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ARCHIVAL INSIGHTS INTO THE
EVOLUTION OF ECONOMICS

HAYEK: A
COLLABORATIVE
BIOGRAPHY
Part XIV:
Liberalism in the Classical
Tradition: Orwell, Popper,
Humboldt and Polanyi

Edited by

Robert Leeson
Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics

Series Editor
Robert Leeson
Stanford University
Stanford, CA, USA
This series provides unique insights into economics by providing archi-
val evidence into the evolution of the subject. Each volume provides
biographical information about key economists associated with the
development of a key school, an overview of key controversies and gives
unique insights provided by archival sources.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14777
 Robert Leeson
Editor

Hayek: A
Collaborative
Biography
Part XIV: Liberalism in the Classical
Tradition: Orwell, Popper, Humboldt
and Polanyi
Editor
Robert Leeson
Stanford University
Stanford, CA, USA

Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics

ISBN 978-3-319-94411-1 ISBN 978-3-319-94412-8 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94412-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018946165

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse
of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
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similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
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from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
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 Contents

1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’ 1

Robert Leeson

2 The ‘Free’ Market Use of (Ideological) ‘Knowledge’

in Society 49
Robert Leeson

3 Hayek and Humboldt on Freedom and the Role

of the State 105
Birsen Filip

4 Hayek, Orwell, and the Road to Nineteen Eighty-Four? 153

Andrew Farrant, Jonathan Baughman and Edward McPhail

5 Hayek and Popper’s Enchanting Personal

and Professional Relationship 175
Birsen Filip

v
vi   Contents

6 Hayek and Popper on Historicism, Hegel,

and Totalitarian Regimes 201
Birsen Filip

7 Hayek and Popper on Piecemeal Engineering

and Ordo-Liberalism 233
Birsen Filip

8 Karl Polanyi vs Friedrich von Hayek: The Socialist

Calculation Debate and Beyond 283
Gareth Dale

9 Hayek’s Liberalism and Its Critics 309

Rafe Champion

10 Another Road to Serfdom 321

John Komlos

11 Triple Governance: Hayek’s Lost Thesis 361

Christopher Houghton Budd

12 Hayek, Austrian Business Cycle Theory, and The Fatal

Conceit 379
Alan Ebenstein

Index 387
 Contributors

Jonathan Baughman Dickinson College, Carlisle, PA, USA

Christopher Houghton Budd Economic and Monetary Historian,
Canterbury, UK
Rafe Champion Sydney, NSW, Australia
Gareth Dale Brunel University, London, UK
Alan Ebenstein University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA
Andrew Farrant Dickinson College, Carlisle, PA, USA
Birsen Filip University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON, Canada
John Komlos University of Munich, Munich, Germany
Robert Leeson Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA; Notre Dame
Australia University, Fremantle, WA, Australia
Edward McPhail Dickinson College, Carlisle, PA, USA

vii
 List of Figures

Chapter 4
Fig. 1 The logic of planning? 163
Fig. 2 Oligarchical collectivism? 164

ix
 1
‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic
Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’
Robert Leeson

This Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics series provides

a systematic archival examination of the process by which economics
is constructed and disseminated. All the major schools will be subject
to critical scrutiny; a concluding volume will attempt to synthesize the
insights into a unifying general theory of knowledge construction and
influence. This volume—a sequel to Part VII, Hayek’s Encounters with
Fifty Knowledge Communities—addresses Hayek’s (1899–1992) encoun-
ters with six influential individuals: George Orwell (1903–1950), Karl
Popper (1902–1994), Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767–1835), Karl
Polanyi (1886–1964), Walter Eucken (1891–1950), and (speculatively)
Rudolf Steiner (1861–1925).

R. Leeson (*)
Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA
e-mail: rleeson@stanford.edu
R. Leeson
Notre Dame Australia University,
Fremantle, WA, Australia
© The Author(s) 2018 1
R. Leeson (ed.), Hayek: A Collaborative Biography,
Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94412-8_1
2   R. Leeson

According to the second general editor of The Collected Works of F.A.

Hayek, ‘Hayek was very, very careless about his references. Sometimes
he would remember something but not remember it exactly, and some-
times would not go back and check. Every one of his quotations had
to be double checked’ (Kresge 2013). But it was not scholarship that
attracted disciples. As William Hutt explained: Ludwig ‘von’ Mises ‘was
physically smaller than I had expected, but I was immediately struck
by his really remarkable personality—a magnetism and tenacity cre-
ated by his deep emotional attachment [emphasis added] to a free econ-
omy and the institutions on which it had to rely’ (cited by Egger 1999,
201). And according to Peter Boettke, Grove City’s Hans Sennholz—a
‘Misean for life’ Luftwaffe bomber pilot—‘doesn’t reach you with the
technical aspects, but with the ideological aspects’ (cited by Doherty
2007, 423–424).
At the Koch-funded Austrian revival, ‘We were all converts already. It
was more a forming of a clan’ (Blundell 2014, 102). Hayek (1978) told
James Buchanan—the ‘George Mason Nobel Laureate’—that economic
‘science’ was driven by shallow emotions: ‘There’s no emotional disap-
pointment in the other fields when you recognize that you can’t find out
certain things; but so many hopes are tied up with the possible control
and command over economic affairs that if a scientific study comes to
the conclusion that it just can’t be done, people won’t accept it [empha-
sis added] for emotional reasons.’1 ‘Von’ Hayek advised Leo Rosten: ‘You
can tell the people that our present constitutional order forces politicians to
do things which are very stupid and which they know are very stupid …
I want to make clear to the people [emphases added] that it’s what I call
unlimited democracy which is the danger.’2
In Fascism versus Capitalism, Llewellyn Rockwell Jr. (2013, 96–98),
the co-founder of the Ludwig von Mises Institute, described the pro-
cess by which Hayek’s co-leader of the fourth generation leader of the
Austrian School constructed ‘free’ market Truth:

The scene was recalled to me the way miracles are described in the
Gospels … There is another respect in which we can all emulate Murray
[Rothbard]. He was fearless in speaking the truth. He never let fear of
colleagues, fear of the profession, fear of editors or political cultures,
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
3

stand in the way of his desire to say what was true. This is why he turned
to the Austrian tradition even though most economists at the time con-
sidered it a dead paradigm. This is why he embraced liberty, and worked
to shore up its theoretical and practice rationale at a time when the rest of
the academic world was going the other way … This fearlessness, courage,
and heroism applied even in his political analysis.

According to Mises (1993 [1964], 36), Edwin Cannan (1861–1935)

was ‘the last [emphasis added] in the long line of eminent British
economists.’ The British Fascisti was established in 1923. Six years
later, Hayek (1995 [1929], 68–70), while praising Cannan’s ‘fanatical
conceptual clarity’ and his ‘kinship’ with Mises’ ‘crusade,’ noted that
British-Austrians had failed to realize the necessary consequences of the
whole system of Classical Liberal thought: ‘To be sure, it must be added
at once [emphasis added] that Cannan by no means develops economic
liberalism to its ultimate consequences with the same ruthless consist-
ency as Mises.’ According to Bruce Caldwell (1995, 70, n67), Hayek
was probably referring to Liberalism in the Classical Tradition in which
Mises (1985 [1927], 19, 49) insisted that

The program of liberalism, therefore, if condensed into a single word,

would have to read: property [Mises’ emphasis] … All the other demands
of liberalism result from this fundamental demand … The victory of
Fascism in a number of countries is only an episode in the long series of
struggles over the problem of property.

Caldwell’s epigone-generation co-leader insists that Mises and Hayek

had ‘intertwined research programs’: both were

advocates of the private property market order and attempts to dehomog-

enize Mises and Hayek on the issue of private property and knowledge
are mistaken. (Boettke 2004)

Mises (2006a [1958], 94) noted that ‘Man is not a being that, on the
one hand, has an economic side and, on the other hand, a political side,
with no connection between the two.’ And as Boettke (2016) correctly
pointed out: ‘Mises’s economics informed his political theory.’
4   R. Leeson

The ‘Fascists’ that Mises (1985 [1927], 44, 49) praised included
‘Germans and Italians,’ ‘Ludendorff and Hitler.’ Mises aspired to pro-
vide intellectual leadership:

The great danger threatening domestic policy from the side of Fascism
lies in its complete faith in the decisive power of violence. In order to
assure success, one must be imbued with the will to victory and always
proceed violently. This is its highest principle … The suppression of all
opposition by sheer violence is a most unsuitable way to win adherents
to one’s cause. Resort to naked force—that is, without justification in
terms of intellectual arguments accepted by public opinion—merely gains
new friends for those whom one is thereby trying to combat. In a battle
between force and an idea, the latter always prevails. (emphases added)3

