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DISCOVER FLORIDA
TOP SIGHTS, AUTHENTIC EXPERIENCES
Contents

Plan Your Trip

Welcome to Florida
Florida's Top 12
Need to Know
Hot Spots For...
Local Life
Month by Month
Get Inspired
Itineraries
Family Travel

Miami

Art-Deco Miami
Sights
Activities
Tours
Shopping
Eating
Drinking & Nightlife
Entertainment
Orlando

Walt Disney World®

Universal Orlando Resort
Orlando area
Sights & Activities
Tours
Eating
Drinking & Nightlife
Entertainment
Winter Park

The Everglades

Kayaking Trails
Wildlife Watching
Biscayne National Park
Homestead & Florida City
Everglades City & Chokoloskee Island
Everglades National Park

The Keys

John Pennekamp State Park

Key West
Lower Keys
Middle & Upper Keys

The Space Coast

Kennedy Space Center

Merritt Island National Wildlife Refuge
Canaveral National Seashore
Cocoa Beach
Melbourne

St Augustine

National Historic Landmark District

St Augustine area
Jacksonville Area

St Petersburg

St Petersburg Museums
Outdoor Activities
St Petersburg
Tampa

Gainesville

Live Music & Nightlife

Sights
Eating
Drinking & Nightlife
Entertainment

Apalachicola

Eating in Apalachicola
Wild Panhandle
Apalachicola
St George Island

Sarasota

Historical & Cutural Sarasota

Sarasota Keys
Sights & Activities
Tours
Shopping
Eating
Drinking & Nightlife
Entertainment

Ocala National Forest

Outdoor Activities
Ocala
DeLand
Naples

Sanibel & Captiva Islands

Sights
Tours
Eating
Entertainment

In Focus
Florida Today
History
People & Culture
The Arts
Landscape & Wildlife

Survival Guide
Directory A–Z
Accommodations
Climate
Customs Regulations
Electricity
Food
Health
Insurance
Internet Access
Legal Matters
LGBT Travelers
Money
Opening Hours
Public Holidays
Safe Travel
Telephone
Time
Tourist Information
Travelers with Disabilities
Visas
Women Travelers
Transport
Getting There & Away
Getting Around
Behind the Scenes
Our Writers
Welcome to Florida
A hundred worlds – from magic kingdoms and Latin American and
Caribbean capitals to mangrove islands, wild wetlands, spaceship
launch pads and artist colonies – are all contained within this flat
peninsula.
Maybe there's no mystery to what makes the Florida peninsula so
intoxicating. Beaches as fine and sweet as powdered sugar, warm
waters, rustling mangroves: all conspire to melt our workaday
selves. We come to Florida to let go – of worries and winter, of
inhibitions and reality. Some desire a beachy getaway of swimming,
seafood and sunsets. Others seek the hedonism of South Beach,
spring break and Key West. Still more hope to lose themselves
within the phantasmagorical realms of Walt Disney World® Resort
and Orlando's theme parks.
Yet tan, tropical Florida is smarter and more culturally savvy than
its appearance suggests. This state, particularly South Florida, has
a reputation for attracting eccentrics and idiosyncratic types from
across the US, Latin America and Europe. Few understand that this
is one of the most populous states in the country, a bellwether for
the American experiment. And that experiment – and this state – is
more diverse than ever. From rural hunters and trappers in the
geographically northern, culturally Southern climes, to Jewish
transplants sitting side by side with Latin arrivals from every
Spanish-speaking nation in the world, it's hard to beat Florida when
it comes to experiencing the human tapestry at its most colorful
and vibrant.
KEY WEST | MATT MUNRO/LONELY PLANET ©
Plan Your Trip
Florida's Top 12
1 Miami
The capital of all the Americas
Many Latin Americans resent it when citizens of the USA call
themselves simply 'Americans.' 'Are we not citizens of the
Americas, too?' they ask. Yes, and in this vein, Miami is the capital
of America, North and South. No other city blends the Anglo
attitude of North America with the Latin energy of South America
and the Caribbean. Throw in miles of gorgeous sand, and say hello
to the Magic City.

MIAMI RIVERWALK | SYLVAIN SONNET/GETTY IMAGES ©

LOCAL IN LITTLE HAVANA | JUSTIN FOULKES/LONELY PLANET ©
FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

2 Orlando
Lose yourself in theme-park magic
Can the theme parks of Orlando be overwhelming? Sure, but then,
childhood is all about surrendering to the overwhelming joy of
imagination unleashed. Despite all the frantic rides, entertainment
and bright lights, there's still joy in watching a child swell with belief
after they have been curtsied to by Cinderella, wandered along
Diagon Alley, built a world from Legos or battled Darth Maul like a
Jedi knight.

LEGOLAND | LOCK + LAND, CHIP LITHERLAND/LEGOLAND FLORIDA RESORT ©

THE SIMPSONS RIDE, UNIVERSAL STUDIOS FLORIDA | KEVIN KOLCZYNSKI/UNIVERSAL ORLANDO
RESORT ©
FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

3 The Everglades
An utterly unique watery wilderness
The Everglades are gorgeous – and unnerving. They don't reach
majestically skyward or fill your heart with the aching beauty of a
glacier-carved valley. They ooze; a river of grass mottled by
hardwood hammocks, cypress domes and mangroves. To properly
explore this hybrid water-land – and to meet its prehistoric
residents up close – push a canoe or kayak off a muddy bank, tamp
down your fear and explore on the Everglades' own, unforgettable
terms.

