 Religious discrimination is still a thing here in the Philippines, even in Mindanao.

The notion that ‘Muslims =

terrorists’ are still happening, albeit isolated. Don't get me wrong, there was violence and crime by people who
happened to be Muslims, but there was also violence and crime by people who were not Muslims, though the
one thing in common that they all had was that they tended to be poor.
 Here in Mindanao, you can count how many times you were discriminated with your fingers. Maybe because the
people here know what the problem is better than the northerners. But as go further up north, the hate grows
harsher. It probably happens more than how many times you stepped on dog poop. {My cousin and I had a bad
time in some local stores in Quezon City numerous times. In fact, a store owner there shouted at the both of us:
“Mga putang-inang terrorista kayo, salot kayo sa Pilipinas, bomba kayo ng bomba. Umuwi kayo sa Sulu at doon
kayo kumain ng tae.” (“You motherf*cking terrorists are the pest of the Philippines, bombing over and over. Go
home to Sulu and go eat sh*t.”) And I’m like ‘holy hell, lady. All we want is some canned sardines.’ But some
great gramps was so kind to us that he even added two more cans for free. So yeah. Stuff like that happens.
We’re already used to it, anyway.}
 Then there’s the rebels. The M.N.L.F. and the M.I.L.F, (no, not that kind of milf) that have been fighting against
the government for decades. At least, for now, there’s a peace agreement between those three and there’s not
much conflict between them since peace deals are in place. Then there’s the terrorists. Abu Sayyaf, B.I.F.F,
Ansar Khalifa, I.S.I.S, you name it. These people have been wrecking places for years. These guys are the ones
responsible for blowing up my home in Marawi several months ago. Corruption in ARMM officials is also
rampant, just as much as other provinces do. Guess what, the always-re-elected officials here are damn rich
while there are not much progress that can be felt. They have a lot of weapons and arms, enough to arm a
whole militia. Finally, the culture. Filipino Muslims are rather more conservative of the cultural values than your
average Filipino. LGBT is seriously frowned upon. If you don’t have a title beside your name, such as Engr or Atty
etc., then you have a lesser job and not worthy of prestige. Religious norms almost dictate the person’s way of
living. And as always, blood feuds are still a thing.
(Quora https://www.quora.com › What-pro... What problems do Filipino Muslims face in their country?)

 Just last 31 January 2019, a controversial memorandum from the Philippine National Police (“PNP”) required the
identification of Muslim students in High School, Colleges, and Universities in the National Capital Region for for
“close monitoring, networking, and liaising activities with Muslim communities in addressing terrorism and
lawless violence, and to ensure respect of cultural diversity and cooperation.” Curiously, the memorandum
focused solely on Muslim students, as if they have monopoly of the evils sought to be prevented. While the
Memorandum has been allegedly withdrawn, it serves as a reminder that stereotypes and discriminatory
policies exists.
 Belief on these stereotypes is debilitating as it fuels discrimination, which in turn heightens inequality and
marginalization. This is because stereotypes serve as the jump off point towards discriminatory rules and policies
that generate societal norms. Curiously, despite being the second largest religion in the country, Muslim
Filipinos have experienced, and continue to experience, discrimination in all forms and in all aspects of their
lives. While such discrimination is not always overt and malicious, these acts do contribute to the centuries-long
injustice faced by Muslim Filipinos everywhere. This systematic pattern of discrimination is most apparent – if
not, most dangerous – if it is committed by the government in the guise of “peace” and “public safety.”
 A recent example of this, which was mentioned earlier, is the memorandum from the Philippine National Police -
Manila Police District (“PNP-MPD”), which ordered its station commanders to collect personal information of
Muslim students in Metro Manila in its effort to “strengthen[ ] peace-building and counter violent extremism.”
[3] When the said memo circulated in the internet, it was slammed by Muslims and non-Muslims alike,
dismissing it as prejudicial and plainly Islamophobic. [4] In the words of Deputy Speaker Mujiv Hataman,
“[p]arang tinokhang ang reputasyon ng mga Pilipinong Muslim. Muslim children are being bullied, and those
who ought to serve and protect them should not join in their abuse.” [5] Policies like this not only reflect the
false stereotype that Muslims are more inclined to engage in “violent extremism.” It perpetuates it. And the fact
that this is enforced by our law enforcement authorities makes it more dangerous.
 It goes without saying that discrimination against Muslim Filipinos are not wholly perpetrated by the
government alone. More often than not, it is non-Muslim individuals that perpetuate discrimination. This has
been most apparent in the aftermath of the 2017 Marawi Siege, wherein more than one million residents have
been displaced from the city and into the surrounding, predominantly-Christian cities of Cagayan de Oro and
Iligan. [11] In looking for a safe, temporary place to reside, Maranaos have been denied access to these spaces,
even if they are available: “Kahit may available na space, sinasabi nila na wala na once they see the kumbong
(veil) we wear in our heads. May iba nga na hindi na nag-a-ask, basta nakita nila ang kumbong, wala o hindi na
agad ang sagot.” [12] Discrimination against Muslims are not only limited to rent. As International Alert noted,
after the Marawi Siege, Muslims have been “forced to remove their hijabs in schools or in their workplace just to
 conform to the uniformity” or “change Muslim-sounding names in their resumes just to get a shot at being
interviewed or considered for jobs.” [13]

