should be
judiciously and thoroughly mixed together, the leaves of the
component parts being selected with due regard to size, color and
uniformity and broken as little as possible so that all may harmonize
well together. It is a serious mistake to imagine that the successful or
profitable blending of tea consists solely of an indiscriminate or
injudicious heaping together carelessly and indifferently of two or
more varieties of tea in one homogeneous mass without the least
regard to quantities, qualities, affinities, affiliations or assimilations of
leaf, liquor, character or flavor of the component parts. On the
contrary, the art consists in combining the two or more different
varieties or grades of tea forming the combination in an intelligent,
judicious and scientific manner so as to yield an unique and
particular tea of uniform quality, strength, flavor and pungency at a
given price, pleasing and satisfactory to the greatest number and
maintaining its standard at all times and under all circumstances.

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