BLEND IMAGES/PBNJ PRODUCTIONS/GETTY IMAGES ©

FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

4 The Space Coast

Exploration! Science! And some pristine coastline
The 24 unspoiled miles of Canaveral National Seashore are
remarkably special. Here, virtually in the shadow of the Kennedy
Space Center's shuttle launchpad, the dunes, lagoons and white-
sand beaches look much as they did 500 years ago when the
Spaniards landed. Kayak among the mangroves with bottlenose
dolphins and manatees, observe nesting sea turtles, stroll gorgeous
beaches and camp in utter solitude.

MELBOURNE | JCARILLET/GETTY IMAGES ©

FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

5 Key West
Art, oddballs and unabashed eccentrics
Florida has always been a realm of self-imposed exile, but
sometimes even the exiles want to be, well, self-exiled. Enter the
'Conchs' (natives) of Key West, a separate island untethered from
the nation, the state and even the rest of the island chain. A bring-
on-the-night crazy party atmosphere animates Mallory Sq and
Duval St nightly, part drunken cabal and part authentic tolerance
for the self-expression of every impolite, nonconformist impulse
known to humanity.

FANTASY FEST, KEY WEST | JOE RAEDLE/GETTY IMAGES ©

FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

6 St Augustine
Wander Florida's walkable historic heartland
According to legend, the USA's oldest city possesses Ponce de
León's elusive fountain of youth. Though apocryphal, this anecdote
indicates the breadth of the historic legacy so lovingly and
atmospherically preserved along St Augustine's cobblestoned
streets. Tour magnificent Spanish cathedrals and Henry Flagler’s
ludicrously ornate resorts, or watch costumed reenactors
demonstrate blacksmithing, cannon firing and prisoner shackling.
VILLA ZORADA MUSEUM | RICHARD CUMMINS/GETTY IMAGES ©
FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

7 St Petersburg
Gulf-side, sun-drenched cultural capital
It's all too easy to overuse the adjective 'surreal' when discussing
Florida. In the case of the Salvador Dalí Museum, however, surreal
is exactly right. Dalí has no connection to Florida whatsoever; this
magnificent collection of 96 oil paintings and an overwhelming slew
of ephemera landed in St Petersburg almost by chance. But then,
all sorts of cultural offerings are flowering across 'St Pete,' from fine
dining to live music to excellent art museums.

ST PETERSBURG PIER | TRAVELER1116/GETTY IMAGES ©

FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

8 Gainesville
College-town vibe and lovely live music
If local boy Tom Petty and transplant Bo Diddley are the patron
saints of Gainesville's rock-music scene, the University of Florida –
the nation's second-largest university – is the engine that keeps it
going strong. But it's not just about the music here. Gainesville
buzzes with intellectual energy, carefree student attitudes and a
wholly pleasant atmosphere in its well-groomed, shady residential
neighborhoods and small, lively downtown.

MICHAEL WARREN/GETTY IMAGES ©

FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

9 Apalachicola
An estuarine escape – and lots of oysters
Apalachicola is more than a pretty seaside town, although it is,
indeed, a very pretty seaside – well, Gulf-side – town. It's an
experience and introduction to the crusty exterior of 'Cracker'
Florida. No cartoon mice or Latin superstars can be seen here,
instead you'll find rich orange sunsets and packed oyster bars. With
its preserved historical core and plentiful shade trees and tourism
amenities, 'Apalach' feels welcoming to guests while still retaining a
distinctive sense of place.

APALACHICOLA ESTUARY | CSFOTOIMAGES/GETTY IMAGES ©

OYSTERS AND HOT SAUCE | KRIS DAVIDSON/LONELY PLANET ©
FLORIDA'S TOP 12 PLAN YOUR TRIP

10 Sarasota
Artsy enclave on the quiet Gulf Coast
Thanks to influxes of money and patronage from tycoons – ranging
from railroad barons to the kings of the American circus – the
relatively small city of Sarasota is blessed with museums and arts
infrastructure that would be well appreciated in settlements that
are twice its size. Nearby, you'll find loads of preserved barrier
islands and beaches lapped by the generally sedate waters of the
Gulf of Mexico.

RINGLING MUSEUM COMPLEX | MARIAKRAYNOVA/SHUTTERSTOCK ©

Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
[1091] Cortés, Cartas, 196. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that the submission is tendered
through his namesake, as prince of Tezcuco, the only capital of the tripartite
empire loyal to the Spaniards. Hor. Crueldades, 17-18.

[1092] Also one old Spaniard, believes Bernal Diaz, who relates his own sufferings
minutely, and how he followed some mounted scouts in search of water, which he
found, bringing a supply to Cortés. Hist. Verdad., 133. Vetancurt names this
watering-place Topilejo, now San Miguel. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 155. Chimalpain
mentions Quauhxômolco, just before. Hist. Conq., ii. 40.

[1093] See Native Races, ii., 345.

[1094] Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 225.

[1095] Six, says Cortés.

[1096] Bernal Diaz states that a soldier named Olea was the main instrument in
saving Cortés, Hist. Verdad., 133; but Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 311, gives the credit
to the Tlascaltec lord Chichimecatl, and Chimalpain to a noble named Ocelotzin.
Hist. Conq., ii. 41. Cortés says: ‘Un indio de los de Tlascaltecal,’ Cartas, 199, who
could not be found the next day, and Cortés accordingly attributed the aid, writes
Herrera, to St Peter, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. viii.

[1097] Followed by other bodies. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 134; Torquemada, i.
537.

[1098] Cortés leaves the impression that the foremost division of six horse
defeated the foe. Both Gomara and Herrera are confused, and Prescott and
others are led into several mistakes.