 Group isolation {challenge

As stated earlier, there are over six million Muslims in the Philippines, 93% of whom reside in Mindanao. [15] This
leaves most Filipinos with no meaningful interaction with real Muslims, creating a gap between what is real and
what is perceived. Without these meaningful interactions, the caricatures and misconceptions towards Muslims are
left unverified and uncontested; in effect, perpetuating these stereotypes further. This is not entirely an incident of
geography. Social and cultural factors--such as pervasive feelings of difference, unfamiliarity, and distrust--worsen
this problem.

 Lack of representation (issue?)

This issue is intimately related with the last one. It goes without saying that Muslim Filipinos are not well-
represented--or even represented at all--in the national consciousness. This is true in all aspects of popular culture--
from politics, to television and film, [18] to educational materials. [19] Even worse, when Muslims are depicted at all
in popular media, these materials present them as the “other” and feature long-held (and false) stereotypes, such as
deceitfulness and violence. [20] A similar trend may be observed in news reports: Crime-related headlines involving
Muslim suspects also needlessly include the adjective “Muslim.” [21] Without positive representation, the status
quo undoubtedly creates a vacuum for negative stereotypes to survive and develop.

 Colonial and historical injustice (issue)

These two preceding issues did not arise from nowhere. Likewise, they did not emerge simply because of the
“apparent” differences between Muslims and non-Muslims. Instead, they are also products of our country’s
historical and colonial experience, which, from the start, was motivated by a “divide and rule” mindset: [22]
encouraging Christian Filipinos to fight against Muslims developed feelings of distrust between these two groups.
[23] These colonial-era stereotypes remain potent until today. As pointed out by Abdullah Madale, “there are still
Christian mothers who frighten their errant children with the admonition: ‘There is a Moro.’ In Visaya, this is said
thus: ‘Mahadlok ka sa Moro.’”

[24] Rüland, et. al. [25] narrates that prior to the entry of the Spaniards in the Philippines, most of the population in
the archipelago followed the Islamic faith. It was only after the Spaniards came, when the spread of Islam ceased.
Through the Spaniards’ efforts to demonize Muslims (calling them Moros as a pejorative label), and as a result of
their constant agitation (which gave rise to reprisals affecting the now-Christianized population), Christians started
to loathe Muslims. (https://asiasociety.org/philippines/reflections-eid)

