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Discovering Babylon
Rannfrid I. Thelle tells the fascinating story of Babylon in the Western imagi-
nation and how images of that ancient city have interacted with the realities of
history from antiquity to today. Full of engrossing detail, ranging from biblical
accounts to the contemporary art of Michael Rakowitz, Thelle’s story provides
an important backdrop against which to reflect on the tragic events of modern
Iraqi history—from the Babylon-obsessed dictatorship of Saddam Hussein to
the destruction wrought by the American-led invasion and the rampage of the
Islamic State.
Aaron Tugendhaft, The University of Chicago, USA
This volume presents Babylon as it has been passed down through Western
culture: through the Bible, classical texts, in Medieval travel accounts, and through
depictions of the Tower motif in art. It then details the discovery of the material
culture remains of Babylon from the middle of the 19th century and through the
great excavation of 1899–1917, and focuses on the encounter between the Babylon
of tradition and the Babylon unearthed by the archaeologists. This book is unique
in its multi-disciplinary approach, combining expertise in biblical studies and
Assyriology with perspectives on history, art history, intellectual history, reception
studies, and contemporary issues.
Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East provides a global forum for works
addressing the history and culture of the Ancient Near East, spanning a broad
period from the foundation of civilisation in the region until the end of the Abbasid
period. The series includes research monographs, edited works, collections devel-
oped from conferences and workshops, and volumes suitable for the university
classroom.
Being a Man
Negotiating Ancient Constructs of Masculinity
Edited by Ilona Zsolnay
Discovering Babylon
Rannfrid I. Thelle
Rannfrid I. Thelle
First published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2019 Rannfrid I. Thelle
The right of Rannfrid I. Thelle to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record has been requested for this book
List of figures xi
List of maps xiii
Preface xiv
Acknowledgments xv
Credits for figures and maps xvii
1 Beginning discovery 1
Touring Babylon, the year 2000 1
In pursuit of Babylon 4
2 Biblical Babylon 8
A tale of beginnings 9
Traditions and interpretations 10
What did Babylon look like? 11
A different biblical tale about Babel 12
The Exile: a foundational trauma 13
Judgment on Babylon 17
The evil kingdom of Babylon 19
The end times 21
An alternate tradition: Babylon as metropolis 21
Three visits to Babylon in the early 2000s formed the starting points for my dis-
covery of Babylon. Even before those trips, however, I had formed certain expec-
tations about what I would find when I embarked on my “Great Mesopotamia
Journey”. Several factors led to my sense of expectation. I had long followed
archaeological reports about Babylon, been fascinated by the various cultural
appropriations of “Babylon” over the centuries, and been impressed by how mod-
ern Middle Eastern politics reflected the past. I must confess that Agatha Christie
novels also added to the mystique of Babylon for me.
This book is based on my 2014 Norwegian language book Oppdagelsen av
Babylon (The Discovery of Babylon), published by Spartacus. Editor Nina Cas-
tracane Selvik graciously gave me the rights to rework the book for an English
language version. For this book, I have removed material geared specifically
toward a Norwegian audience. I have also added references to literature and trans-
lations that are available in English, and have made an effort to reference material
that is accessible to a general reader. From these more general sources, readers can
further pursue topics about which they are particularly interested. More scholarly
works have been cited, although I have not attempted to include all technical stud-
ies. I have incorporated some literature that has appeared since 2014, but not in a
comprehensive way.
A final note on the spellings of names (of people and places): biblical, ancient,
and modern names appear in their commonly used forms in English.
Rannfrid I. Thelle
Wichita, Kansas,
December 14, 2017
Acknowledgments
I first want to thank Series Editor of Studies in the History of the Ancient Near
East, Greg Fisher, for accepting this book for publication. I also thank Elizabeth
Risch, Senior Editorial Assistant, who has offered consistent encouragement and
guidance as I prepared the manuscript.
In the hazardous enterprise of venturing into fields in which my training has
been minimal or non-existent, I have consulted various experts who have contrib-
uted their feedback, comments, and corrections. Annette LaZotte shared her vast
knowledge of art history and JoAnn Scurlock and Richard Beal provided critical
and creative suggestions on Assyriological matters. Nicole Byrne helped with
editing specific sections, and Laura Tillem read the whole manuscript, giving edit-
ing and style suggestions. I thank you all for your generosity and support, and a
special thanks to Dean Ron Matson and the Fairmount College of Liberal Arts at
Wichita State University for supporting the cost of obtaining images for the book.