Mises’ Second Estate insights about the power of ‘public opinion’ came
almost a century after a similar discovery made by British aristocrats
(see below); and somewhat belatedly, Mises discovered that Fascism
was a conveyor belt along which Jews like himself had their property
confiscated.
Four years after the demise of the Habsburgs, Mises (1922) den-
igrated the First Estate and their ‘evil seed’ of Christianity for hav-
ing failed to protect the neo-feudal hierarchy. After the failure of his
attempt to become the intellectual Führer of a Nazi-Classical Liberal
Pact (1985 [1927]), Mises sought a post-Hitler Pact with the American
Religious Right, including public stoning theocrats (Leeson 2018a).
In May 1932, the prominent Nazi official, Gregor Strasser, declared
that the ‘rise of National Socialism is the protest of a people against
a State that denied the right to work and the revival of natural inter-
course’ (cited by Bullock 1962, 215). The unemployment-inducing
deflation that Mises and Hayek promoted facilitated Hitler’s 1933 rise
to power and the subsequent advance of Soviet communism into the
heart of Europe. Between 1933 and 1936, it also helped propagate both
Keynesian economics and a distinctive Chicago monetary tradition
(Leeson 2003a, b).
Joan Robinson (1979, 186) described her first meeting with Michal
Kalecki in Cambridge in 1936 as a Pirandello play: Kalecki was
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
5

‘perfectly familiar with our brand new ideas and he had invented for
himself some of Keynes’s fanciful concepts … I could not tell whether
it was I who was speaking or he.’ So it was on the right. Hitler—a con-
vert to Mises’ business cycle theory—declared: ‘Power comes at last in
Germany only to him who has anchored this power most deeply in the
people’ (cited by Bullock 1962, 245). In Human Action, ‘von’ Mises
(1998 [1949], 188–189) again emphasized the importance of selling
ideology to the ‘inferior’ sovereign consumers:

Might is the faculty or power of directing actions. As a rule one says only
of a man or of groups of men that they are mighty. Then the definition
of might is: might is the power to direct other people’s actions. He who
is mighty, owes his might to an ideology. Only ideologies can convey to
a man the power to influence other people’s choices and conduct. One
can become a leader only if one is supported by an ideology which makes
other people tractable and accommodating. Might is thus not a physi-
cal and tangible thing, but a moral and spiritual phenomenon. A king’s
might rests upon the recognition of the monarchical ideology on the part
of his subjects. He who uses his might to run the state, i.e., the social
apparatus of coercion and compulsion, rules. Rule is the exercise of might
in the political body. Rule is always based upon might, i.e., the power to
direct other people’s actions. Of course, it is possible to establish a gov-
ernment upon the violent oppression of reluctant people. It is the char-
acteristic mark of state and government that they apply violent coercion
or the threat of it against those not prepared to yield voluntarily. Yet such
violent oppression is no less founded upon ideological might. He who
wants to apply violence needs the voluntary cooperation of some people.
An individual entirely dependent on himself can never rule by means of
physical violence only.

Hayek dismissed Amnesty International’s evidence about the coer-

cive brutality of Pinochet’s dictatorship because they were a ‘bunch of
leftists’ (cited by Farrant and McPhail 2017). In The Constitution of
Liberty, Hayek (2011 [1960], 71, 186) stated that ‘Coercion is evil pre-
cisely because it thus eliminates an individual as a thinking and valu-
ing person and makes him a bare tool in the achievement of the ends
of another.’ Simultaneously, spontaneous deference achieved the same
6   R. Leeson

result: ‘To do the bidding of others is for the employed the condition
of achieving his purpose.’ Using one of his dissembling words, curious,’
Hayek (1978) described the resulting ‘spontaneous’ order: ‘the curious
thing is that in the countryside of southwest England, the class distinc-
tions are very sharp, but they’re not resented. [laughter] They’re still
accepted as part of the natural order.’4
According to Mises (1985 [1927], 47–48), ‘The militaristic and
nationalistic enemies of the Third International felt themselves cheated
by liberalism’ because of the exclusion of ‘murder and assassination’
from the list of measures to be ‘resorted to in political struggles.’ In
his proposed Nazi-Classical Liberal Pact, he would provide the ideol-
ogy and they would provide the death squads. In Human Action, Mises
(1998 [1949], 188–189) described the ‘spontaneous’ final solution to
the Führer’s dilemma:

He needs the ideological support of a group in order to subdue other

groups. The tyrant must have a retinue of partisans who obey his orders
of their own accord. Their spontaneous obedience provides him with the
apparatus he needs for the conquest of other people. Whether or not he
succeeds in making his sway last depends on the numerical relation of
the two groups, those who support him voluntarily and those whom he
beats into submission. Though a tyrant may temporarily rule through a
minority if this minority is armed and the majority is not, in the long run
a minority cannot keep the majority in subservience. The oppressed will
rise in rebellion and cast off the yoke of tyranny.

The Nazi penal code stated that the ‘first condition for the new legal
order must be that henceforth no Jew, Negroes, or other coloured peo-
ple can be absorbed into the German blood’ (cited by Gilbert 1964,
78). Hayek (5 March 1975)—whose obsession with his own Ahnenpass
(ancestor passport) predated Hitler’s—told the Liberty Fund’s Neil
McLeod that he didn’t want non-whites to touch his money—his
Chicago bank had ‘gone negro’ and he needed to find an alternative.5
Caldwell’s (2004, xi, 344, n16) Hayek’s Challenge was funded by the John
W. Pope Foundation and the Liberty Fund (who hosted a conference to
discuss a preliminary draft of the volume). According to its 2013–2014
Annual Report, Duke University’s Centre for the History of Political
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
7

Economy (CHOPE) was ‘founded in 2008 with a significant grant from

the John W. Pope Foundation’ (Caldwell 2014); and in fiscal year 2014–
2015, CHOPE received $175,000 from the Pope Foundation.6
According to its mission statement, ‘The Pope Foundation supports
organizations that work to advance free enterprise — the same system
that allowed Variety Wholesalers to flourish — for future generations of
Americans. To achieve those ends, the Pope Foundation supports a net-
work of organizations in North Carolina that advocate for free markets,
limited government, individual responsibility, and government trans-
parency.’ With regard to ‘Education support,’ the ‘Pope Foundation
believes that Americans have a duty to teach the next generation about
the blessings of liberty.’7
The Pope Foundation is the sixth largest contributor to what Robert
Brulle (2014, 681, 687, Fig. 1) described as the ‘Climate Change
Counter Movement’ (CCCM). Referring to private sector transparency,
Bruelle reported that ‘there is evidence of a trend toward concealing the
sources of CCCM funding through the use of donor directed philan-
thropies.’ In December 2013, Whitney Ball, the president of the Donors
Trust and Donors Capital Fund, ‘said the organisation had no say in
deciding which projects would receive funding. However, Ball told the
Guardian last February that Donors offered funders the assurance their
money would never go to Greenpeace’ (Goldberg 2013). Instead, they
are committed to ‘Building a Legacy of Liberty.’8 Lawson Bader, Ball’s
successor as president of both Donors Trust and Donors Capital Fund,
was formerly president of the Competitive Enterprise Institute and Vice
President at the Mercatus Centre, George Mason University (GMU).9
In recent years, Donors Trust have received more than $3.2 million from
the ‘Knowledge and Progress Fund,’ which is chaired by Charles Koch
(Bennett 2012).10 In fiscal year 2014–2015, the Pope Foundation pro-
vided the Institute for Humane Studies (IHS) with $655,000.11
According to The New Yorker, between 2007 and 2011 the Koch
brothers

donated $41.2 million to ninety tax-exempt organizations promoting the

ultra-libertarian policies that the brothers favor—policies that are often
highly advantageous to their corporate interests. In addition, during this
8   R. Leeson

same period they gave $30.5 million to two hundred and twenty-one col-
leges and universities, often to fund academic programs advocating their
worldview. Among the positions embraced by the Kochs are fewer gov-
ernment regulations on business, lower taxes, and skepticism about the
causes and impact of climate change. (Mayer 2013)

James Buchanan Duke—the major pre-Koch benefactor of Duke

University—was a tobacco and electric power industrialist who devel-
oped modern cigarette manufacture and marketing. The slave-owning
Duke family established the

world’s greatest tobacco empire … University policy in the 1920s

excluded blacks from admissions and also restricted blacks from using
certain campus facilities such as the dining halls and dorm housing.