[1099] Bernal Diaz names two of them.

[1100] He even willed that his bones should there be entombed, a request which
was not carried out.

[1101] ‘No eran cosas de hombres humanos ... que ayan hecho ningunos vasallos
tan grandes servicios a su Rey ... y dello harian relacion a su Magestad.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 135.

[1102] At the junctions of the causeways which led from the different shores to the
southern avenue of Mexico. The place is also known as Acachinanco.

[1103] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés was preparing an ambuscade with ten horse
and four equerries when he fell into one himself and lost the two, whom he names.
Alarmed at his delay, Alvarado went back to look for him. loc. cit. This is less likely
than the version of Cortés.

[1104] Nobles they are termed, and Herrera doubles the number.

[1105] Prescott and others intimate that they passed between the lakes, from
Quauhtitlan to Acolman, but Cortés mentions Zilotepec, which may be identical
with Citlaltepec, as mentioned by Herrera, or Xilotzinco, about two leagues
eastward, as given by Ixtlilxochitl. Bernal Diaz also appears to indicate the
northern route.

[1106] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 129.

[1107] Bernal Diaz assumes that more than one captain-general was to be
appointed. ‘Para boluerse a Cuba, y deshazer a Cortes,’ is all the explanation
given by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 178.

[1108] Such are in substance the words used by Cortés in his relation to the
emperor. ‘E cómo yo vi que se me habia revelado tan gran traicion, dí gracias á
nuestro Señor, porque en aquello consistia el remedio.’ Cartas, 269.

[1109] So Cortés intimates, while Herrera states that Villafañe hastened to devour
the paper. His throat being pressed, about half of it was rescued. dec. iii. lib. i. cap.
i. He further says that Sandoval was sent to make the arrest; but Bernal Diaz
asserts that Cortés went in person, which is likely under the circumstances, and
took from Villafañe’s breast the paper. Finding thereon so many names of quality
he caused it to be rumored that the man had eaten it, or part of it. Hist. Verdad.,
136-7. Clavigero assumes that the culprit revealed the names, and that Cortés
preferred not to believe him. Storia Mess., iii. 191. Torture failed to extort any
names from him, writes Torquemada, i. 528, and those on the list he declared to
be merely of men whom he intended to sound.

[1110] ‘Un alcalde y yo lo condenamos á muerte.’ Cortés, Cartas, 269.

[1111] Bernal Diaz states that he frightened many by having them arrested and
threatened with trial; probably those seized with Villafañe. Oviedo, iii. 515,
mentions Escudero as executed for plotting; but this is doubtful. As for Verdugo,
he became regidor of Mexico, and in 1529 alcalde. He afterward joined Guzman’s
expedition and settled at Tonalá in Jalisco. Razon, in Cortés, Residencia, i. 363.

[1112] This was Cortés’ own idea, says Bernal Diaz, and he appealed to us to
guard him. Hist. Verdad., 137. Quiñones was succeeded by Francisco de Tenesas
[Terrazas]. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 313.
 CHAPTER XXXII.
INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

May-June, 1521.

Phases of Heroism—The Brigantines upon the Lake—Division of Forces

between Alvarado, Sandoval, and Olid—Desertion, Capture, and
Execution of Xicotencatl—Departure of the Troops from Tezcuco—
Naval Battle—Possession Taken of the Causeways—At One Point
Cortés unexpectedly Gains Entrance to the City—But is Driven out.

The ideal heroic character is to be viewed from two standpoints:

