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Download textbook Crisis Related Decision Making And The Influence Of Culture On The Behavior Of Decision Makers Cross Cultural Behavior In Crisis Preparedness And Response 1St Edition Asthildur Elva Bernhardsdottir A ebook all chapter pdf
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Ásthildur Elva Bernhardsdóttir
Crisis-Related Decision-
Making and the
Influence of Culture
on the Behavior of
Decision Makers
Cross-Cultural Behavior in Crisis
Preparedness and Response
Crisis-Related Decision-Making and the Influence
of Culture on the Behavior of Decision Makers
Ásthildur Elva Bernhardsdóttir
Crisis-Related Decision-
Making and the Influence
of Culture on the Behavior
of Decision Makers
Cross-Cultural Behavior in Crisis
Preparedness and Response
Ásthildur Elva Bernhardsdóttir
Earthquake Engineering Research Centre
University of Iceland
Selfoss, Iceland
I owe thanks to many individuals who have given me support during my work on
this research. First I want to thank my professor Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson for initi-
ating a new master program in political science that inspired my interest to go back
to academia and discover how fascinating and rewarding academic research can be.
I also want to thank him for his support, guidance, and keeping the faith in my work.
I am thankful to Bengt Sundelius who brought me the key to crisis management
research by inviting me to participate in a Swedish crisis management project. His
mentorship and support of conference participation in the field of crisis manage-
ment have been invaluable. I am also grateful for my Swedish group of inspiring
and enthusiastic young scholars that I enjoyed much working with. They are Annika,
Dan, Daniel, Fredrik, Jesper, Stephanie, Lina, and Lindy.
I want to thank Peg Hermann for inviting me to work as a research scholar at
Moynihan Institute of Global Affairs and to have given me the opportunity to teach
students in crisis management at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. The
dataset used in this study belongs to Moynihan’s Institute but without the data this
dissertation would not have been possible. I am also thankful for all the informal
meetings I have had with Peg that were entertaining, educating, and nourishing.
Thanks also to Bruce Dayton and Lina Svedin who have given graciously of their
time to serve as opponents for my dissertation defense. Their insightful and critical
comments have helped me refine and clarify the message of my dissertation.
My friends at Moynihan sparkled my life during my stay in Syracuse. I am
thankful for all the moments of conversations, storytelling, and laughter I shared
with Bartosz, Bruce, Elizabeth, Hans, Jishnu, Radell, and Sarah. I want to thank
Sanneke, my housemate, for the valuable time we spent together. I have a fond
memory of how well we served our ambition for having a healthy dish every day—
providing both nurturing and nourishing dinner times. I also thank Heidi who enter-
tained me with her energy and witty humor. I am grateful for Claudia’s moral
support and for the wonderful time we shared at Westcott. I also want to thank
Claire; both she and Radell introduced life in Syracuse to me in the way that only
those who are fond of their community can do. The beauty and wonders of Upstate-
New York I would not have discovered the way I did if it had not been for them.
vii
viii Acknowledgments
I would like to thank my students both at Maxwell School and at the University
of Iceland for their work. It was very rewarding to guide them in writing their case
studies, and it was a learning process for me as well. Many of those cases are
included in the dataset analyzed in this study.
I want to thank the Icelandic Research Fund for financial support. Furthermore,
review of the statistical analysis and preparation of the manuscript was partially
co-financed by the EU Civil Protection Financial Instrument, in the framework of
the European project “Urban disaster Prevention Strategies using MAcroseismic
Fields and FAult Sources” (UPStrat-MAFA, Num. 230301/2011/613486/SUB/A5),
DG ECHO Unit A5.
I would like to thank Ragnar Sigbjörnsson who not only hired me to work for the
Earthquake Engineering Research Centre, as a crisis management researcher, but
who has also been most encouraging and helpful in my efforts to finish this research.
I especially want to thank him for reviewing my statistical analysis. I also want to
thank colleagues at the Centre who have given me a better insight into the technical
world of disasters and disaster management. I want to thank Daniel Teague for
proofreading the manuscript.