In 1963, the Duke University Board of Trustees officially desegregated

the undergraduate college (Twu 2010); and Duke now has a ‘Human
Rights Center at the Kenan Institute for Ethics.’12 Hayek (1978)—who
had considered South Africa as his post-American home—defended the
‘civilisation’ of Police State Apartheid from the American ‘fashion’ of
‘human rights’:

You see, my problem with all this is the whole role of what I commonly
call the intellectuals, which I have long ago defined as the secondhand
dealers in ideas. For some reason or other, they are probably more subject
to waves of fashion in ideas and more influential in the American sense
than they are elsewhere. Certain main concerns can spread here with
an incredible speed. Take the conception of human rights. I’m not sure
whether it’s an invention of the present administration or whether it’s of
an older date, but I suppose if you told an eighteen year old that human
rights is a new discovery he wouldn’t believe it. He would have thought
the United States for 200 years has been committed to human rights,
which of course would be absurd. The United States discovered human
rights two years ago or five years ago. Suddenly it’s the main object and
leads to a degree of interference with the policy of other countries which,
even if I sympathized with the general aim, I don’t think it’s in the least
justified. People in South Africa have to deal with their own problems,
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
9

and the idea that you can use external pressure to change people, who
after all have built up a civilization of a kind, seems to me morally a very
doubtful belief. But it’s a dominating belief in the United States now.13

In Up from the Projects, GMU’s Walter E. Williams (2010, 122, 125)

described being a victim of American police brutality in his jour-
ney through the Austrian School of Economics to another form of
neo-feudalism—apartheid:

our hosts treated us royally. We had no problem with apartheid because,

as Leon Louw put it, the necessary paperwork was done to make us ‘hon-
orary white people.’ That meant we stayed at such stately hotels as the
Sunnyside Park and Carleton during shorter stays and enjoyed a lovely
apartment in Johannesburg high-rise and a Mercedes-Benz during our
1980 three month stay. Just about every day we were wined, dined and
entertained … what surprised me most was the friendliness of South
Africans [who told him that] ‘we seek to separate instead of extermi-
nate.’ In other words, they argued that Americans killed off much of their
potential problems while South African whites tried to set up ‘homelands’
– separate living areas for their native population.

Whites told Williams that apartheid was light-touch regulation: ‘They

pointed to overt American racialism, brutality and lynching that was
never a significant factor in South Africa. Afrikaners also cited what
they saw as their general humaneness towards their native peoples, again
as compared to the comparable Americans’ situation.’
The Last Knight of Liberalism placed a limit of Mises’ omnipotence:
‘there were a few magnificent obituaries that Mises would not be able
to read’ (Hülsmann 2007, 1036–1037). But according to Boettke
(2009), Mises’ Human Action is ‘The [Boettke’s emphasis] Treatise in
Economics.’
As the Vietnam War accelerated, Mises (1963, 282; 1966, 282)
used Human Action to lobby for the Warfare State: ‘He who in our age
opposes armaments and conscription is, perhaps unbeknown to him-
self, an abettor of those aiming at the enslavement of all.’ Jörg Guido
Hülsmann’s (2007, 677, n149; 1029, n38) only mention of this aspect
10   R. Leeson

of Mises’ philosophy comes in a footnote: And ‘a Mrs. Powell Moffit

complained about his endorsement of conscription in the 2nd edition’
of Human Action. Mises’ card-carrying Austro-Fascist status (member
282632) and his membership of the official Fascist social club mem-
bership card (member 406183) is also only mentioned in a foot-
note. And Hülsmann’s (2007, 1036) only mention of Vietnam states:
‘Most of all, Mises must have enjoyed the sort of recognition that
comes from the concrete actions of people he had inspired.’ In April
1967, William S. Cushman—a man from Hollywood ‘bound’ for the
Vietnam War—made the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE)
his life insurance beneficiary. ‘In the event of my death I would want
this money [$15,000] to be used only [emphasis in original] to place
copies of Human Action by Ludwig von Mises in any libraries which
will accept them.’
On 4 May 1970, four students protesting against Richard Nixon’s
undeclared bombing war on Cambodia were shot dead by national
guardsmen at Kent State University. In May 1970, Mises made his
‘last extensive lecture trip’—to Stanford, University of Southern
California, Rice University and the University of Arizona funded by
the Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI) and accompanied by Charles
Heatherly. When only about 25 members of the University of Arizona
faculty came to meet Mises, Louis Gasper described his colleagues
as being ‘like jackals, but don’t forget the atmosphere of this campus
is leftist and the excitement about Nixon and Cambodia is increasing.’
Margit Mises (1984, 171–172) described Gasper’s response to Mises as
verifying ‘once more the bewilderment, adoration, and awe young peo-
ple often felt when they first met my husband.’ At the time, Gasper
was Assistant Professor of Economics at the University of Arizona, and
later became a member of the First Estate (a Knight Commander of the
Equestrian Order of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem) and Associate
Professor of Economics at the University of Dallas.
As Williams (2010) came Up from the Projects to a ‘high-rise’ vision
of apartheid and a Police State-provided Mercedes-Benz, so Mises
came down from the Second Estate to a mansion ‘high up’ in the Santa
Catalina ‘hills’ owned by one of Leonard Read’s friends: ‘After a glass
of champagne, he took us in his Rolls Royce, driven by an elegant
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
11

chauffeur, to the country club, where we had the best food we had
eaten in a long, long time.’ In the southwest township of Johannesburg,
blacks like Williams who collaborated with apartheid were ‘necklaced’
(burnt alive); and Margit Mises (1984, 172) was ‘not very happy in that
Rolls Royce and was glad when we were back in the hotel. There were
only two Rolls Royces in Tucson, and everyone, of course, knew the
owners. I was afraid the students, in their excitement, might eventually
become destructive.’
Prior to Hayek’s 1974 Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences, it
appeared that global politics were moving to the left: the Conservative
Edward Heath lost the ‘Who Governs Britain’ election (February
1974); and the Republican Nixon resigned to avoid impeachment
(August 1974). In South East Asia, the ‘armaments and conscription’
of Mises’ Warfare State led to war crimes and American defeat and
‘the enslavement of all’ who lived in the societies that had been carpet
bombed ‘back to the stone age.’ But Margaret Thatcher replaced Heath
(February 1975), Ronald Reagan almost defeated Gerald Ford (August
1976), while the Koch brothers ramped-up their funding.
Mises was ‘conspicuous consumption’ for such sovereign consumers
(the donor class). The ‘elegant chauffeur came with the Rolls’; and the
Tucson Rolls owner had an ‘impressive library,’ and ‘immediately’ asked
Mises to write a ‘few words’ in his copy of Human Action, which was
open on the table when Mises arrived. He insisted that Mises was the
‘only author - besides Winston Churchill - whom he had ever asked to
autograph a book.’ Margit Mises (1984, 172) wondered whether this
‘hospitable gentleman had really read all the books in his library or
knew many of their authors.’ He ‘was charming and deeply reverential
toward Mises, even worshipful’ (email from Heatherly to Leeson 7 April
2018); and completely contemptuous of the safety of other road users:
he dispensed with his ‘elegant’ chauffeur to drive

von Mises and Margit to the club. He rocketed along the road in his
Rolls. Charles and I followed in I think my car, keeping up as best I
could. Charles said to me as we bounced along at breakneck speed, ‘It’s all
right; there’s no one on this road but us plutocrats.’ (email from Gasper
to Leeson 11 April 2018)
12   R. Leeson

In ‘The Intransigence of Ludwig von Mises,’ Jacques Rueff (2011

[1956]) stated that ‘Those who have heard him have often been aston-
ished at being led by his cogency of reasoning to places whither they, in
their all-too-human timorousness, had never dared to go.’ In 1969, the
American Economic Association made the bogus-titled ‘Ludwig E. von
Mises’ a ‘Distinguished Fellow.’14 At a public lecture in Tucson, Gasper
introduced Mises reading the citation the AEA had given him the year
before.15
One of the chief insights provided by ‘public choice’ is the extension
of the self-interest of consumers and producers (including, of course,
monopolists and externality-generators) to politicians, dictators and
bureaucrats. Non-Austrian neoclassical economists advocate policies
and structures to restrain and ward-off the dangers associated with all
concentrated power: government, labour unions, oligarchs, monop-
olists, cartels (Chapter 10, below); while Austrians surrender to pluto-
crats because they see dangers only in governments and deny that there
are any problems associated with those who fund them (the tobacco and
fossil fuel industries). Having lost the intergenerational entitlements of
‘their’ neo-feudal Habsburg State, Mises and Hayek clutched at dictato-
rial straws in the hope of defending their property:

• ‘It cannot be denied that Fascism and similar movements aiming at

the establishment of dictatorships are full of the best intentions and
that their intervention has, for the moment, saved European civili-
zation. The merit that Fascism has thereby won for itself will live on
eternally in history’ (Mises 1985 [1927], 51).
• ‘Then it will depend, from country to country, whether they are
lucky or unlucky in the kind of person who gets in power. After all,
there have been good dictators in the past; it’s very unlikely that it
will ever arise. But there may be one or two experiments where a dic-
tator restores freedom, individual freedom’ (Hayek 1978).16
• The Constitution of Liberty contains no ‘systematic discussion of
enterprise monopoly’—which was ‘excluded after careful considera-
tion mainly because it seemed not to possess the importance com-
monly attached to it. For liberals antimonopoly policy has usually
been the main object of their reformatory zeal. I believe I have myself
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
13

in the past used the tactical [emphasis added] argument that we can-
not hope to curb the coercive powers of labor unions unless we at the
same time attack enterprise monopoly’ (Hayek 2011 [1960], 381).