I have further had the opportunity to present parts of the project in various venues,
going back to 2002 in Berlin, when I first began to untangle the mysteries of the
Babylon exhibit there. I want to thank these different audiences, from scholars of
the Society of Biblical Literature and Old Testament Seminar—Epistemologies
and Methods network (OTSEM), to students and community groups in Norway
and the United States. I finally want to thank the many friends, colleagues, and
experts whom I have contacted to ask about specific questions; you are too many
to name but please accept my gratitude.
I am well aware that there are many contributions to the topics touched on in
this book that deserve to be mentioned, but have not. I offer my apologies to any-
one I’ve left out, and invite you to bring your work to my attention. My process of
discovery is not over.
Over the years, I have been inspired by the teachers who in my formative years
allowed me to venture off to explore and discover. I am dedicating this book to two
individuals who not only gave me the freedom to roam, but who also encouraged
me to keep going when the road got difficult. That excitement of discovery—
thinking big and without limits—is exhilarating. But following through with an
end product that contributes something toward the common goal of knowledge
and expression is often tedious. My fifth- through seventh-grade classroom teacher
Sheila Barry Harris and my high school English teacher Patricia Sellars taught me
xvi Acknowledgments
that the thrill of discovery entails a commitment, a privilege that carries with it
a responsibility. This commitment to share my discoveries is something which
I have sought to make my vocation, or at least something to aspire towards. In seek-
ing to fulfill that aspiration, I’m also nudged along by Ms Barry’s self-deprecating
jokes, fond teasing, and charming enthusiasm, and by Mrs Sellars’s humoristic
cynicism, and her joy of life, art, drama, and adventure.
Always, I thank my life partner, Stuart, with whom I share a continuous and
never-ending conversation, from the most trivial and banal to the deepest and most
lofty. Somewhere between those extremes, part of that conversation has included the
Babylon of the ancient world, the biblical texts, and countless cultural expressions.
Rannfrid I. Thelle
Credits for figures and maps
Figures
Figs 1.1; 1.2; 8.1; 8.3; 8.7; 8.8 © Rannfrid I. Thelle, 2001
Fig 3.1 funkyfood London – Paul Williams/Alamy Stock Photo
Fig 3.2 © The British Library Board, London. Cotton Claudius B.iv. f. 19r
Fig 3.3 © The British Library Board, London. OR. 2884, f. 3v
Fig 3.4 The Morgan Library and Museum. MS M 638, fol. 3r Purchased by
J.P. Morgan in 1916
Fig 3.5 Getty. The Agostini Picture Library
Fig 3.6 © The British Library Board, London. MS Add. 18850 f. 17v.
Fig 3.7 By permission of Biblioteca nazionale Marciana, Venice, Italy
Figs 4.1; 4.7; 5.3; 5.4; 6.1; 7.1 © The Trustees of the British Museum
Fig 4.2 By permission of the Kunsthistorisches Museum-Kunstverband, Vienna,
Austria
Fig 4.3 © The British Library Board, London 213. F. 5, p. 41
Fig 4.4 © The British Library Board, London 648.a.3 Tab III
Fig 4.5 © Nicku. Licenced by Shutterstock
Fig 4.6 © jeffreychin. Licenced by Shutterstock
Fig 4.8 Photo: Oriental Institute. By permission of the Institute for the Study of
the Ancient World
Fig 5.1 Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago
Fig 5.2 Scan by permission of Gorgias Press
Fig 5.5 Permission of the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft
Fig 8.2 Permission by the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft
Figs 8.4; 8.5; 8.6 Photo: Olaf M. Teßmer. Permission by Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin – Vorderasiatisches Museum
Fig 8.9 © 2014 The M.C. Escher Company–The Netherlands. All rights reserved
Maps
Map 1.1 Carsten Niebuhr’s Map of Mesopotamia
Carsten Niebuhrs Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien und andren unliegenden
Ländern. 1774–1837. Vol. 2, 256; Courtesy of the Royal Danish Library.