I have a decorative plate in my belonging that I have treasured for years with
engraved words: “Wherever you wander, wherever you roam, be happy and healthy,
and glad to come home.” Unfortunately, I cannot give a reference to this saying but
cannot resist including it here. In order to be happy and healthy to come home you
need to know that people there await you and will be glad to have you back. I am
fortunate to have family and friends who have been supportive throughout my work
on this research and have always been willing to greet me whenever I have been
back in their company. I want to thank my parents who have not even once sug-
gested that I quit the race and turn to a more balanced life of work and leisure. I am
thankful to my sister Kristín who has been my “Pollyanna” throughout the whole
working process as well as in life itself. I want to thank Aðalbjörg who has been my
loyal friend since childhood and who traveled to Syracuse to visit me and celebrate
that friendship. I am thankful to Katrin, with whom I have shared countless inspir-
ing and comforting phone conversations. I am also thankful for my friend Elin’s
moral support and uplifting dinner feasts with her and her husband Sigurður, at
times when the research became a difficult undertaking. I thank my friend Hafdis
for nurturing the friendship between our families during my stay abroad. I am
thankful to my niece Kristrún, for all the times she has lifted my spirit with her
healthy cooking and shared laughter. I thank my friend Bryndis for our shared qual-
ity time in the swimming pool that have kept my vigor and enthusiasm through the
last stages of my work. I thank my friend Arney for the treasured time of work and
leisure, we have shared in her cabin. I am grateful for many other friends and col-
leagues not named here but they know who they are.
I want to express a fond gratitude to my good friend John who has been both
encouraging and helpful, by reviewing my text and formatting the manuscript. His
encouragement has often been the push I needed to continue with my writing.
My last thank you I give to my son Elvar Thór. His love and support that I have
enjoyed throughout my research work—as throughout everything else—have
helped me sustain and overcome difficult challenges in life.
Contents
1 Introduction ............................................................................................. 1
1.1 Theoretical Background ................................................................. 3
1.1.1 Social Theory and Culture ................................................. 3
1.1.2 Grid-Group Cultural Theory .............................................. 5
1.1.3 The GLOBE Cultural Approach......................................... 6
1.1.4 Cognitive-Institutional Approach
in Crisis Analysis................................................................ 7
1.2 Purpose and Main Research Questions .......................................... 8
1.3 Research Design and Theoretical Approach .................................. 9
1.4 Working Process............................................................................. 11
1.5 Data ................................................................................................ 15
2 Culture: Conceptualizing the Independent Variable ........................... 17
2.1 GLOBE Dimensions of Societal Culture ....................................... 19
2.2 Individualism Versus Collectivism ................................................. 20
2.2.1 Hofstede’s Approaches ....................................................... 20
2.2.2 Triandis’s Approaches ........................................................ 21
2.2.3 Schwarz’s Approaches ....................................................... 24
2.2.4 GLOBE’s Definition........................................................... 25
2.3 Power Distance............................................................................... 26
2.4 The Other GLOBE Dimensions ..................................................... 27
2.5 Introductory Dialogue Between GGCT
and GLOBE in Summary ............................................................... 28
2.6 Values or Practices?........................................................................ 29
2.7 GLOBE Dimensions Representing Grid and Group ...................... 30
2.8 Culture Categorization ................................................................... 31
3 Crisis Management: Conceptualizing
the Dependent Variable .......................................................................... 35
3.1 Categorizing Crisis Management ................................................... 35
3.2 Cultural Frameworks and the Response Phase .............................. 39
ix
x Contents
xiii
List of Tables
xv
xvi List of Tables
Culture is stable, but not static – dramatic surprises can change the prevalent
culture. This book argues that crisis can play a role in the culture change mecha-
nism. It suggests that the most salient reason for a change is a loss of loyalty—or
loss of cohesiveness with the leadership—that triggers volatility among people who
have ended in the fatalistic corner. It is obvious that one isolated incident or crisis
affecting limited number of people will not initiate value change in society. The
crisis or crises must have widespread influence on people’s lives. At that point,
people feel alienated and are not ready to accept the status quo because they believe
there are opportunities to turn the situation around. People demand that values other
than the prevalent ones be emphasized, which can mean a move from the dominant
cultural type to another cultural type. For decision-makers such a change mecha-
nism can create new crisis situations and create or change expectations about
decision-makers behavior in future crises.