The Duke University ‘Hayek Lecture Series’ is ‘funded by a grant from

the Thomas Smith Foundation and is co-sponsored by the Philosophy,
Politics and Economics Program and the Program in American Values
and Institutions at Duke’ (Caldwell 2014). Boettke delivered the 2015
Hayek Lecture on ‘Taming Leviathan.’ In addition to the cliché derived
from Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan is a fear-inducing sea monster—
something akin to what the Economist (2014) calls the ‘Kochtopus’: the
Koch brothers are at the

heart of one of America’s most powerful political machines. Most busi-

nesspeople take a strategic approach to politics: they lobby for special
privileges and contribute to both sides of the political aisle. The Koch
brothers have ideology in their DNA. Fred senior was a leading light
in the anti-communist John Birch Society. David ran as the Libertarian
Party’s vice-presidential candidate in 1980, and Charles and David
helped to raise an estimated $400m for efforts to defeat Barack Obama’s
re-election bid in 2012. Critics fret about the ‘Kochtopus’—the Kochs
and the network of institutions that they finance, ranging from the
Cato Institute, an august think-tank in Washington, DC, to Tea Party
­organisations like Americans for Prosperity.

In fiscal year 2014–2015, the Pope Foundation provided IHS with

$655,000.17 Boettke is the ‘Charles Koch Distinguished Alumnus, The
Institute for Humane Studies,’18 and the ‘vice president and director of
the F. A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics,
and Economics at the Mercatus Cente as well as the BB&T [Branch
Banking and Trust Company] Professor for the Study of Capitalism.’19
‘Study’ means something different in the ‘free’ market than it does out-
side: Robert Murphy’s (2008) Human Action Study Guide a Guided
Tutorial of Ludwig von Mises’ Classic Work contains no reference to
Mises’ (1963, 282; 1966, 282) lobbying for the Warfare State; and nei-
ther does the tax-exempt Mises Institute’s Human Action the Scholar’s
Edition (Mises 1998).
14   R. Leeson

In Towards Liberty, a celebration of Mises’ 90th birthday, Sven

Rydenfelt (1971) asked ‘Would not the people in the old centrally
located residential areas be unjustly hit if the rent control were abol-
ished?’ before answering: ‘No, these people have been privileged for
­decades. Abolishment of the privileges means a change but no unjustice.
The wasteful disposition of the housing space in these areas is the prin-
ciple cause of the housing shortage. A better economy with this space
would have given room to the homeless as well.’
Those who funded Mises—the ISI—declared that ‘Personal respon-
sibility is central to the idea of a free society and to the concept of
self-government. Because each individual is morally responsible for his
acts, citizens in a free society have an obligation to educate themselves
to further the common good through the political process: this is the
proper and necessary function of self-government.’20 Do Second Estate
rules of personal morality not extend to real estate? Why didn’t Mises
campaign against his own three-bedroomed rent-controlled Manhattan
apartment? To ‘tap the masses directly, to short-circuit the dominant
media and intellectual elites, to rouse the masses of people against the
elites that are looting them, and confusing them, and oppressing them,
both socially and economically,’ Rothbard (1992) promoted the slogan
‘Get Rid of the Bums. Again: unleash the cops to clear the streets of
bums and vagrants. Where will they go? Who cares? Hopefully, they
will disappear, that is, move from the ranks of the petted and cosseted
bum class to the ranks of the productive members of society [Rothbard’s
bold].’
According to ISI—who also funded Hayek—‘Laws, not men, rule a
free society. The Constitution of the United States, with its division of
powers, is the best arrangement yet devised for empowering government
while preventing the concentration of power.’21 Hayek (1978) told
Buchanan—the co-founder of ‘Masonomics’—that he sought to over-
throw the Constitution of the United States and replace it with a single
sentence written by a dictator-promoting European aristocrat:

After all, the one phrase in the American Constitution, or rather in the
First Amendment, which I think most highly of is the phrase, ‘Congress
shall make no law….’ Now, that’s unique, but unfortunately [it goes]
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
15

only to a particular point. I think the phrase ought to read, ‘Congress

should make no law authorizing government to take any discriminatory
measures of coercion.’ I think this would make all the other rights unnec-
essary and create the sort of conditions which I want to see.22

Like ‘von’ Hayek, ‘von’ Mises generally referred to Otto the Hapsburg
Pretender as ‘His Majesty, Kaiser Otto’ and ‘Imperial Highness’—long
after the prospect of a restoration of the Austrian monarchy had dis-
appeared (Hülsmann 2007, 818). The House of Habsburg ruled over
Spain (and thus much of the Americas) until they inter-bred themselves
to extinction. The United States was founded by those who were fearful
of both the First (the government-backed clergy) and the Second Estate
(the government-backed aristocracy). The 1791 First Amendment sep-
arated Church and State: ‘Congress shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion; or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the peo-
ple peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress
of grievances.’
The Austrian School of Economics is promoted—and funded—by
those who profess deep religiosity. General Francisco Franco invited
Otto the Habsburg Pretender to ‘resume’ the Spanish Crown; Franco
was a ‘dictator of the South American type … not totalitarian like
Hitler or Stalin.’ Shortly after the end of World War II, Felix Somary
informed Otto that ‘Aristocracy has to begin somewhere,’ and—
pointing to some westward bound ‘unkempt’ train passengers (some
presumably refugees)—added: ‘These are going to be our overlords in
the future.’ But von Habsburg had hope: ‘There is an extraordinary
revival of religion in France … I never would have thought one could
dare to say in France what Sarkozy is saying—that the separation of
church and state in France is wrong’ (Watters 2005; Morgan 2011).
In ‘Right-Wing Populism,’ Rothbard (1992) sought to create an
Austrian Police State with only notional controls on coercive pow-
ers: ‘Cops must be unleashed, and allowed to administer instant pun-
ishment, subject of course to liability when they are in error.’ In ‘Flog
Him,’ Rockwell (1994) appeared to salivate over ‘six of the best …
to be administered on his bare buttocks with a half-inch wide,
16   R. Leeson

disinfectant-soaked rattan cane … a tough spanking on your bare rear

end enlists the emotion of shame, particularly powerful among adoles-
cents, in the cause of law and order … I’d bring back the stocks and the
rotten tomatoes too.’ ‘Free’ market promoters seek to remove govern-
ment supervision of schools so that ‘religiously incorrect’ children can
have—not corporal, but—capital punishment inflicted them. The Mises
Institute (e.g., Sheldon Richman and Jim Bovard) and GMU (e.g., Don
Boudreaux) maintain a united front with Rousas John Rushdoony and
his Presuppositionalist theocrats via the ‘Separation of School & State
Alliance’ (Olson 1998).
In Economics on Trial: Lies, Myths and Realities, the Mormon mis-
sionary Mark Skousen (1991, 12, 153, 155, 212, 276, 287) described
the heroes of ‘The Expanding Austrian Universe’ including Richard
Ebeling and universities where Austrians had ‘taken hold’ (NYU, GMU,
Auburn University, and the University of Nevada at Las Vegas). All
except NYU are public universities. Skousen saw ‘no justification for
government subsidisation of education on the grounds of beneficial
externalities’ because many teachers ‘ridicule traditional religious and
cultural values.’ Gary North, the Ludwig von Mises Institute Murray
Rothbard Medal of Freedom holder, proclaims: ‘So let us be blunt
about it. We must use the doctrine of religious liberty to gain inde-
pendence for Christian schools until we train up a generation of peo-
ple who know that there is no religious neutrality, no neutral law, no
neutral education, and no neutral civil government. Then they will get
busy in constructing a Bible-based social, political and religious order
which finally denies the religious liberty of the enemies of God’ (cited
by Olson 1998).
Boettke (2014)—the President of Hayek’s Mont Pelerin Society—
describes historians of economic thought as ‘gullible’—they play ‘ide-
ological checkers’ while he plays ‘scholarly chess … Yes, I know that
sounds elitist, but scholarship requires certain abilities and tempera-
ment.’ Hayek (1949) sought recruits through fantasy: ‘what we lack is
a liberal utopia’; and Walter Block (2011) described the ‘Nuremberg
type’ justice that would be part of this utopian: ‘retribution, on a mas-
sive scale.’ In this ‘free’ market kangaroo justice system, Hayek, Ebeling,
Skousen et al. convicted Pigou of undermining capitalism by proposing
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
17

externality taxes and by gun-running for Stalin (Leeson 2015a): does

Boettke—North’s fellow Presuppositionalist—have a list of those who
will be stoned to death when the ‘free’ market triumphs?
After Britain left the gold standard in 1931, Mises told his Viennese
seminar participants that ‘In one week, England will be in hyper-
inflation’—which John Hicks (1989, 101, n8) described as ‘ridicu-
lous.’ Mises’ understanding of politics was equally delusional. In 1940,
describing the ‘Fascists’ who had recently ‘saved European civilization,’

Mises could hardly believe what he read in the newspapers. ‘Belgium!