Map 5.1 Based on a map from the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Staatliche Museen
zu Berlin, Germany. Reproduced with permission.
xviii Credits for figures and maps
Map 6.1 Courtesy of Bill T. Arnold, Who Were the Babylonians? Atlanta: SBL
Press, 2008, 39. Permission by Society of Biblical Literature.
Map 6.2 Courtesy of Bill T. Arnold, Who Were the Babylonians? Atlanta: SBL
Press, 2008, 65. Permission by Society of Biblical Literature.
Map 6.3 Courtesy of Bill T. Arnold, Who Were the Babylonians? Atlanta: SBL
Press, 2008, 88. Permission by Society of Biblical Literature.
1 Beginning discovery
In pursuit of Babylon
Ancient Babylon’s influence is visible throughout Western cultural history. But its
former greatness could not shield it from the erosion of its reputation. Shaped in
part by the stories of the Bible and in part by the records of the Greeks, Babylon’s
reputation as a city of excess and evil took over after the metropolis had fallen.
Babylon lived on through the Middle Ages in the images and symbols of the
Christian Church and culture, as well as in traditions of biblical commentary.
When texts from ancient Greece were rediscovered in the Renaissance, these
descriptions of Babylon fed the ideas of Babylon’s opulence and arrogance. In art,
theology, and literature, the city is the symbol of decadence, a repressive empire,
a place of sin—a city doomed. Babylon became synonymous with the enemy, “the
other”. However, alongside these negative images of arrogance and decay, the city
has also inspired positive expectations, the dream of utopia, and the pinnacle of
human achievement.
The 19th-century European discovery of Assyria and Babylonia is a tale of hard
work and great effort, mixed with luck and coincidence, and seasoned with strong
assumptions. The explorers bore with them the Enlightenment ideals of universal
knowledge, the political ambitions of the fledgling nation states, and an attitude of
entitlement. These cultural attitudes, coupled with unwavering faith in the cultural
superiority of Europe, propelled European discoverers and scientific expeditions
around the world to measure, collect, draw, count, and describe. British, French,
and later North American and German explorers pillaged the mounds of Assyria
and Babylon to hoard treasures for their national museums.
Modern Europe was beginning to unearth the past. Egypt burst with magnif-
icent ruins that dazzled Napoleon and that his delegation could spot as they
journeyed up the Nile in 1798: the pyramids, the Sphinx, temples, colossal stat-
ues, and tombs. Greece and Rome had left behind visible relics all over Turkey,
Syria, and on the Greek islands. Even ancient Persia’s foundations weathered
time. Yet Assyria and Babylon were literally buried in the earth. Was there any
proof that these civilizations were more than just whispers passed down through
generations?
Almost 40 years before general Napoleon Bonaparte set out on his campaign
into Egypt, a delegation on behalf of King Frederik V of Denmark–Norway
departed on the first scientific expedition across Western Asia in January 1761. The
only person who would survive this journey was the young Saxon, Carsten Niebuhr,
Beginning discovery 5
who returned almost seven years later. Niebuhr published his first descriptions of
the trip in 1772. The maps that he drew of the Red Sea, the Arabian Peninsula, and
other areas were used for the next 100 years and became the basis for several new
trade routes to India. Niebuhr measured exact coordinates for the ruins of the city
of Babylon, mapping the city for the first time, and bringing the legend of Babylon
out of myth and into present-day time and space (see Map 1.1).1
Niebuhr journeyed through Egypt, then across to Arabia, onward to India, and
back overland through Persia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Cyprus, Palestine, and Turkey.
In Mesopotamia Niebuhr discovered monuments decorated not only with draw-
ings, but with a number of signs consisting of small cone-shaped lines. He
believed these to be a written language. Niebuhr also documented the Behistun
Inscription, a relief consisting of three different written languages, each in the
same script, chiseled into a limestone cliff. The inscription became crucial for
deciphering Old Persian, Elamite (another Persian language), and Babylonian.
These discoveries spurred an adventure that led to the excavations of the Assyrian
and Babylonian cities.
After lying buried in the ground for over 2000 years, the remains of Babylon
were dug up by archaeologists around 100 years ago. European imperialism was
at its peak, the status of the Bible as a major source of Western history was in
serious jeopardy, and racial theories formed the basis for new perspectives on
cultural history.