The rise of the scientific concept of culture, which considers the “great, vast variety
of differences among men, in beliefs and values, in customs and situation, both over
time and from place to place” (Geertz 1973: 35), was connected to the rejection of
the view of human nature (dominant in the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century)
as being constant and general.
The field of comparative politics can also be traced back to the period of the
Enlightenment, where Montesquieu was in the forefront in analyzing human soci-
ety, with the focus on how institutions worked within it, including both the political
and cultural aspects of life.
Since the Enlightenment, most great classical writers have used the comparative
approach, which was the dominant perspective of political studies until the begin-
ning of the 1960s (Badie 1989). Those studies focused mainly on political behavior
within a given state and were, for the most part, limited to Western societies. In the
1930s and 1940s, psycho-cultural analysis developed in order to better understand
political culture, but that approach was harshly criticized for its failure to recognize
subcultures. With the end of colonialism, comparativists expanded their focus
beyond Western societies to include other parts of the world, leading to the elabora-
tion of a grand theory of political development (Chabal and Daloz 2006). The “…
universality of the western political model and the underdeveloped nature of differ-
ent models and practices” became the point of departure for analysis (Badie 1989:
341). Hence, societies were categorized as developed or developing, modern or tra-
ditional. This grand theory approach was a challenge for cultural discussion within
the field due to the difficulties in defining and conceptualizing culture in order to
formulate and test hypotheses.
Development of political theory in the 1950s and 1960s was under the influence
of structural functionalism and the modernization theories it triggered. In 1963
4 1 Introduction
Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba introduced one of the most important approaches
at the time in an attempt to explain the influence of political culture. They identified
the “civic culture” as a foundation for democratic political systems and explained
how the role of subjective values and attitudes—institutional variables—impacted
political outcome. Their approach was in line with the behavioral revolution and
challenged the rationalistic approach that had been dominant in political theory
(Almond and Verba 1963; Eckstein 1988).
Toward the end of 1970s doubts about some universalist notions of the western
state model began to crystallize (Badie 1989). A quest emerged to turn back from
the universal to the singular. Clifford Geertz brought his symbolic anthropology to
bear and argued that “… the main contribution of anthropology may lie in showing
us how to find the cultural particularities of people—their oddities—some of the
most instructive revelations of what it is to be generically human” (Geertz 1973:
43). In the 1980s and 1990s the notion of culture as a system of meaning was also a
return to semiotics and structuralism—“a form of structure in its own right, consti-
tuted autonomously through a series of relationships among cultural elements”
(Somers 1995: 131).
Rudra Sil (2000) provides an accessible overview of the theoretical struggle
within social theory, including how to approach culture. He argues that the “war
of paradigms” can be traced to philosophical issues manifested in the theoretical
positions on two fundamental problems in social theory. He displays this “war” by
using a matrix (see Fig. 1.1) that shows how these problems intersect and capture
the analysis within the three paradigms of culturalist, rational-choice, and struc-
turalist theories. The first issue addresses the question of whether individuals’
superiority over structural constraints or ability to give meanings to their actions
should also give them epistemological primacy (vertical dimension). The second
issue is whether material factors (e.g., wealth, resources, rules, social networks)
should be given more epistemological significance than ideal factors (norms,
identities, symbols, cognitive schema) due to the greater measurability of the for-
mer (horizontal dimension).
Rational-choice theorists claim that the behavior of rational individuals is the
root of all social phenomena, i.e., the basis on which norms, rules, institutions,
communities, and societies are formed. Thus, individuals are supposed to detect
and rank their preferences systematically and base their strategies on calculated
estimates of others’ behavior in a given situation (Levi, 1997; Hechter, 1992 in
Sil 2000).
Contrary to rational-choice theorists, structuralists claim that environmental factors
(rules, regulation, class, institutions, etc.) constrain the actions of individuals as mem-
bers of certain groups (Granovetter, 1992; Steinmo, 1998 in Sil 2000). Structuralists
therefore seek to identify the interests of groups and constraints they have to face in
pursuing those interests, rather than analyzing the interests of individuals.
In cultural studies, culture is mainly analyzed as a system of meaning (Geertz
1973; Chabal and Daloz 2006). Insight into the meaning, i.e., the “mental construct”
shaped by experiences and environments, is necessary in order to understand social
institutions and “particular calculus of costs, benefits and risks” (Sil 2000: 359).