Holland!’ he exclaimed in his notebook on May 10 … On June 14,
Mises exclaimed again: ‘Paris!’ and three days later ‘Armistice!’ It was an
ordeal. May 1940 was, as he later recalled, ‘the most disastrous month of
Europe’s history.’ It was the only time he was ever wrong in forecasting an
important political or economic event. (Hülsmann 2007, 751)

Mises (1985 [1927], 49) also prophesized the ‘moderate’ course that
Fascist would pursue: ‘Fascism will never succeed as completely as
Russian Bolshevism in freeing itself from the power of liberal ideas.’ As
soon as the ‘first flush of anger had passed,’ Fascist ‘policy took a more
moderate course and will probably become even more so with the pas-
sage of time.’
When North (1987) thinks of man-on-man sex, he feels himself
‘under siege’: his devotion to Presuppositionalism appears to have led
to a ‘Lead us Not into Temptation’ obsession with public stoning. But
God had intervened on his behalf: ‘A decade from now’ homosexuals
will ‘all be dead. There will be no gay lobby because there will be no
male gays. (The irony of all this is that the one group that is proba-
bly safest is the lesbian community.) But we must recognize what we
face. The disease [AIDS] will be here in a decade because judgment has
come.’
Herman Finer (1945, ix, 210) detected in Hayek (his LSE colleague)
a ‘thoroughly Hitlerian contempt for the democratic man.’ According
to Hitler, ‘the Jewish doctrine of Marxism repudiates the aristo-
cratic principle of nature’ (cited by Bullock 1962, 40). As ‘von’ Hayek
(2007 [1944]) was writing The Road to Serfdom, the Austrian School
18   R. Leeson

philosopher, Erik ‘Ritter von’ Kuehnelt-Leddihn (alias F. S. Campbell

1978 [1943]), published The Menace of the Herd. Austrian School
economists and philosophers openly embraced ‘natural aristocracy’
(Rockwell 1994, 19), monarchy, or anything but democracy (Hoppe
2001), and a ‘small, self-perpetuating oligarchy of the ablest and most
interested’ (Rothbard 1994, 10). As the President of the Ludwig von
Miss Institute put it,

democracy is a sham that should be opposed by all liberty-loving people.

Voting and elections confer no legitimacy whatsoever on any government,
and to the extent a democratic political process replaces outright war it
should be seen as only slightly less horrific. (Deist 2017)

In Manhattan (1940–1973), ‘von’ Mises was in ‘many ways still

attached to the old world: he had a color picture of the Emperor Franz
Josef II hanging on the wall’ of his rent-controlled apartment (Koether
2000, 5). Presumably, George Koether was referring to Emperor Franz
Josef I (1830–1916) who ruled the Habsburg Empire from age 18
(1848) until 1916. Mises (1881–1973) was born in Lemberg (Lviv)
which is now part of the Ukraine—it was, presumably, only acciden-
tal that Mises did not have a colour picture of Tsar Nicholas II (1868–
1917) hanging on his wall.
Lt. Col. Ebeling, formerly ‘The Ludwig von Mises Professor of
Economics’ at George Roche III’s Hillsdale College and now the ‘BB&T
Distinguished Professor of Ethics and Free Enterprise Leadership of the
Citadel Military College,’ is proud of the role he played in the botched
privitization that facilitated the rise of Vladimir Putin and ‘Russia of
the Oligarchs’ (Haiduk 2015). Following the 2016 presidential elec-
tion, sanctions were imposed on 38 individuals and companies close to
Putin—including seven Russian oligarchs and 17 government officials—
in response to the Kremlin’s worldwide pattern of ‘malign activities’
(Dorell and Stanglin 2018). Moscow has become the ‘shining city on
the hill’ for neo-feudal ‘liberty’: the top 10% of the Russian population
control 85% of the country’s wealth and 111 people control 19% of all
household wealth.23 And the ‘peace dividend’ has evaporated.
 1 ‘Property’ + ‘Aristocratic Dignity’ = ‘Scientific Glory’    
19

As Adam Smith famously declared: ‘it is not from the benevo-

lence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our din-
ner, but from their regard to their own interest.’ The ‘free’ market is
funded by the ‘educational’ charities associated with Richard Mellon
Scaife (Teacher 2018a, b). His mother, Sarah Cordelia Mellon, was the
niece of Andrew Mellon, the ‘Austerian’ deflation-promoting Treasury
Secretary (1921–1932) who, according to President Herbert Hoover
(1952, 29–32), was responsible for his one-term status:

Two schools of thought quickly developed within our administration dis-

cussions. First was the ‘leave it alone liquidationists’ headed by Secretary
of the Treasury Mellon, who felt that government must keep its hands
off and let the slump liquidate itself. Mr. Mellon had only one formula:
‘Liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate the farmers, liquidate real
estate.’ He insisted that, when the people get an inflation brainstorm, the
only way to get it out of their blood is to let it collapse. He held that
even a panic was not altogether a bad thing. He said: ‘It will purge the
rottenness out of the system. High costs of living and high living will
come down. People will work harder, live a more moral life. Values will be
adjusted, and enterprising people will pick up the wrecks from less com-
petent people.’24

The 1929 crash of the ‘free’ stock market preceded deflation. In 1932—
with 23.53% Great Depression unemployment—17,000 ‘Great’ War
veterans and their families demanded early cash-payment redemption
of their 1924 service certificates. The Army Chief of Staff, General
Douglas MacArthur, used six tanks to remove the ‘Bonus Expeditionary
Force’ and demolish their Washington camp. ‘Lt. Col. Richard
M. Ebeling, PhD’ (2013) was outraged at

pictures of ‘anti-austerity’ demonstrations in many European countries.

The cries are all the same: ‘Please don’t take away my government job,
don’t take away my government pension, don’t take away my government
health care, my government-guaranteed wage and work conditions, my
government mandated month’s vacation, my government provided …
everything.’
20   R. Leeson

The 1912 end of Manchu rule preceded the 1918–1919 end of

Habsburg rule: in China, resistance to the requirement that men
wear the queue or cue (ponytail) hairstyle symbolized the animos-
ity to Empire. The Red Terror takeover in 1949 was welcomed by
Joan Robinson (1969) who believed that the West could learn from
Chairman Mao and China’s Cultural Revolution. The Chinese mil-
itary crushed the ‘89 Democracy Movement’ in the ‘Tiananmen
Square Massacre’; and in ‘What China Can Learn from America’s
Great Depression’—an Introduction to a Chinese translation of
Rothbard’s (2000 [1963]) America’s Great Depression, ‘now available
in the People’s Republic of China’—Ebeling (2017) recommended
the liquidationism of two White Terror promoters, ‘von’ Mises’ and
Rothbard’s: ‘competitive free market institutions, even in the banking
and financial sectors,’ will ‘bring about long-run economic betterment
for all in society.’25
In ‘Red Light States: Who Buys Online Adult Entertainment?’
Benjamin Edelman (2009, Table 2, 217, 219) found that there is a posi-
tive relationship between pornography consumption and the proportion
of the population of a State that agrees with statements such as

Even today miracles are performed by the power of God.

I never doubt the existence of God.
Prayer is an important part of my daily life.
I have old-fashioned values about family and marriage.
AIDS might be God’s punishment for immoral sexual behavior.

The faithful have a ‘come to Jesus moment’: their consumption of por-

nography falls on Sunday before rising again on Monday.
White evangelicals overwhelmingly voted for Donald Trump in the
2016 election and were a key part of his constituency:

Three-quarters of white evangelical Protestants approve of the way Trump

is handling his job as president, according to a new analysis of Pew
Research Center surveys conducted in February and April [2017]. This
is nearly twice as high as the president’s approval rating with the general
public (39%). (Smith 2017)
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
bees in spring-time, like, xii. 121.
beggarly, unmannered corse, xii. 285.
beggars are coming to town, The, etc., viii. 408 n.
beguile the slow and creeping hours of time, xii. 157.
Begun in gladness, whereof has come, etc., vii. 57.
Behold the fate of a reformer, etc., vi. 378.
Behold the lilies of the field, etc., xi. 504; vi. 392.
Behold the twig, to which thou laidest down thy head, is now
become a tree, v. 199.
Behold thy mother, etc., v. 184.
beholds that lady in her bower, etc., viii. 308.
Believe me, the providence of God, etc., vi. 100.
believes him to have been the greatest genius, etc., v. 123.
believes in a fat capon, x. 69.
bellum internecinum, iii. 61; xi. 469.
Below the bottom of the great abyss, etc., v. 315.
Belton so pert, and so pimply, viii. 120; x. 38.
Beneath the hills, along the flowery vales, etc., iv. 272.
Beneath the hills, amid the flowery groves, etc., vii. 233.
Besides these jolly birds, whose corpse impure, v. 80.
best can feel them, xii. 43.
best company in the world, the, viii. 82.
best of kings, i. 305; iii. 41.
best of men (The) that e’er wore earth about him, was a sufferer,
etc., v. 185.
best tennis players, the, vii. 42.
best-found, and latest, as well as earliest choice, viii. 392.
best thing (that the) that could have happened to a man was never
to have been born, etc., i. 1.
bestow his tediousness, xii. 40.
Better be lord of them that riches have, etc., vi. 111.
better none, x. 185.
Beware, therefore, with lordes for to play, etc., iii. 385.
Beyond Hyde Park all is a desart, etc., vi. 187; vii. 67; viii. 36.
bidding, at his, viii. 236.
bid a gay defiance to mischance, must, etc., viii. 160.
Bidding the lovely scenes, etc., ix. 94; xii. 151.
Bigger than a mustard seed, at first no, etc., x. 395.
bis repetita crambe, vii. 126.
bitter bad judges, i. 94; vi. 310, 407.
black and melancholy yew trees, No, ix. 145.
black mutton or white, v. 114; vii. 173.
black upon white, and white upon black, vi. 319.
blasts from hell, viii. 363.
blazons herself, viii. 74.
bleating oratory, the, v. 323.
blesses the Regent, etc., iii. 42.
Blessings be with them, and eternal praise, etc., i. 22.
blights the tender blossom, etc., xii. 140.
blind with rain, ix. 109.
blindness to the future kindly given, Oh! etc., vi. 250.
blinking Sam, xi. 221.
blocking out and staying in, xii. 233.
blossom tear? Ah! why so soon the, xii. 207.
blotted out the map of Europe, xii. 291.
Blow, blow, thou winter’s wind, xii. 122.
blown about by every wind, etc., xii. 441.
blushes with blood of queens and kings, vii. 225.
body of this death, the, xii. 125.
bony prizer, viii. 357; xi. 367.
bonzes and priests, of all religions, the, etc., viii. 104.
book in the world he was the best pleased with, viii. 94.
book, sealed, ix. 29.
Books do not teach the use of books, vi. 73.
Books, dreams are each a world, and books, we know, are a
substantial world, both pure and good, v. 247; vii. 372; viii. 120;
x. 38; xi. 295.
book and brain, within the volume of the, etc., vi. 173.
bordered on the verge of all we hate, viii. 188.
Borealis race, Or like the, iii. 141.
born for the universe, iv. 251.
Born for their use, they live but to oblige them, etc., vii. 80.
born in a garret sixteen storeys high, iv. 258.
born to converse, to live, and act with ease, xi. 381.
Born universal heir to all humanity! vi. 42, 253.
born within the sound of Bow-bell, vii. 70.
bosom of its Father and its God, v. 137.
both end and use, iii. 323.
both living and loving! ii. 310.
Both thought it was the wisest course, etc., viii. 66.
bound them with Styx, xii. 260.
bow their crested pride, iii. 11.
brain would have been like a smokejack, my, vi. 275.
brangle and brave-all, etc., iii. 314.
brave man in distress, a, xi. 533.
brave sublunary things, vi. 193; vii. 265; xii. 153.
brazen throat and iron tongue, with its, etc., xii. 55.
break out like a wild overthrow, vi. 164.
breath that under heaven is blown, By every little, iv. 333; xii. 22.
breath can mar them as a breath has made, A, vii. 52; xi. 197.
Breathed hot, From all the boundless furnace of the sky, etc., v. 88.
breezy call of incense-breathing morn, ix. 51.
Brentford on one throne, So sit two Kings of, ix. 236.
Brentford to Ealing, from, etc., viii. 168, 318.
Brightest, if there be remaining Any service, without feigning, etc.,
v. 255.
brilliant land! Ah! etc., viii. 441.
Bring back the hour of glory in the grass, etc., vi. 257.
Bring but a Scotsman frae his hill, etc., xi. 446.
Britain’s warriors, her Statesmen, etc., iii. 162, 258; xi. 429.
Britain’s warriors, the flower of, etc., xi. 429.
Britannia rival Greece, bid, vi. 270.
broad as it is long, as, xi. 369.
brother, and half the story had its, etc., viii. 399.
brother of the groves, a, viii. 467; xii. 133.
brother, Sir Charles, lived to himself, her, vi. 90.
brothers of the angle, xii. 19.
Brownies and Bogilis full is his Buik, of, x. 311.
Brunswick’s fated line, iii. 117. bubble knocks another on the head,
one, etc., viii. 464.
bud of the briar, the, v. 323.
building up of our feelings through the imagination, vii. 408 n.
Buonaparte, little bookselling, xi. 386
burden and the mystery, the, v. 67; ix. 159.
buried as a man, he had been, etc., xii., 353.
burning and shining light, i. 60.
burnished fly in month of June, a, v. 88.
Busied about some wicked gin, xi. 581.
But a little way off, they saw the mast, etc., v. 323.
But for an utmost end, etc., xi. 265.
But he so teazed me, viii. 255.
But I will come again, my love, An’ it were ten thousand mile, ii.
290.
But if, unblameable in word and thought, etc., v. 94.
But not for me the merry bells, viii. 525.
But of the two, less dangerous is the offence, etc., v. 74.
But still the world, etc., iii. 254.
But ’tis the fall degrades her to a whore, etc., iii. 46; vii. 368; xi.
475.
But the admirers of this great poet have most reason to complain,
etc., i. 177.
But the commandment of knowledge, etc., v. 332.
But there is matter for a second rhyme, etc., xi. 282; xii. 275.
But thou, oh Hope, with eyes so fair, etc., viii. 436.
But where are the other eleven? i. 257.
But where ye doubt the truth not knowing, Believing the best, good
may be growing, etc., v. 280.
butterflies flutter around, And gaudy, xii. 25.
buttress, wall, and tower, Where, ix. 266.
by a long tract of time, by the use of language, etc., vii. 387.
By him lay heavie Sleepe, cosin of Death, etc., v. 196.
By our first strange and fatal interview, etc., xii. 28.
By the first part of this last tale, etc., v. 275.
by the help of his fayre hornes on hight, v. 42.
By the mass I saw him of late call up a great black devil, etc., v.
288.
by words only ... a man becometh, x. 135.