The discovery of Babylon is a story of rising empires and the explorers and
archaeologists who moved the earth with their hands, as well as the officials who
signed off on missions and stocked museums with the returns. It is about historians
and theologians, and public controversies about the origins of cultures and the
influence of the Bible. But it is also a story about ourselves and a 2000-year-long
history of interpretation. The Babylon of the Bible and of Western culture was
transmitted through the centuries in visual art, literature, theology, and a whole
universe of meaning. When the ruins of Babylon were unearthed by explorers and
archaeologists, it took place in a particular context that influenced how the find-
ings were viewed. Together we will closely explore this tension between the inher-
ited concepts and new knowledge. Is it possible to interpret anything anew, or are
we always at the mercy of the dominant contemporary paradigms and personal
perspectives?
From the first moment, the newly discovered Babylon attracted great interest.
The wealth of new knowledge about ancient Babylon, with its highly developed
culture older than ancient Greece and biblical Israel, irrevocably changed the
European idea of Babylon. Yet, in spite of the enthusiasm over all that was new,
even the most visually sensational finds failed to dislodge the almost mythical
notion of Babylon that each successive generation had created. It was as if a new
Babylon became known, but the old remained just as relevant.
Babylon continues to fascinate us. Even though the old conceptualizations may
no longer be dominant in contemporary culture, Babylon continues to exist: as the
ship called the Nebuchadnezzar in the film The Matrix, the web-based translation
program “Babylon”, in pop culture songs, in the titles of novels, or in a constant
Map 1.1 Carsten Niebuhr’s Map of Mesopotamia.
Beginning discovery 7
flow of new renderings of the “Tower of Babel”. Our imaginations are challenged
and express themselves in the need to build ever-taller buildings and towers,
whether it is in Dubai, Shanghai, or New York. Babylon has become a useful meta-
phor when describing opponents and enemies with their hungry power ambitions,
their evil and decay.
Which is the “true Babylon”? Is it the Tower of Babel and the evil empire, or is
it the Ishtar Gate and the Processional Way with their religious significance and
architectural beauty? The truth is that “Babylon” is always changing, and that we
are constantly rediscovering and recreating history. When the German excavation
began in 1899 and new knowledge about the city was finally available, the British
historian Leonard King commented that Babylon had cast a spell that not even
16 years of excavations and the gradual appearance of accurate knowledge could
dispel.2 As we are going to discover, the pursuit of Babylon is demanding, and
there is much that slips away into mystery.
But let’s not get ahead of ourselves as we begin the journey.
Notes
1 Niebuhr’s account of his travels was published in German and translated into English
by Robert Heron as Travels Through Arabia and Other Countries of the East.
2 King, A History of Babylon, 15.
Bibliography
King, L.W. A History of Babylon from the Foundation of the Monarchy to the Persian
Conquest. London: Chatto and Windus, 1915.
Niebuhr, Carsten. Travels Through Arabia and Other Countries of the East. 2 vols. Trans-
lated by Robert Heron. Edinburgh: R. Morison and Sons, 1792. https://archive.org/details/
b28773263_0001 and https://archive.org/details/travelsthrougha00conggoog.
2 Biblical Babylon
Babylon usually refers to the historical city, and a culture that existed long ago as
the “cradle of civilization”. We are not generally aware of the extent to which our
images of this city are shaped by the Bible, or the fact that biblical Babylon and
the historical city are two different entities. But the actual remains and texts from
ancient Babylon were not even known until less than 200 years ago.
Specific images loom large in the biblical version of Babylon: the Tower of
Babel and the “confusion of tongues”; the Babylonian captivity of the Jews under
a repressive empire; the vision of the “whore of Babylon” and the evil city that God
would destroy and punish. These images and the stories associated with them have
lived a long life in Jewish and Christian traditions and have been transmitted and
retold in ever-new historical and social contexts, shaping our ideas about Babylon
in powerful ways.
We do not know much about what the biblical authors actually knew about
Babylon as an historical city. When the biblical texts were being written, quite a
while had already passed since the events portrayed had supposedly taken place.