1.1 Theoretical Background 5
Material Ideal
Structuralist Culturalist
Structure Theories Theories
Fig. 1.1 Four paradigms within social theory (Source: Sil (2000), Based on figure 1, page 360:
“The Intersection of Agency-Structure and Material-Ideal Aspects of Social Life.” Note: The
arrow shows GGCT’s and GLOBE’s stance between structural and psychological paradigms)
For the last 40 years influence of Grid-Group Cultural Theory (GGCT) as a social
theory has grown. The theory was conceived in the field of sociology, refined in
cultural anthropology by the inspirational work of anthropologist Mary Douglas,
then advanced and applied to political science by Aaron Wildavsky in the 1980s.
Douglas and Wildavsky, together with anthropologists Michael Thompson and
Steve Rayner, and political scientist Richard Ellis, have laid a foundation for using
GGCT to explain political phenomena (Douglas 1970, 1973, 1975, 1978; Douglas
and Wildavsky 1982; Thompson et al. 1990; Coyle and Ellis 1994; Schwarz and
Thompson 1990; Lockhart 1999). The theory is not riding the high waves of the
6 1 Introduction
cultural studies paradigm but is closer to the structuralist theories paradigm. GGCT
is a functionalist theory that can be traced back to Emile Durkheim or, more pre-
cisely, to a modification of his structural functionalist theory. However, contempo-
rary studies of culture tend to be more attentive to the “relevance of particular
norms, values, identities, and symbols in particular contexts.” (Sil 2000: 359)
Although the contemporary structuralist analysis differs from structural-
functional analysis in that “it is founded on a more historical epistemology and a
more inductively oriented, case-based approach to comparative analysis,” the com-
mon nominator of structuralist theories is the assumption that a group’s social envi-
ronment sets common constraints on group-members and influences their behavior
(ibid:357).
According to Douglas, the apparently unique combination of cultural bias and
social relations in different social settings is most fruitfully analyzed using a simple
grid-group typology of sociality. Thompson, Ellis and Wildavsky (1990) further
clarify this combination with their “way of life” definition. They define cultural bias
as shared values and beliefs, but ‘social relations’ as patterns of interpersonal rela-
tions. People organize their social relations, based on their values and beliefs as
exposed in two fundamental dimensions of social life: boundedness/collectivity
(group) or prescription/stratification (grid). GGCT offers four viable ways to orga-
nize social relations that are based on these dimensions: hierarchy scores high on
both stratification and collectivity; egalitarianism score low on stratification but
high on collectivity; individualism scores low on both stratification and collectivity;
and fatalism scores high on stratification but low on collectivity. The “way of life”
combinations can also be called political cultures, (sub)cultures, or rationalities.
The rationality here is plural. “[T]he cultural bias justifies the social relations which
confirm the expectations raised by the cultural bias” (Mamadouh 1999: 397). People
behave rationally when meeting expectations they base on their ideals. Thus, these
rationalities pull GGCT closer to the psychological paradigm than the rational
choice paradigm.
The crisis management dataset1 utilized in this research is based on a process trac-
ing strategy as a prerequisite for reconstruction and dissection of crisis cases. The
case study design was originally developed within the Cognitive Institutional
Approach (Stern 1999; Stern and Sundelius 2002).
For the purpose of crisis analysis, Eric Stern (1999) argues the usefulness of
combining elements of psychology and organizational theory in order to cope with
the “contextual and situational complexity and steer safely between the twin pitfalls
of gross oversimplification and getting lost in the potentially bewildering mass of
empirical detail which confronts the case researcher (ibid: 30).” From that point of
departure the Cognitive-Institutional Crisis Analysis was developed, based on the
cognitive revolution in psychology and neo-institutional movements in sociology,
economics, and political science (ibid).
The cognitive revolution emphasizes subjectivity, i.e., how the stimuli represen-
tation of individuals and groups influences the way in which they respond. In the
crisis management analysis attempts are made to understand why these actors inter-
pret and perceive the environment in the way they do (Stern 1999). Stern also argues
that the neo-institutionalism multidisciplinary approach offers a “middle ground
between utilitarian rational choice perspectives and structural deterministic
approaches to the study of public policy” by respecting both the autonomy of indi-
viduals and the constraints of institutions in which they are embedded (Stern 1999:
36). Referring to the social theory paradigm above it can be argued that due to the
emphasis on subjectivity, ideal factors are of more significance than the materialis-
tic factors for the autonomy of individuals. Thus, the approach can be placed
between the paradigm of structural theories and the paradigm of psychology.