the effect of heroism on the hero, and on the world. A very bad
person may do mankind a great service. An evil-minded man, while
sinking his soul yet deeper in corruption, may bring benefactions
upon society. But even a fairly good man cannot increase his innate
nobleness of character while doing injury to his fellows.
I do not know that the claim of good man was ever advanced for
Hernan Cortés, except, indeed, by that strange fanaticism which,
dazzled by one object, fails to see other objects, or the terrible
means for their attainment. He and his followers formed a sad
mixture of good and evil, in which the latter predominated, if judged
by the moral standard which they had formed for themselves as
soldiers of the cross. The grossest injustice, the most horrible
wickedness constituted part of their moral ideal, so that while fighting
for the highest morality they were the most immoral of men. Long
after the conquest was consummated, under the ministrations of
men of piety and ability, it would seem that the weapons used by
these conquerors, who at times justified murder as the highest
morality, were still instinct with blood, even as the cornel-wood spear
with which the king of Thrace transfixed the unhappy Polydorus
springs into life instinct with the blood of Priam’s slaughtered son.
Cortés was not an idealist after the manner of Columbus. Both
were full of egoism; the spiritual-mindedness of both was essentially
selfish. They would both dictate terms to God and their king, that for
so much service they must have so much reward. Both were full of
the follies of their day; but Columbus displayed a grave, unconscious
folly, while Cortés consciously indulged in all the follies of lust and
cruelty that prudence admitted or his aim demanded. Cortés
abandoned himself to ambition; Columbus to brooding thought. The
insanity of reckless adventure was not the insanity of Columbus, who
nevertheless was as mad as any lunatic in his own way.
Commanding energy and practical daring were as conspicuous in
Cortés as in Columbus; but it happened that the aims of Columbus
were of greater import to the race than those of Cortés.
How alike, and yet how different, these men! Cortés was
impetuous and extravagant; Columbus calm, calculating, and
prudent. One was full of joyous activity, the simple exercise of which
was his greatest pleasure; obligations of every sort sat lightly on him;
the other was but an instrument in the hands of providence. Both
were ambitious, both excessively religious; but Cortés, in the main,
made religion subservient to advancement, as before noted, while
mundane glories to Columbus were hollow indeed beside his
heavenly aspirations. Both were exceedingly great men; both
became eminent by a selfish adventure of self; but Columbus saw
the New World through the glorious haze of immortality, while Cortés
viewed Mexico under the lightly woven covering of personal
ambition.
 Cortés was an Antony rather than a Cæsar, nor did he lack that
one great gift of Antony’s, subordination, as we have seen. He was
not so greatly in love with himself, stood not so greatly in awe of
himself, as Cæsar; he was possessed of finer perceptions and
feelings, and with consummate versatility could drop himself out of
his plans as occasion required. Nor was Cortés without imagination
and the æsthetic sense, though of a grosser and sensual kind; but it
is not in great men that we are to look for the swelling harmonies of
nature.
A turning-point was now reached in the campaign. The
brigantines were completed, and the siege could begin. The day for
the entry of the vessels into the lake was a gala day, inaugurated
with the communion and festive with the concourse of gayly attired
spectators.[1113] After prayer and a discourse the flags with name
and royal arms were hoisted on each vessel,[1114] amid salvos and
cheers, and the dams being broken, the gallant fleet floated down
the canal to the placid lake.
While the mute bunting was thus proclaiming Spanish
supremacy over these inland waters, a Te Deum, in which joined a
thousand voices, echoed aloud the gratitude of every heart. Each
vessel was placed in charge of a captain[1115] with twenty-four
Spaniards, of whom about six were cross-bowmen and
arquebusiers, some artillerists to manage the bronze gun, and
twelve rowers, six to each side. The boats were evidently half-
decked.[1116]
Active preparations were now made to begin the siege.
Tlascaltecs, Huexotzincas, Cholultecs, Chalcans, and other allies
were summoned to send in contingents by Whitsunday, the latter to
assemble at Chalco, and the Tlascaltecs at Tezcuco. Though but ten
days’ notice was given, the last named presented themselves in the
camp before the appointed time to the number of over fifty thousand,
which was increased by later reënforcement.[1117]
As they approached Tezcuco under the guidance of Ojeda, and
commanded notably by Chichimecatl and Xicotencatl junior, they
spread out in one long serpentine file, bristling with iztli points and
brilliant with shields and armor covered with variegated devices and
flowing plumage, while at intervals waved high the banners of the
different corps. Cortés went forth to meet them with grand
demonstrations, and as they marched past loud vivas[1118] rent the
air.
On the 28th of April Cortés had mustered his forces and found
that, with the several reënforcements lately arrived, there were
present over nine hundred Spaniards, of whom eighty-six were
horsemen and one hundred and eighteen cross-bowmen and
arquebusiers;[1119] the rest being armed with swords and shields and
the more formidable pikes. They were well protected with cotton
armor, many having cuirasses and corselets, and small weapons
were not wanting. The artillery consisted of three heavy iron guns,
fifteen smaller pieces of bronze, mostly distributed among the
vessels, with ten quintals of powder and a quantity of shot, while
some fifty thousand arrows had been furnished by the Tezcucan
towns, all fitted according to pattern with copper tips.[1120]
Not only had the Spaniards, particularly the new recruits, been
well exercised in cavalry movements, target practice, fencing, and
pike drill, but the allies had been trained to a certain extent in
European tactics. For efficiency and good conduct this army rose far
above any yet mustered in the Indies. In the usual speech before the
ranks, Cortés pointed out how God had favored them with constant
victories and with reënforcements which had nearly doubled their
number and resources. They might indeed be hopeful, for holy was
their cause. Full of confidence they could march against the only
stronghold yet opposed to them, avenge their slaughtered comrades,
and win riches and glory for themselves.
On Whitmonday, the 20th of May, an apportionment of the troops
was made to Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval, who led the cavalry in
person, but directed the movements of the infantry through captains,
and of the allies through native chiefs. Each received from twenty-