Texts such as the Tower building account take place in a sort of mythical primeval
time, outside of historical time. Its purpose was not to give a correct historical
description of Babylon, but to tell the story of the origins of Israel. Yet, although
biblical descriptions of Babylon are not necessarily historically correct, they are
nevertheless quite real. They are real as stories, as images, and concepts, and they
have lived on in the consciousness and imaginations of generations of humans.
The Bible’s portrayals of Babylon have even shaped history and provided keys for
interpreting it.
The original Hebrew of the Bible uses the term “Babel” both in the Tower story,
and of the city and kingdom of Babylon. However, with the exception of the
“Tower of Babel”, translators of the Bible habitually choose the term “Babylon” in
English and many other languages. “Babylon” is also the standard term historians
use when they write about the ancient culture of Babylon. The reason is that
Hebrew “Babel” was rendered as “Babylon” both in Greek and Latin. The Baby-
lonians themselves had several different names for their city and land, as we will
discover in Chapter 6. In this book, I follow convention and use “Babylon” of
the city, the kingdom, and the ancient culture, and use “Babel” only of the Tower
of Babel.
Biblical Babylon 9
A tale of beginnings
The story of the Tower of Babel has had a sustained impact on Western cultural
history. Everyone knows this story. It exists in many versions, and has been retold
and interpreted time and again. The Tower of Babel has been depicted in art thou-
sands of times down through the centuries. The biblical text itself is succinct and
straightforward:1
Now the whole earth had one language and the same words. And as they
migrated from the east, they came upon a plain in the land of Shinar and settled
there. And they said to one another, “Come, let us make bricks, and burn them
thoroughly”. And they had brick for stone, and bitumen for mortar. Then they
said, “Come, let us build ourselves a city, and a tower with its top in the heav-
ens, and let us make a name for ourselves; otherwise we shall be scattered
abroad upon the fact of the whole earth”.
The LORD came down to see the city and the tower, which mortals had built.
And the LORD said, “Look, they are one people, and they have all one lan-
guage; and this is only the beginning of what they will do; nothing that they
propose to do will now be impossible for them. Come, let us go down, and
confuse their language there, so that they will not understand one another’s
speech”. So the LORD scattered them abroad from there over the face of all
the earth, and they left off building the city. Therefore it was called Babel,
because there the LORD confused the language of all the earth; and from
there the LORD scattered them abroad over the face of all the earth.
(Gen. 10:1–9)
The story begins with “the whole earth” having the same language. They are on
the move from somewhere in the “east”, and end up settling down in a different
place. There they want to build a city, so they make bricks of burnt clay. “Make
bricks” is a specific verb, so they are literally saying, “Let us brick bricks”. There is
no explanation for why it appears so threatening to them to be scattered across the
earth, but the story expresses the fundamental value of rootedness and belonging,
safety, and security. Nor is it clear how the idea of “making a name” for them-
selves would protect humans from being scattered abroad, but they are determined
that they will achieve this through their ambitious and grand building project,
which they can only carry out through a communal effort.
Then the perspective shifts. The LORD, or God, descends to look at the city and
the tower. Ironically, God has to come down to see the Tower, in spite of it suppos-
edly reaching up into heaven. Perhaps it was not completed yet? God is nevertheless
impressed, perhaps even frightened, “nothing that they propose to do will now be
impossible for them”. Why is that not good? Does God feel threatened? Is he
afraid of what his own creation might do? Contrary to what one might have
expected, God does not destroy the Tower. Instead he intervenes by confusing the
language, so that the humans can no longer communicate. He then scatters them
out across the whole earth, interrupting the building project.
10 Biblical Babylon
An ironic tension builds up. The people reach up toward the heavens; they are
gathered at one place and strive upward in order to create a name for themselves.
God comes down and scatters them, and the place is named Babel, because it was
where God confused the languages. The Hebrew Bible employs a pun to interpret
what happened, and associates the name Babel with the verb balal, which means
confuse. Babel becomes a place of confusion. The Tower was supposed to earn
them a name, so that they would not be scattered. The story touches on human fear
of dispersal, and invokes the fundamental need for stability. From the deity’s point
of view, the Tower seems to have been seen as a sign of human hubris—human
overconfidence and the ambition to make themselves divine.