Subjectivity is the key word here. In order to define a situation as a crisis, deci-
sion makers have to perceive that great values are at stake, requiring urgent response
in the midst of a high uncertainty. In their theory of surprise GGCT scholars also
emphasize the need to understand how perception shapes behavior. According to
the theory, how people perceive a situation will determine how they will react to it.
Thus, an event is never surprising in itself. It is surprising only if is identified as
such by a holder of a particular set of convictions that thought differently about the
world than it actually turned out to be (Thompson et al. 1999). Hence, scholars
developing GGCT and GLOBE and scholars framing the Cognitive-Institutional
approach for crisis management research emphasize the subjective—i.e., the
1
For further introduction to the dataset, see Sect. 1.4.
8 1 Introduction
importance of understanding how and why individuals (groups) perceive the situation
as they do. Referring to the social theory paradigms, such subjectivity displays the
rational choice perspective as a minor factor in individuals’ and/or group behavior.
This study has both empirical and theoretical objectives. The empirical goal is to
explore how culture influences crisis management. The theoretical objective is to
make an extension to the Grid-Group Cultural Theory, the main assertion of which
is that culture matters. The theoretical and empirical typologies can strengthen each
other: the former grounding the latter in an explanatory framework and the latter
validating the former (see Mamadouh 1999: 402).
GGCT typology comprises four types of cultures constrained by both group and
grid: hierarchy, egalitarianism, fatalism and individualism (see Sect. 2.1). Thus,
relationships between all four cultural types and crisis management need to be
tested.
In order to strengthen the cultural frameworks processed in this study, the analy-
sis of GLOBE research data is used (see Sect. 1.3 on research design). Values and
practices were differentiated in GLOBE in which provides the opportunity in this
study to go deeper into the meaning of values as culture and test whether crisis
decision making more closely reflects expressed values or practices as measured by
the answers to the GLOBE survey. In order to make the comparison, cultural frame-
works are developed for both values and practices. For the support of GGCT, which
defines culture as a combination of social relations and values/beliefs, the values
framework needs to come closer to reflecting the crisis decision making.
In summary, there are two main questions:
1. How does culture influence crisis management?
Four sub-questions that are directly connected to this question are:
• How does fatalism influence crisis management?
• How does individualism influence crisis management?
• How does hierarchy influence crisis management?
• How does egalitarianism influence crisis management?
2. How does analysis of the relationship between culture and behavior of decision
makers in crisis situations support the Grid Group Cultural Theory?
Three sub-questions are directly connected to this question:
• Is the behavior of crisis managers more reflective of the expressed values or
the reported practices as measured by GLOBE?
• Does the proposed tension between the cultural types become salient in this
study?
• How can the relationship between culture and crisis management shed light
on a probable value change?
1.3 Research Design and Theoretical Approach 9
Ontology and epistemology can considerably influence the choice of research meth-
ods in the social sciences (Morgan and Smircich 1980). A particular view of ontol-
ogy gives “superiority of a particular approach to epistemology” (Burrel and Morgan
1979: 279). A researcher who proposes that reality is a concrete process or concrete
structure chooses positivist epistemology and leans toward objectivist approaches
that use, for instance, historical analysis, lab experiments and surveys as research
methods. On the other hand, a researcher who assumes that reality is a social con-
struct chooses normative epistemology and leans toward subjective approaches that
use hermeneutics (interpretation) as a research method (Morgan and Smircich
1980). While the positivist epistemological stance seeks to explain, the normative
epistemological stance seeks to understand.
The ontological assumption of this study is that reality is a social construct, but
that reality can take the form of concrete processes and structure, which a person
has to adapt and/or respond to. The epistemological stance of the study is to under-
stand how social reality is created in order to study and explain processes and
change. Thus its aim is to both understand and explain and, in doing so, it takes the
above-mentioned middle stance between the empirical and interpretative approaches.
The understanding of reality is sought here through the cultural focus.