four to thirty horsemen, and one hundred and fifty infantry, divided
into two or three battalions, with a proportionate number of
arquebusiers, cross-bowmen, guns, and ammunition, besides from
twenty to forty thousand allies. To Sandoval was given the smallest
number of horse and the largest number of allies, those gathered at
Chalco having orders to await him, while Alvarado received a full half
of the Tlascaltec force, with whom the Tonatiuh was a great favorite.
To this leader Tlacopan was assigned for head-quarters; to Olid,
Coyuhuacan; and Sandoval received orders to complete the
destruction of Iztapalapan, and then to advance through
Coyuhuacan and along one of the southern causeways, and there to
select his head-quarters, under the protection of the brigantines.
These appointments and orders underwent several changes during
the siege. For himself Cortés selected the management of the fleet,
whereon so much depended during the opening of the siege, and in
addition to its ships’ companies of three hundred men he was
supported by several thousand allies, chiefly Tezcucans under
Ixtlilxochitl, who attended in a large number of canoes. This selection
hardly pleased the army, which considered their operations the most
important and dangerous, and therefore in need of Cortés’
supervision. But he evidently never intended to remain with the fleet
except at the beginning.[1121]
The following day the allied forces apportioned to Alvarado and
Olid were ordered to march in advance, for greater convenience, to
the border of Tezcuco province and there await the Spaniards. Not
many hours after their departure a messenger appeared with the
announcement that Xicotencatl, the companion general of
Chichimecatl, had disappeared. Inquiries revealed that shortly before
his cousin Piltecuhtli had been severely and wantonly struck by a
soldier during a quarrel over some carriers. In order to save the
soldier from the wrath of Cortés, Ojeda, the Spanish inspecting
officer over the allied forces, smoothed the matter and sent the
injured nobleman home. It was claimed by some that this outrage
had so wounded Xicotencatl that he followed his cousin. Others
assumed that both chiefs were in love with the same woman, and
that Xicotencatl could not bear to leave his rival alone in the field. But
the true reason lay no doubt in his dislike to fight for the Spaniards,
whom he had never ceased to oppose, openly and in secret, as
invaders bent on the enslavement of the whole country. This idea, if
faint at first, had become more fixed with every fresh blow against
his personal ambition, such as the first series of defeats which
plucked from him his just renown; the equal or perhaps superior
position assigned in the native army to Chichimecatl, of whom he
appears to have been deeply jealous;[1122] and the prospect of a
wearisome and unprofitable campaign, wherein he must be content
to figure as a subordinate, not only of Alvarado, but subject perhaps
to the orders of petty Spanish officers. All this became too galling to
his proud spirit, and with a few followers he turned toward his
mountain home.
It would never do to countenance desertion, and by so prominent
a man, at the very opening of a campaign; and Cortés immediately
sent a number of troopers in pursuit, with instructions to represent to
the chief the gravity of his offence, which cast a heavy stain on
Tlascaltec honor, and to persuade him to return. They speedily
overtook him, only to meet with insolence. He would not go back; if
his people had listened to him they would not now be tools and
servants of a horde of foreigners. With this reply the troops were
forced to return. “This cacique is incorrigible,” exclaimed Cortés,
“and will ever be a traitor and counsellor to evil. I have had enough
of him!” The troopers were at once sent back, accompanied by an
alguacil and some trusty Tlascaltec nobles, with orders to arrest the
fugitive and bring him to Tezcuco. In a letter to the republican lords,
Cortés at the same time complained of the desertion and its grave
influence, and declared that according to Spanish law the penalty
was death. They replied that the same punishment obtained in
Tlascala; and not only do they appear to have actively aided in
surrendering the culprit, but they declared all his property, including
wives and slaves, confiscated to the crown, against which he had
sinned.[1123] Indeed, the arrogance of the young chief does not
seem to have endeared him to the other rulers. Instantly on his
arrival he was sentenced and hanged on a very high gallows, while
the crier and interpreter announced his crime.
The execution of so prominent a chief, heir to one of the rulers
among his best allies, was an act which few besides Cortés would
have ventured on; but he saw the necessity for a firm observance of
discipline, and was not deceived in the salutary effect which it had on
the allies.[1124] There were not many Tlascaltecs left in Tezcuco, or a
serious demonstration might have occurred; as it was, the mantle
and maxtli of the deceased were secured, and an eager contest
ensued for them as relics. Axayacatzin Xicotencatl had achieved
fame before the advent of the Spaniards.[1125]
Alvarado and Olid had set out from Tezcuco for Tlacopan with
their Spanish forces on the 22d of May,[1126] taking the same route
by which Cortés had returned from the Xochimilco campaign, and
though longer than that north of Tezcuco Lake, yet it was easier and
safer. On approaching Acolman, Olid sent a party in advance to
secure quarters, and when Alvarado arrived he found every house
bearing the green bough on the roof, which indicated occupancy.
This raised a tumult between the parties, and even the captains
would have come to blows but for the interference of friends.
Informed of the trouble, Cortés took steps to reconcile them,
although the two leaders never renewed their former intimacy.
On the evening of the fourth day they reached Tlacopan, which
was deserted, as were all the towns along the route.[1127] Late as
was the hour, forages and reconnoissances were made, involving a
skirmish with the Mexicans. The following day, Sunday, Olid
proceeded to Chapultepec to cut the aqueduct which supplied the
city, a task which involved another encounter wherein a score of
Mexicans fell. Meanwhile the canals were filled and other obstacles
removed which might impede a free advance, and foraging tours
were made. The Mexicans continued to harass the operations with
repeated sallies, and finally Alvarado, with characteristic rashness,
pursued them until his troops were well advanced between the
houses and bridges. The Mexicans, who had retreated on purpose,
now rolled back upon his front and flanks. The roofs, hitherto
deserted, teemed with slingers and archers, who showered their
missiles with terrible effect, while from the lanes and openings
between the houses sprang numbers who assailed the cramped
soldiers with their long lances, swords, and clubs, and leaped back
into their holes and canoes and behind breastworks whenever they