While the Bible plays on the similarity of Babel and balal (to confuse), the
name Babel itself may mean “God’s gate”, and certainly has nothing to do with
confusion.2 The author may have been aware of this meaning and used the pun
precisely to make their point. It could also have been simply the thrill of the allit-
eration and assonance that is behind the pun. Another neat detail in Hebrew is that
the word nabela, “let us confuse”, when read backwards becomes lebenim, “bricks”.
God perhaps wanted to reverse the production of bricks through the confusion? Be
this as it may, several modern languages derive words such as “babble” from this
story, and Babel has come to represent confusion and the lack of communication.
Strangely enough, the confusion of Babel has also been used to express the idea
of an original, universal connection between people. For early theorists of language,
the idea of a universal story about the confusion of languages provided assurance
of a common origin and common foundation for all languages, but also implicated
language and translation in the complicated story of human (mis)behavior.3
Language: French
L’ŒUVRE
DE
HENRI POINCARÉ
PAR
émile PICARD
PARIS,
GAUTHIER-VILLARS, IMPRIMEUR-LIBRAIRE
DU BUREAU DES LONGITUDES, DE L’ÉCOLE POLYTECHNIQUE,
Quai des Grands-Augustins, 55.
1913
Extrait des Annales de l'École Normale supérieure, 3e série, t.
XXX, p. 463 (1913).
L’ŒUVRE
de
HENRI POINCARÉ
Quelqu’un demandait un jour à J.-B. Dumas, à propos de Claude
Bernard: «Que pensez-vous de ce grand physiologiste?», et Dumas
répondit: «Ce n’est pas un grand physiologiste, c’est la Physiologie
elle-même.» On pourrait dire pareillement de Henri Poincaré qu’il ne
fut pas seulement un grand mathématicien, mais la Mathématique
elle-même. Dans l’histoire des Sciences mathématiques, peu de
mathématiciens ont eu, comme lui, la force de faire rendre à l’esprit
mathématique tout ce qu’il était à chaque instant capable de donner.
En Mathématiques pures sa puissance d’invention fut prodigieuse, et
l’on reste confondu devant la maîtrise avec laquelle il savait forger
l’outil le mieux approprié dans toutes les questions qu’il attaquait.
Poincaré ne fut étranger à aucune des sciences parvenues à un
stade assez avancé pour être susceptible de prendre, au moins
dans certaines de leurs parties, une forme mathématique. Il a été en
particulier un grand critique des théories de la Physique moderne,
habile à les comparer et à mettre en évidence leur véritable origine,
aimant aussi à signaler leurs points faibles et leurs contradictions.
Sa réputation, comme philosophe, fut considérable. Toute
conception philosophique est de sa nature controversable; mais,
quelque opinion qu’on puisse avoir sur certaines idées de Poincaré,
l’admiration n’en est pas moins vive pour le noble penseur, le
dialecticien subtil et l’écrivain au style personnel où rivalisent l’esprit
géométrique et l’esprit de finesse. A défaut d’une étude détaillée qui
demanderait un long travail, je vais essayer de tracer une esquisse
de l’œuvre du grand géomètre dont la disparition fut, l’an dernier,
une perte irréparable pour la Science.
I.
Ce qui caractérise le génie mathématique de Poincaré, c’est sa
puissance à embrasser d’emblée les questions dans toute leur
généralité et à créer de toutes pièces l’instrument analytique
permettant l’étude des problèmes posés. D’autres, et c’est ainsi
qu’opèrent la majorité des chercheurs, commencent par s’enquérir
de ce qui a été fait dans la voie qu’ils veulent explorer; la
documentation est pour eux un travail préliminaire. Poincaré
s’attarde rarement à étudier les travaux antérieurs. Tout au plus,
parcourt-il rapidement quelques-uns d’entre eux; de vagues
indications lui permettent de retrouver des Chapitres entiers d’une
théorie. Au fond, les questions d’attribution lui furent souverainement
indifférentes, et le détail de l’histoire des sciences l’intéressait très
peu.
La théorie des groupes fuchsiens et des fonctions fuchsiennes, qui
illustra son nom presque au début de sa carrière scientifique, fournit
des exemples à l’appui de ces remarques. Quand Poincaré
commença ses études sur les groupes fuchsiens, c’est-à-dire sur les
groupes discontinus de la forme qui transforment