Theories are used as tools to explain reality. This study uses the theory-testing
approach, where the theory chosen is the Grid-Group Cultural Theory (GGCT). The
observations made should test the applicability of GGCT, which moves them from
the general of how culture influences people’s behavior to the particular of how
culture influences crisis managers’ behavior (See De Vaus 2001).
In the process of building hypotheses on the relationships between culture and
crisis management, an interdisciplinary dialogue is initiated between GGCT and
GLOBE (see Sects. 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, and 2.8). While anthropologists and
political scientists are in the forefront of GGCT, most GLOBE scholars have back-
grounds in management and/or psychology. Such a dialogue challenges the ten-
dency of “knowledge contributions [being] captive to one privileged view…” (Lowe
et al. 2007). It should be emphasized that “dialogue” is chosen for this study rather
than “debate” in order to serve the main aim (at this point in the study) of looking
for concordances between GGCT and GLOBE on culture. Some disagreements are
of course expected (and will be reported) but may not outweigh a prerequisite for
logical dialogue, which is that GGCT and GLOBE scholars have to view culture
from the same paradigms, i.e., the dialogue has to start from the same premises
(Williamson 2002). As has been discussed under the theoretical introduction, both
approaches intertwine with the structural paradigm (positivist approach) and the
psychological paradigm that recognizes the role of beliefs, values, and cognition in
the creation of reality (interpretive approach). Thus, both GGCT and GLOBE schol-
ars lean toward the middle stance and, in doing so, use a mix of both qualitative and
quantitative research methods.
Project GLOBE uses multiple methods to develop measurement of culture, both
qualitative and quantitative, but “[t]he primary source of data used to measure the
10 1 Introduction
core GLOBE dimensions are questionnaire responses” (House and Javidan 2004:
19). The project updates and redefines Hofstede’s dimensions; his book, Culture’s
Consequences (Hofstede 1980), where he introduces his method of using surveys to
measure cultural values, elevated quantitative societal culture research.
GGCT has become more realistic as a scientific theory, but at the cost of greater
problems of measurement (Grendstad and Selle 2000). Surveys used to measure
cultural biases have been deemed insufficient, and it is argued that lack of empirical
testing makes it difficult to find a solid argument supporting the theory (Milton
1996; Sjöberg 1997, 2003). Douglas, who has applied the theory in a usually quali-
tative case study context, but also in quantitative surveys, agrees that there is too
little survey data to “demonstrate the value of the theory” (Douglas 1999: 415). In
this study, the need of survey data is met by using the analysis of GLOBE survey
data to form cultural frameworks, based on the inter-correlations of the cultural
dimensions and the functional GGCT four-fold typology. Hence, these inter-
correlations represent the core cultural pattern of the four different cultural types of
GGCT. Each type offers a different pattern—puts different emphasis on the mixture
of cultural attributes. The use of GLOBE dimensions as the core of the cultural
types is well justified since the measurement and development of the GLOBE
dimensions builds on a thorough review of corresponding literature, and some of
these dimensions have centuries-old roots (House and Javidan 2004). Additional
variables in the data will also be used in this study to test the relationship between
culture and crisis management (see Chap. 3).
The empirical data analyzed in this study are quantitative and draw on in-depth
qualitative case studies of crises and their management (see Sect. 1.6). As discussed in
the theoretical introduction, the approach was originally designed within the Cognitive
Institutional Approach, which shares the GGCT’s and GLOBE’s intersection between
the structural and psychological paradigms in social theory. Hence, the crisis manage-
ment data are based on both normative and positivist approaches.
The qualitative and quantitative methods are integrated in this study. The empiri-
cal data are used to test hypotheses on the relationships between GGCT cultural
types and crisis management; for further interpretation case studies are also utilized.