C.
Cætera desunt, vi. 121.
calamity, the rub that makes, etc., xii. 199.
call evil good and good evil, to, xi. 341.
Call not so loud or they will hear us, vii. 377.
call up him who left half-told, And, xii. 27.
Calling each by name, etc., ix. 401.
Calm contemplation and majestic pains, iv. 274; vi. 26; ix. 44.
Calm contemplation and poetic ease, v. 71; xi. 432, 508.
calm, peaceable writers, vi. 254.
came, saw, and were satisfied, we, viii. 455.
Canning had the most elegant mind since Virgil, xi. 336 n.
canny ways and pawky looks, xii. 91.
canonised bones, his, vi. 58.
cant religious, cant political, etc., xii. 338.
capacity, a greater general, etc., x. 178.
caput mortuum, xi. 495.
careful after many things, They are, etc., xii. 197.
Care, mad to see a man so happy, etc., v. 129.
Care mounted behind the horseman, etc., vi. 87.
cares, And ever against eating, etc., xii. 142.
Carnage is its daughter! i. 214; vii. 374; viii. 348.
Carnage is her daughter, iii. 120 n.
Carnage was the daughter of Humanity, i. 391 n.; iii. 166.
Carnation was a colour he never could abide, xi. 457.
Carlo Maratti succeeded better than those, etc., vi. 124.
carries noise, and behind it, it leaves tears, it, viii. 348.
cast both body and soul into hell, xii. 359.
cast some longing, lingering looks behind, viii. 250.
Castalie, the dew of, v. 14; x. 156; xii. 294.
castle walls crumbled into ashes, his, etc., viii. 309.
casuist, that noble and liberal, i. 235; viii. 186.
cat and canary-bird, the, etc., x. 195.
catalogue they go for actors, in the, viii. 465.
Catch a king and kill a king, xi. 551.
Catch ere she falls, The Cynthia of the minute, xi. 402.
catch glimpses that may make them less forlorn! vi. 27; xi. 267; xii.
42.
catch the breezy air, vii. 70.
cathedral’s gloom and choir, The, etc., ix. 207; xi. 535.
Caucasus, the frosty, xii. 149.
cause of evil, re-risen, iii. 117.
cause was hearted, the, xii. 288.
Cease your funning, viii. 194, 255, 323. 470.
censure the age, When they, etc., vii. 377.
Centaur not fabulous, xii. 228.
certain lady of a manor, a, i. 422; xi. 273 n.
certain little gentleman, a, iii. 312.
Certain so wroth are they, iii. 268.
certain tender bloom his fame o’erspreads, A, xii. 207, 262.
Certainly, as her eyelids are more pleasant to behold, etc., v. 324.
C’est un mauvais métier que celui de médire, vii. 205.
Chaldee wise, The, etc., v. 292.
Challenges essoine, from every work he, xii. 46, 225.
chamber, was dispainted all within, His, etc., viii. 128.
chapel-bell, the little, xii. 305.
chargeable, very, x. 172.
Charity begins at home, iii. 289; xi. 319.
Charity covers a multitude of sins, vii. 83; viii. 33.
charm these deaf adders wisely, xi. 415.
Charming Betsy Careless, the, viii. 144.
Charron, Or more wise, viii. 93 n.
chase his fancy’s rolling speed, x. 120.
cheap defence, i. 295.
cheat the gallows face, xi. 551.
cheese-parings, as a saving of, etc., vii. 273.
chemist, statesman, fiddler and buffoon, i. 85; x. 207.
cherish our prejudices, etc., xii. 395.
child and champion of Jacobinism, iii. 99, 227; iv. 6; xi. 422.
child is father to the man, the, vii. 231; xi. 334.
children of yon azure sheen, As are the, xii. 262.
children of the world are wiser, the, etc., xi. 522; xii. 298.
children’s play, Come, let us leave off, etc., iii. 132.
children sporting, We see the, etc., vi. 92; xii. 130.
chips of short-lung’d Seneca, The dry, etc., x. 98.
chop off his head, viii. 201.
choosing songs the Regent named, In, etc., iv. 359.
Christ, inscribed the cross of, etc., xii, 261.
Christ Jesus! what mighty crime, etc., vi. 239.
Christian could die! to see how a, xii. 330.
chrysolite, this one entire and perfect, xii. 105, 235.
Ci giace il gran Titiano di Vecelli, etc., ix. 270.
Circled Una’s angel face, and made a sunshine in the shady place,
v. 46; x. 77.
cities in Romanian lands, Of all the, etc., xii. 323.
city, no mean, ix. 69.
city set on a hill, a, etc., x. 335.
clad in flesh and blood, i. 13, 135.
Clad in the wealthy robes his genius wrought, etc., ii. 108.
Clamour grew dumb, unheard was shepherd’s song, etc., v. 315.
clap on high his coloured winges twain, v. 35; x. 74.
clappeth his wings, and straightway he is gone, viii. 404; ix. 70.
clear it from all controversy, to, etc., iv. 335; vi. 52.
Cleopatra, will be the fatal, xii. 310.
clerk there was of Oxenford also, A, etc., i. 84.
clock that wants both hands, A, etc., viii. 434.
Close to the gate a spacious garden lies, etc., ix. 325.
clothed and fed, with which they are, ix. 93.
cloud by day, neither the, etc., ix. 361.
clouds in which Death hid himself, the, etc., vii. 14.
clouds of detraction, of envy and lies, through, vii. 367.
clouds over the Caspian, like two, xii. 11.
Cockney School in Poetry, xii. 256 n.
coil and pudder, xi. 554; xii. 335, 383.
Cold drops of sweat sit dangling on my hairs, etc., v. 212.
cold icicles, the, from his rough beard Dropped adown upon her
snowy breast! v. 38.
cold rheum, vi. 304.
Colonel took upon him to wear a shirt, x. 382; xii. 142.
colouring of Titian, the grace of Raphael, etc., vi. 74.
come betwixt the wind and their nobility, vii. 378.
come, but no farther, xii. 108.
Come, gentle Spring, etc., v. 86.
come home to the bosoms and businesses of men, i. 200; v. 333;
vii. 293, 337; viii. 91; xi. 548; xii. 377, 400.
Come, kiss me, love, viii. 265.
Come, live with me and be my love, v. 99, 211, 298.
Come, say before all these, etc., viii. 265.
Come then, the colours and the ground prepare, etc., vii. 290; viii.
73, 186; xi. 240.
comes like a satyr, iv. 246.
comes the tug of war, viii. 219.
comforted with their bright radiance, xi. 346.
coming and going he knew not where, i. 90.
Coming events cast their shadow before, vii. 50; x. 221; xii. 113.
Coming, gentlemen, coming, x. 382.
Coming Reviews cast their shadows before, x. 221.
common people always prefer exertion and agility to grace, ix. 173.
companion of my way, Let me have a, etc., vi. 182.
companion of the lonely hour, xii. 53.
companions of the spring, The painted birds, xi. 271.
company, Tell me your, etc., vi. 202; xi. 196; xii. 133.
compelled to give in evidence against himself, i. 129.
complex constable, that, iii. 299.
compost heap, a, vi. 37.
Compound for sins they are inclin’d to, etc., viii. 18.
conceit or the world well lost, all for, xii. 363.
condemned to everlasting fame, x. 375.
confined in too narrow room, iii. 290.
conformed to this world, to be, iii. 275; viii. 146.
Conniving house (as the gentlemen of Trinity), etc., i. 56.
conquering and to conquer, xi. 418.
conscience and tender heart, Where all is, ii. 371; iii. 155; iv. 204,
326; vi. 165; vii. 173, 280; x. 238.
conspicuous scene, etc., xii. 31.
constant chastity, unspotted faith, etc., iii. 208.
constrained by mastery, iii. 166; iv. 220; v. 86; vii. 197; viii. 404; ix.
17; xii. 188.
constrain his genius by mastery, viii. 479.
consummation of the art devoutly to be wished, a, viii. 190; xii. 125.
contagious gentleness, viii. 309.
contemporary bards would be admired when Homer and Virgil
were forgotten, xi. 288.
contempt of the choice of the people, i. 394, 427; iii. 32 and n., 175,
401.
contempt of their worshippers, in, xii. 244.
content man’s natural desire, vi. 324.
Continents have more, of what they contain, etc., iii. 272; vi. 205;
xii. 16.
Contra audentior ito, xi. 514.
conversation, To excel in, etc., vii. 32.
converse with the mighty dead, Hold high, ix. 69.
convertible to the same abandoned purpose, iii. 91.
cooped and cabined in by saucy doubts and fears, viii. 477; xii. 125.
copied the other, Which of you, ix. 33.
Corinthian capitals of polished society, the, iv. 290; xii. 131.
coronet face, the, xii. 226.
Corporate bodies have no soul, vi. 264.
corrupter sort of mere politiques, The, etc., v. 329.
could be content if the species were continued like trees, he, v. 334.
could he lay sacrilegious hands, etc., viii. 269.
counterfeiten chere, To, etc., iii. 268.
courage never to submit, etc., xii. 192.
courtly, the court, viii. 55; ix. 61.
courtiers offended should be, lest the, etc., iii. 45; viii. 457.
Cover her face: my eyes dazzle: she died young, v. 246.
covers a multitude of sins, vii. 83; viii. 33.
coxcombs, the prince of, proud of being at the head, etc., viii. 36,
83.
crack of ploughs and kine, xii. 380.
Craignez Dieu, mon cher Abner, etc., ix. 116.
Created hugest that swim the oceanstream, vii. 13.
Creation’s tenant, he is nature’s heir, xi. 500.
creature of the element, a, etc., xii. 30.
Credat Judæus Apella, xii. 266.
Credo quia impossibile est, vii. 351.
credulous hope, the, etc., xii. 321.
cries all the way from Portsmouth, etc., viii. 322.
crisis is at hand for every man to take part for, the, etc., vi. 154.
crown which Ariadne wore, etc., x. 186.
crown of the head, From the, etc., xii., 247.
cruel sunshine thrown by fortune on a fool, etc., xi. 550.
crust of formality, a, vi. 356.
cry more tuneable, A, etc., xii. 18.
cubit from his stature, a, viii. 263.
Cucullus non facit monachum, vii. 236.
Cuique tribuito suum, v. 368; vii. 191.
Cupid and my Campaspe play’d, etc., v. 201.
Cupid, as he lay among Roses, by a bee was stung, v. 312.
cups that cheer, but not inebriate, The, etc., vi. 184.
cure for a narrow and selfish spirit, a, xii. 429.
curiosa felicitas, v. 149; xi. 606.
curl her hair so crisp and pure, to, etc., viii. 465.
curtain-close such scenes, And, etc., xii. 328.
Cut is the branch that might have grown full strait, etc., v. 206.
cut up so well in the cawl, They do not, etc., iii. 321; vii. 202; viii.
340.
cuts the common link, xii. 402.
Cymocles, oh! I burn, etc., x. 245.