were pressed. The allies were ordered back, and the Spaniards
slowly retreated, with a loss of eight killed and fifty wounded, glad to
be relieved from their strait.
Olid was highly incensed with Alvarado for his rashness, and
regardless of all remonstrance he seized the pretext to hasten the
departure to his own camp at Coyuhuacan. He established his head-
quarters on Corpus Christi day, the 30th of May, and from this date,
accordingly, Clavigero and many others date the beginning of the
siege. The causeway leading thence to Mexico was broken, and he
sought for several days to cover the breaches and gain a footing
upon it, but without success. The Mexican warriors displayed great
spirit, and their leaders are to be blamed for not energetically
assuming the offensive and attacking the two camps.
The Mexicans had not quite understood the drift of Cortés’ delay
and preliminary manœuvres. When they found two camps
established, the aqueduct destroyed, and earnest preparations in
progress for investment, their eyes were opened; but they were then
too bewildered to act with promptness and precision. The chronicles
relate that Quauhtemotzin held a grand council to consider the
situation, and to sound the spirit of the people for peace or war, so
that there might be no faltering when necessity came. A number
indeed of the elder and wiser lords, particularly of the Montezuma
faction, spoke of the formidable enginery and strength of the
Spaniards, and their host of allies, and expressed fears of failure.
With the occupation of all the surrounding territory, and the influx of
people from abroad, the food supply might fall short, and famine and
sickness ensue. But the young men and the warriors, as might be
expected, would listen to no counsellor whose words implied
cowardice; they were enthusiastic for resistance, and formed too
numerous a party to allow the entertaining of peace proposals.
Quauhtemotzin cautiously refrained from committing himself,[1128]
but reminded the assembly that the oracles of their gods and heroic
ancestors had above all to be listened to in so important a matter as
the preservation of the homes and sacred temples intrusted to their
care. He knew well what answer would come from the priests, whose
possessions, wealth, and honors depended on the exclusion of
invaders, aiming above all at the overthrow of their religion. “My
people shall not fear the enemy,” spake the war-god Huitzilopochtli,
“for the allied hosts will not persevere long in the siege, and I will
scatter the Castilians now as hitherto.” This utterance suited many
views, and the declaration for war was solemnized by sacrifices of
human beings, including the four Spaniards lately captured.[1129]
 Renewed efforts were made to fortify and supply the city, and
canoes were collected to aid in the defence. With insolent
assurance, derived from the oracles, corps of warriors would
advance close to the Spanish camps and vent their feelings with
insults and menaces, “Men of evil, you shall pay for your madness!
Behold, the gods have already feasted on your bodies!” they cried,
flinging in among the horrified soldiers pieces of their sacrificed
comrades. “Our snakes shall drink your blood, and our tigers devour
your flesh, though they are already satiated therewith. And you,
infamous Tlascaltecs, slaves and traitors! you shall atone for your
misdeeds; you shall die a bad death, and furnish flesh for our
banquets! Behold!” And therewith they threw in disjointed pieces of
dusky human bodies. “We shall not rest till your land is desolated,
and not a man or woman left to perpetuate your vile race.”
Unabashed by this tirade the Tlascaltecs told them not to threaten
like women, but to act like men. Still it were better for them to yield
unless they wished to be destroyed.
Cortés had been delayed till the fleet should be fully prepared.
On the 31st of May, following Corpus Christi day, he was able to
despatch Sandoval, who, reënforced by some forty thousand allies
awaiting him on the Chalco border, marched against Iztapalapan.
Although severely crippled by Cortés’ expedition, this town still
figured as a stronghold of too great importance to be left in the rear.
Advised of the movement, the Mexicans hurried by road and water to
aid in covering the retreat of the inhabitants. Suddenly smoke
columns were observed in different parts of the lake, and cries of
alarm ran through the town. Yet more and more hurriedly the people
fled, and while one body of warriors retired along the causeway to
Mexico, others departed in canoes. The Spanish forces pressed
onward in close pursuit, and slaughter, pillage, and torch
accompanied them. The chief cause of the panic was the
appearance of the brigantines, which had set sail shortly after
Sandoval’s departure, attended by a large number of Tezcucan
canoes[1130] whose object was to coöperate against Iztapalapan. On
approaching it the vessels passed close to a steep rocky isle, the
Tepepulco, since known as El Peñol del Marqués,[1131] occupied by
a large number of fugitives who shouted defiance, and showered
stones and arrows. Finding that Sandoval required no aid, Cortés
resolved to inflict a lesson on the insolent islanders. The Mexicans
appeared confident in the impregnable strength of the rock, and
gave so warm a reception to the hundred and fifty men with whom
Cortés began to climb it, that fully a score were wounded at the
onset. The brigantines turned their guns upon them, however, and
under this cover the soldiers speedily gained the summit, there to
wreak bloody vengeance. Not a man was spared, only the women
and children. “It was a beautiful victory!” exclaims Cortés.
While they were pillaging, a large fleet of canoes, five hundred at
the lowest estimate,[1132] was seen to approach from the direction of
Mexico, bristling with iztli points, which found a gleaming reflection in
the smooth waters of the lake. Cortés ordered an immediate return
to the brigantines, and rowed them forward into an extended line. He
had longed for an opportunity like this, to meet a formidable fleet
upon which the brigantines might inflict a lesson severe enough to
open the eyes of the enemy to their invincible power; for “in them lay
the key of war,” as he expressed it. Unfortunately the wind was so
light as barely to flap the sails. The hostile fleet had already drawn
up in good order just beyond range, evidently puzzled at the passive
attitude of the monster vessels, yet shouting defiance.[1133] Cortés
stood chafing with impatience, for without wind his greatest
advantage would be lost, and his position even become precarious.
Just then the waters rippled and a breeze came from abaft which
speedily freshened. “Ah, God favors us!” he cried, and with a grateful
gaze toward heaven he gave orders to advance under full sail. As
they came close to the enemy a blinding volley was sent pouring in
upon them from the whole line, from guns, arquebuses, and cross-
bows, and while the natives were trying to recover from their