The chosen statistical tool is the Chi-Squared Test Statistic which “is the oldest test
statistic in use today, having been introduced by the British statistician Karl Pearson
in 1900” (see, for instance, Argresti and Finlay 1999: 255; Kanji 2006: 91). The
test—symbolized by χ2—tests the independence of variables (ibid). The null
hypothesis for this study suggests that the variables, culture and crisis management,
are statistically independent. Thus, the tested alternative hypothesis argues that the
cultural- and crisis management variables are statistically dependent (i.e. reject the
null hypothesis). Since an identified association, in this study, represents only sug-
gestive evidence of connections, interpretation is used to back-up the suggested
influence of the independent variable (culture) on the dependent variable (crisis
management). Because the direction of the relationship is stated, a one–tailed test is
required (see, Field 2005). Thus, correlation analysis is used to test the hypotheses,
but since an identified relationship represents only suggestive evidence of causal
connections, interpretation is used to back-up the suggested influence of the inde-
pendent variable (culture) on the dependent variable (crisis management). The unit
1.4 Working Process 11
The working process of the study consists of eight primary parts that are graphically
presented in a flowchart (see Fig. 1.4). Part I of how the independent variable—
culture—is being conceptualized for this study, by developing cultural frameworks
based on the functional typology of the Grid-Group Cultural Theory (GGCT) and
findings of the Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness
(GLOBE) cross-cultural research program.
Eight of GLOBE cultural dimensions are placed on the GGCT map. Two of the
GLOBE dimensions represent the grid and the group dimensions of GGCT and are
thus the core dimensions within each framework. The cultural dimension represent-
ing grid then becomes high in the high grid cultures, hierarchy and fatalism, and low
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strength of the tea-infusion. As has already been observed, tea is
also remarkably rich in nitrogen, so much so that a determination of
nitrogen may be resorted to as a means of identification. With this
object it is best to take a sample of tea, first mixing it up well and
powder it in a mortar. Of this tea-powder some 0.3 grams should be
accurately weighed out. This is then to be mixed with some 50
grams of oxide of copper, which has been first oxidized without the
employment of nitric acid, and which shortly before using had been
ignited and allowed to cool. A combustion-tube of hard German
glass, closed at one end and perfectly clean, is next charged as
follows: At the closed end a layer, some three to four inches in
length, of a mixture of dry bi-carbonate of soda and fused bi-
chromate of potash is placed, the mixture being intended to give out
carbonic acid. Next to this compound place two inches of oxide of
copper, then the mixture of tea and oxide of copper, then more oxide
of copper and some clean metallic copper on top, then a perforated
cork and exit tube, which dips under the mercury, and place the
combustion-tube in an appropriate furnace to heat. By heating the
layer of carbonate of soda and bi-chromate of potash, carbonic acid
is caused to traverse the tube and expel the air from it. This having
been done the tube is next heated gradually from before so as to
burn up the tea, the gases being collected over the mercury. At the
end of the operation the carbonic acid is once more made to traverse
the tube by again heating the mixture at the back, all the nitrogen
being driven from the tube and collected. Finally the carbonic acid is
absorbed by means of the potash and, the residual nitrogen gas is
measured with well-known precautions. This gas should also be
tested for bin-oxide of nitrogen by means of oxygen and pyro-galate
of potash, any bin-oxide of nitrogen gas to be measured and allowed
for in the test.
Among the most common forms of adulteration practiced by dealers
in this country is that of substituting old and valueless Young Hysons
for Japans or mixing them together the better to disguise the fraud.
The mixing or blending of old, stale, weedy or smoky Congous with
Oolongs, particularly when such teas become a drug on the market.
The reduction of Moyunes by the addition of Pingsueys in the
proportions of half and half and then refacing them as “True
Moyunes.” The refacing of Ningyongs and other Amoys as Formosas
being still another form, for which at the present low prices of the
commodity there is not the slightest occasion. The most recent “trick”
of the tea trade being that of mixing Japan Nibs with Twankays and
Hysons, the latter, I regret to add, being now extensively adopted by
at one time reputable houses.
Some law should be passed in this country to ensure the public
against the possibility of purchasing spurious and adulterated teas
as in Russia, where the dealers are compelled to sell their teas
under government labels placed on the packages by experts
appointed by the Government for that particular purpose and who
work under official inspectors, the expense of examining and labeling
being defrayed out of the revenue realized from the sale of the labels
to the dealers. To such an extent was the nefarious practice carried
on in that country that the adoption of this system became imperative
in order to restore the confidence of the public in the genuineness of
the tea offered for sale, with the result of having materially checked
the traffic in spurious and adulterated teas in that country.
CHAPTER VII.
TESTING, BLENDING
AND
P R E PA R I N G .