D.
daily food and nourishment of the mind of the artist, the, etc., vi.
125, 126.
daily intercourse of all this unintelligible world, the, etc., viii. 420.
dainty flower or herb that grows on ground, No, etc., iv. 353.
dallies with the innocence of thought, That, etc., xii. 177.
Damn you, can’t you be cool, etc., iii. 226.
damnation round the land, iv. 224.
dancing days, Such were the joys of our, etc., viii. 437; xi. 300.
dandled and swaddled, vi. 270.
Dapple, and there I spoke of him, There I thought of, vi. 61.
dark closet, with a little glimmering of light, a, etc., xi. 174.
darkness dare affront, and with their, xii. 198.
darkness that might be felt, in, iii. 57; vi. 43.
darling in the public eye, iv. 298.
darlings of his precious eye, the, xii. 195.
dashed and brewed, vii. 140; x. 235.
dateless bargain, to all engrossing despotism, a, xi. 414.
daughter and his ducats, his, xii. 142 n.
daughters of memory, the, iv. 348.
day, It was the, etc., viii. 288.
Dazzled with excess of light, viii. 551.
dazzling fence of argument, the, xii. 358.
De apparentibus et non existentibus eadem est ratio, v. 341 n.; vii.
50; xii. 56, 217.
De mortius nil nisi bonum, viii. 323.
de omne scibile et quibusdam aliis, vi. 214; vii. 315.
de omnibus rebus et quibusdam aliis, xi. 467.
d’un pathetique à faire fendre les rochers, vi. 236.
deaf the praised ear, and mute the tuneful tongue, v. 274.
Dear chorister, who from these shadows sends, etc., v. 300.
Death may be called in vain, and cannot come, etc., v. 357.
death there is animation too, Even in, ix. 221.
deathless date, vi. 291.
decked in purple and in pall, etc., viii. 308.
declamations or set speeches, His, are commonly cold, etc., i. 177.
decorum is the principal thing, v. 360.
dedicate its sweet leaves, i. 386.
Deem not devoid of elegance the sage, By Fancy’s genuine feelings
unbeguiled, etc., v. 120.
deep abyss of time, fast anchored in the, vii. 125.
deep, within that lowest, etc., xii. 144.
defections, his right-handed, etc.,
vii. 181.
defend the right, to, x. 167.
degree, in a high or low, etc., xi. 442.
Deh! quando tu sarai tornato al mondo, ix. 251.
Deh vieni alla finestra, viii. 365.
deity they shout around, A present, etc., x. 191; xii. 250.
deliberately or for money, iv. 339; vi. 56.
delicious breath painting sends forth, What a, etc., ix. 19.
delicious thought, of being regarded as a clever fellow, i. 93 n.
delight in love, ’tis when I see, If there’s, etc., viii. 73.
delight in! to fear, not to, xii. 243.
Deliverance for mankind, vi. 152 n.
Delphin edition of Nature, xi. 335.
Demades, the Athenian, condemned a fellow-citizen, etc., viii. 94.
Demanded how we can know any proposition, but here it will be,
etc., xi. 130.
Demogorgon, dreaded name of, the, xii. 259.
demon that he served, the, vii. 285.
demon whispered, L——, have a taste, Some, vi. 94, 403.
demure, grave-looking, spring-nailed, the, etc., vi. 221; vii. 242; xi.
530.
Depreciation of Pope is partly founded upon a false idea, etc., xi.
490.
depth of a forest, in the kingdom of Indostan, In the, etc., xi. 267.
Descended from the Irish kings, etc., i. 54.
deserter of Smorgonne, iii. 54.
Desire to please, etc., viii. 278; xii. 177, 183, 426.
Despise low joys, etc., xii. 31.
Despise low thoughts, low gains, etc., v. 77.
Destroy his fib or sophistry: in vain, etc., iv. 300.
Detur optimo, vii. 187.
Deva’s winding vales, xii. 265.
devil said plainly that Dame Chat had got the needle, the, v. 288.
Devil was sick, The, etc., xii. 126.
Devil upon two sticks, viii. 404.
devilish girl at the bottom, a, viii. 83.
Di rider finira pria della Aurora, iii. 371.
diamond turrets of Shadukiam, the, iv. 357.
Diana and her fawn, etc., xii. 58.
Did first reduce our tongue from Lyly’s writing, etc., v. 201.
Did I not tell thee, Dauphine, etc., viii. 43.
Did not the Duke look up? Methought he saw us, v. 215.
Die of a rose in aromatic pain, vi. 249; vii. 300; viii. 143; ix. 391.
Died at his house in Burbage-street, etc., vi. 86.
differences himself by, v. 334.
digito monstrari, vi. 286.
dim doubts alloy, no, xi. 321.
dip it in the ocean, and it will stand, iv. 197; vi. 160 n.; ix. 133 n.
dipped in dews of Castalie, v. 14; x. 156; xii. 294.
direct and honest, To be, etc., xii. 219.
disappointed still are still deceived, And, ix. 287.
disastrous strokes which his youth suffered, the, viii. 96.
discipline of humanity, a, i. 123; vii. 78, 184; xii. 122.
discoursed in eloquent music, vii. 199.
disdain the ground she walks on, i. 71 n.
disembowel himself of his natural entrails, etc., vi. 267; xi. 322.
disjecta membra poetæ, viii. 423; ix. 309.
distant, enthusiastic, respectful love, viii. 160.
distilled books are, like distill’d waters, etc., xi. 203.
divest him, along with his inheritance, to, etc., viii. 72.
Divide et impera, vii. 147.
divinæ particula auræ, ix. 361; xii. 157.
divine Fanny Bias, iv. 359.
divine, the matchless, what you will, the, vi. 175.
Do not mock me: Though I am tamed, and bred up with my
wrongs, etc., v. 252.
Do unto others as you would, etc., vi. 396.
Do you read or sing? If you sing you sing very ill, vii. 5; viii. 319.
Do you see anything ridiculous in this wig? viii. 21.
Do you think I’ll sleep with a woman that doesn’t know what’s
trumps? viii. 427.
docked and curtailed, xi. 316.
Does he wind into a subject? etc., vii. 275; viii. 103.
does a little bit of fidgets, viii. 469.
dog, he still plays the, viii. 263.
dogs, among the gentlemanlike, etc., iii. 278.
Don John of the Greenfield was coming, vi. 359.
Don Juan was my Moscow, etc., iv. 258 n.
Don’t forget butter, viii. 264.
Don’t you remember Lords—and—who are now great statesmen;
little dirty boys playing at cricket, etc., v. 118; vii. 205.
double night of ages and of her, The, etc., xi. 424.
Doubtless the pleasure is as great, etc., iii. 169; vii. 204; viii. 302.
douce humanité, iii. 36; xi. 525.
doux sommeil, iii. 108.
Down the Bourne and through the Mead, ii. 87.
dragged the struggling monster into day, viii. 164.
dramatic star of the first magnitude, a, viii. 164.
drawn in their breath and puffed it forth again, vii. 59.
dreaming and awake, ’twixt, vi. 71.
dregs of earth, the, xii. 41.
dregs of life, the, vii. 302.
Dress makes the man, the want of it the fellow, etc., vii. 212.
Drip, drip, drip, drip, drip, etc., v. 306.
dross compared to the glory hereafter, etc., xi. 322.
drossy and divisible, more, vii. 173, 453; xi. 174.
drunk full ofter of the tun than of the well, v. 129.
dry discourse, but, xi. 25.
Duke and no Duke, viii. 263.
Dulce ridentem Lalagen, Dulce loquentem, vi. 61.
Dull as the lake that slumbers in the storm, iii. 22; vii. 278.
Dull Beotian genius, viii. 370.
dull cold winter does inhabit here, vii. 176; ix. 62.
dull product of a scoffer’s pen, v. 114.
dulness could no further go, The force of, vi. 46 n.; x. 219, 377.
dumb forgetfulness a prey, for who to, xi. 546.
Dum domus Æneæ Capitoli immobile saxum, etc., vii. 12.
dungeon of the tower, From the, etc., xii. 158.
durance vile, xi. 237.
Durham’s golden stalls, iii. 123.
dust in the balance, But as the, iv. 63.
Dust to dust, etc., xii. 53.
dust we raise! What a, vi. 240.
dwelleth not in temples made with hands, ix. 48.
dwelt Eternity, ix. 218.
dying Ned Careless, viii. 72.
dying shepherd Damætas, I give it to you as the, etc., xi. 289.
E.
Each lolls his tongue out at the other, etc., xi. 527.
Each man takes hence life, but no man death, etc., v. 225.
ear and eye, He is all, etc., xii. 121.
earth, earthy, of the, i. 239; vi. 43; ix. 55, 389.
ease, he takes his, xii. 123.
eat, drink, and are merry, xii. 16.
eat his meal in peace, vi. 94.
Ebro’s temper, the, viii. 103.
eclipsed the gaiety of nations, i. 157; viii. 387, 526.
Eden, and Eblis, and cherub smiles, iv. 354.
Edina’s darling Seat, xii. 253.
Edinburgh, We are positive when we say, etc., viii. 105.
effeminate! thy freedom hath made me, xii. 124.
Eftsoones they heard a most melodious sound, etc., v. 36.
eggs, with five blue, i. 92.
Eke fully with the duke my mind agrees, etc., v. 194.
elbow us aside, who, iv. 99.
elegant Petruchio, an, v. 345.
Elevate and surprise, vi. 216, 290; x. 271, 388.
elegant turn of her head, ix. 147.
eleven obstinate fellows, the other, xii. 326.
Elysian beauty, melancholy grace, vii. 366.
Elysian dreams of lovers, when they loved, Th’, etc., viii. 307.
embowelled, of our natural entrails, and stuffed, are, viii. 417.
embryo fly, the little airy of ricketty children, iv. 246.
Emelie that fayrer was to sene, etc., i. 400.