confusion, from out the smoke burst the ponderous bows, crashing
into the lines of canoes, overturning, breaking, and sinking. In the
vessels’ wake were wrecks and struggling bodies, while the few
canoes which had escaped by passing between the ships struggled
to escape the Tezcucan boats in the rear. At the first encounter the
canoes in the farther lines turned in hot haste for home, as did a vast
number of others which had ventured forth, partly with
reënforcements, partly with spectators. But the clumsy-looking
vessels sped faster, pursuing their career of destruction for three
leagues, into the very canals of the city, whence they turned back to
pick up captives. The victory exceeded the wildest hopes of the
Spaniards, as Cortés admits, for not only did the Aztecs lose a great
number of their foremost warriors and their best canoes, but they
surrendered forever to the formidable craft sovereignty over the lake
waters, and with it the hope of assistance from trans-lacustrine allies.
Encouraged by this success, Olid advised Alvarado, and both
hastened to take advantage of the panic to advance along the
causeways and effect considerable execution, impelled as they were
with emulation and fresh courage.[1134] Olid had advanced close to
Fort Xoloc, which with its stout battlemented walls and towers
guarded the junction of the southern causeways, when the
brigantines approached it from the eastern side. It was already after
vespers; nevertheless Cortés landed to coöperate with his lieutenant
and pursue the advantage gained. A breach was made in the wall
with one of the heavy guns, and under cover of the fleet’s artillery the
place was soon carried. Cortés had intended to make Coyuhuacan
his head-quarters, but such were the obvious advantages of Xoloc,
in strength and in position, for it lay but half a league from Mexico
and was connected in the rear with the mainland by three
causeways, that he at once decided to establish his camp there,
making it also his naval station.
Enraged rather than discouraged by the several defeats,
Quauhtemotzin ordered a night attack on Xoloc, contrary to native
custom. They approached both by sea and land, but owing to their
noise they were observed, and driven back by the artillery. The fort
was not very strong on the northern side, and the force within was
small; but in the morning half of Olid’s troops came to reënforce him,
together with fifty of Sandoval’s infantry. The addition was opportune,
for the Mexicans were advancing in swarms along the causeway as
well as by water, this time on the inner side of the road where the
vessels could not reach them. The heavy guns soon cleared a space
on the roadway, but as the soldiers pursued they suffered severely
from the canoes, which not only showered missiles but afforded
retreat for the sallying parties. Orders were accordingly given to cut a
passage through the embankment, so that the four brigantines might
enter to clear the inner basin. By this means the Spaniards were
able to advance to the very entrance of the city and inflict some
damage, while the remaining vessels explored the waters beyond,
and drove back canoes and fired buildings in the suburbs.
Sandoval at the same time advanced along the causeway from
Iztapalapan to Coyuhuacan. It was a league and a half in length, and
a quarter of a league from shore it passed through an island town,
which was captured and burned. Advised of this, Quauhtemotzin
directed a fleet to cut the causeway and entrap the Spaniards; but
before long two of the vessels were able to relieve Sandoval, who
thereupon left a portion of his troops, including the allies, at
Coyuhuacan, and joined his chief with the remainder. Nearly a week
was occupied in strengthening Fort Xoloc, arranging the camp, and
bringing in supplies, during which time desultory skirmishings were
maintained, wherein Sandoval among others received wounds. The
brigantines roamed incessantly and inflicted great damage, entering
on one occasion for a long distance a canal which led into the
suburbs.[1135] Canoes no longer ventured abroad when a sail was in
sight, and the Mexicans began to protect the water approaches and
channels with stakes.
In order to complete the investment of the city it was only
necessary to occupy the northern causeway to Tepeyacac, along
which the besieged maintained a steady intercourse with the
mainland. Advised of this neglect by Alvarado, the general ordered
Sandoval to form a camp at that town[1136] with one hundred and
forty Spaniards, of whom twenty-three were horsemen, and a full
proportion of allies. Alvarado had half as many more infantry and a
few more cavalry, while two hundred infantry were quartered at
Xoloc, supported besides by a cavalry force in the rear, and by Olid’s
party, with whom remained the largest proportion of allies, now over
eighty thousand, according to Cortés’ own statement. The fort could
not hold them, and they accordingly encamped at Coyuhuacan,
which lay more convenient for supplies, and must be occupied to
watch the hostile shore and lake towns clustered in this quarter. The
brigantines carried at least two hundred and fifty men.[1137]
Everything being prepared, Cortés ordered a simultaneous
attack from all the camps, so as to divide the attention of the
Mexicans and gain all possible advantage. He himself advanced
along the Iztapalapan causeway with the greater part of his infantry,
attended by several cavaliers on foot, and by over eighty thousand
allies, while a vessel skirted the road on either side. There was more
than one breach in the road, behind which were posted large forces
of warriors protected by intrenchments of earth and masonry.
Without the vessels it would have cost much time and many lives
to cross; but the well-directed fire from the guns and arquebuses on
the flanks and rear of the enemy soon wrought disorder, which
enabled the sallying parties to obtain a foothold. Meanwhile a
number of infantry had swum across the channel and aided to drive
the Mexicans beyond the next breach. The same manœuvre was
repeated at this and the other chasms, till the army found itself at the
very entrance of the city, protected by a wider channel than the
preceding, with more extensive fortifications, commanded by a
temple tower. This with its swarms of slingers and archers made the
capture difficult, and the Mexicans also showed more determination;
but the guns and fusillade could not be resisted, and soon the
Spaniards stood within the city for the first time since the memorable
Noche Triste. Revenge seemed already secured, and the lost
treasures almost within the invaders’ grasp. Cortés, however, did not
permit himself to be carried away by a momentary success. He saw
the main street beyond thronged with warriors fiercely bent on
resistance, streets as far as the distant temple of the war-god
bordered with buildings, each a fortress in itself, while many a
barricaded channel blocked the way.
A large force of allies had been left to fill the chasm and level the
ground as the army advanced, using for this purpose the captured
intrenchments and buildings, or even material from the causeway
itself. This work was under the direction of Diego Hernandez, a man
of herculean strength, who could throw a stone with a force and
precision, it was said, approximating those of cannon.[1138] This
filling of the chasms enabled the horses to be brought forward, and
they now led the charge against the dense masses of natives, after
the arquebuses had effected the preliminary clearing. Cortés had not
underestimated the annoyance to be encountered from the archers
and slingers covering the roofs on either side; but the operations of
the cavalry left the many arquebusiers and cross-bowmen at liberty
to cover the points of approach through which the allies in particular
poured in countless numbers with sidearms and fire-brands. The
progress so far had surpassed all anticipation; but now the
Spaniards came to a canal from which the retreating Mexicans
removed the few planks remaining of the bridge, leaving a solitary
beam. Here the warriors were massed in greater confidence, free as
they were from the attack of vessels and sheltered by strong
intrenchments, while the adjoining roofs, equally protected by the
canals, teemed with missile-throwers. The soldiers tried again and
again to cross the chasm, only to be driven back with injury. The
volleys from cross-bows and fire-arms could effect but little damage
against the well sheltered warriors, while their arrows and stones
came in rattling showers. Finally two cannon were brought forward.
This changed the issue, for a breach was speedily made in the
intrenchments, and now the small-arms were able to coöperate with
great execution.
After a delay of two hours the soldiers were across; and while
the allies filled the canal they again pursued their advance along the
avenue, though suffering considerably from the roof missiles. They
now came to the last channel in the street, close to the main plaza,
wherein stood the famous temple of Huitzilopochtli.
The advance of the Spaniards had been so unexpected and
rapid that the Mexicans had not thought of fortifying this canal, and
little difficulty was met in crossing. But beyond, the plaza was filled
with files of defenders, determined to save their deities and that
sacred ground. Greatly frightened, the priests cried out to them:
“Behold! it was here upon this spot you fought these beings infernal
before, and drove them forth in shameful flight; the gods will help you
again!” Even the Spanish soldiers were impressed by the words and
gestures of the frantic devotees, and noted their effect in the
gleaming eyes and pressed lips of the warriors, and they paused.
But presently a gun was brought forward and directed against the
packed throng. This effected a backward movement. “There is no
time for rest or fear!” shouted Cortés, as with shield in hand he
rushed forward. With a thundering Santiago the soldiers followed.
The charge was irresistible, and already startled by the mowing
cannon-balls the Mexicans took refuge within the temple enclosure
and in the by-streets.
The Spaniards followed the crowd within the sacred grounds,
slashing and thrusting. It seemed a repetition of Alvarado’s
massacre, and the war-god, thirsting for blood, might now have his
fill. In a few moments not a warrior was left round the temple, only
prostrate bodies. Then the soldiers prepared to ascend the pyramid
to hurl down the idol and its defenders. But the deity was aroused.
The sombre notes of the sacred drum struck their fearful appeal on
every heart, “Rouse ye to your imperilled hearths and temples!” It
was but now the Mexicans observed that the death-dealing
horsemen were not present, for the last channel had not yet been
filled to afford a crossing. This lent them courage, and on the foe
they quickly rushed from lanes and houses, while down from the
temple-top came a doubly inspired avalanche. The shock was
overwhelming. The Spaniards were forced to retire, partly in
disorder. Cortés made frantic efforts to stay the flight, and at the gate
a momentary rally was made by a few; but what availed that handful
against the torrent sweeping onward, headed by the renowned band
of Quauhtin? Perforce they must yield and join the troops which were
in such hasty flight from the plaza that they even abandoned the
cannon. Cortés was on foot in the crowd, and his voice was drowned
in the tumult. He could but follow with the wild current, which
threatened to lead into another disaster. Just then cries of alarm
burst from the crowds on the roofs, and there was a lull in the
shower of stones and darts, and the pressure of pursuers relaxed.
The next moment the ears of the wandering Spaniards caught the
clatter of hoofs.
The cavalry had come up; a revulsion set in. They were but a
few,[1139] but enough to bring back to the minds of the Mexicans
their original and ever present fear of the monsters, for they knew
not how many might be coming down upon them.
 The infantry followed the horsemen with inspiring cheers, and
bore unresisted onward, for the late bravery of the foe was now
turned to cowardice. Before long the Spaniards had penetrated
through the plaza and occupied once more the temple court. Once
more their looks were upward toward the summit of the lofty pyramid
consecrated during their former occupation to the holy virgin; and
while the main portion of the troops fought the now rallying
Mexicans, a sturdy handful undertook the capture of the sanctuary. A
dozen chiefs held possession, but naught could stay the fury of the
soldiers, and in a few moments the last defender had yielded his
spirit in defense of his faith.
The Spaniards looked in vain for any trace of their own altar and
symbols, round which they had so oft congregated in prayer. In their
stead rose a new idol glittering with ornaments and hideous with
devices, while fresh stains of blood spread horror over all. The gleam
of gold proved all absorbing, however, and hastily the jewels and the
golden mask were torn away, and then the head of the idol was
struck off and sent clattering below.[1140]
There was time for nothing more, for on finding so few horsemen
present, the Quauhtin knights had again made an effective rally,
pressing the troops closely. Fortunately a larger force of cavalry
came up again to turn the tide of battle and inflict a severe lesson. As
it was late by this time, there remained no choice but that of
returning to camp. This movement gave fresh confidence to the
Mexicans, who followed in swarms, harassing from roofs and lanes,
on front and flanks, rushing forward with renewed fury after every
charge by the cavalry which covered the rear. But for the horses the
soldiers would have suffered severely; as it was, the retreat
proceeded in good order, and as many houses as possible were
fired with a view to make the next entry safer. On approaching the
causeway the canoe crews, composed of selected warriors, fell on
the flanks and created no little confusion before they were driven