 The Mindanao island group (Mindanao), with a population of 24 million, has long had the highest poverty rates
in the Philippines despite its natural resources and a promising agricultural sector. Mindanao is prone to natural
disasters resulting in displacement – as is the rest of the country. Displacement in Mindanao is also caused by
clashes between the military and armed groups that reject or are no longer involved in peace talks with the
Government. Besides conflict, displacement, and poverty, a shadow criminal economy, clan politics, and
intercommunal tensions also disrupt the livelihoods and economic potential of Mindanao, requiring a nexus
approach to response. Over 100,000 people are in protracted displacement in Mindanao because of conflict and
violence.
 Mindanao has a four-century-long history of Moro resistance against forces from outside the island, with conflict
between the Philippine Government and armed groups lasting since the late 1960s. The communist New
People’s Army is active across the country, including in Mindanao. The Islamic State has had influence in
Mindanao since 2014. The siege of Marawi city in 2017, in Lanao Del Sur province, was a five-month battle
between pro-Islamic State fighters and the Philippine military. The conflict displaced 400,000 people to nearby
towns and left houses and infrastructure destroyed or damaged. Although reconstruction is taking place,
approximately 17,000 IDPs are still unable to return after four years because of the destruction.
 The establishment of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) in March 2019 has
been a major step towards conflict resolution between the Philippine Government and several autonomy-
seeking groups, particularly the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). BARMM is the poorest region in the
country. Armed conflict and violence are still common in BARMM’s poorest provinces of Lanao Del Sur,
Maguindanao, and Sulu, where clashes between the military and armed groups such as the Bangsamoro Islamic
 Freedom Fighters and the Islamic State-linked Abu Sayyaf Group occur frequently. ?
(https://www.acaps.org/country/philippines/crisis/mindanao-conflict?acaps_mode=advanced)

 The Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) was formally established in early 2019 as
part of a peace agreement to end nearly five decades of conflict between the Philippine government and Moro
secessionists. In its first year, the BARMM accomplished several major feats, including forming a transitional
government, drafting a regional budget, and overseeing the decommissioning of thousands of fighters. Yet the
BARMM faces a number of challenges that could undermine the entire peace process, including the task of
coalition building in the regional government, which is complicated by intra-Moro competition among rival
groups. (https://www.usip.org/publications/2020/06/challenges-facing-philippines-bangsamoro-autonomous-
region-one-year) -https://www.hurights.or.jp/archives/focus/section2/2008/12/mindanao-conflict-in-search-of-
peace-and-human-rights.html

(Https://www.hurights.or.jp/archives/focus/section2/2008/12/mindanao-conflict-in-search-of-peace-and-human-
rights.html)

 With almost forty years of on and off fighting between Muslim armed opposition groups and the Philippine
military forces, and the resulting high toll on human lives, the search for sustainable peace and full respect for
human rights remains a big challenge.
 The current armed conflict started in late 1960s, when a Muslim armed group (Moro National Liberation Front
or MNLF) started to advocate for a “Moro homeland.” The Philippine government responded through military
means, resulting in numerous deaths among, and displacement of, the civilian population (Muslims as well as
Christians). In the 1970s, the Philippine government initiated peace talks and obtained a peace agreement with
the then main Muslim armed opposition group (MNLF) to stop the conflict and address the problems. But armed
confrontations broke out every now and then, between the Philippine military and the MNLF and also with
another Muslim armed opposition group (Moro Islamic Liberation Front or MILF). For every break out of armed
hostilities, thousands of non- combatants are caught in the crossfire, and suffer displacement and other human
rights violations.
 To emphasize their deep sense of independence as a people, many Muslims in Mindanao collectively call
themselves “Moro,” the word used by the colonial Spanish government to refer to the Muslim people. This
extends to the use of the word “Bangsamoro” (Moro Nation) to indicate a people separate from the rest of the
Philippine population.
 Roots of the conflict
 The 2005 Philippine Human Development Report (2005 PHDR) lists the following major historical and
contemporary roots of the conflict in Mindanao:[1]
 The forcible/illegal annexation of Moroland to the Philippines under the Treaty of Paris in 1898;[2]
 Military pacification by the American colonial government;
 Imposition of confiscatory land laws;
 “Indionization” (or Filipinization) of public administration in Moroland and the destruction of traditional
political institutions;
 Government financed/induced land settlement and migration to Moroland;[3]
 Land-grabbing/conflicts;
Cultural inroads against the Moros;
 The Jabidah Massacre in 1968 (killing of Muslim army recruits by their superiors);[4]
Ilaga (Christian vigilante) and military atrocities in 1970-72; and
 Government neglect and inaction on Moro protests and grievances.

 Peace initiatives
 The resulting armed conflict from the early 1970s created a major crisis in Mindanao, and in the Philippines as a
whole. In December 1976, the Philippine government signed an agreement with the MNLF through the
intercession of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC). This agreement, known as the 1976 Tripoli
Agreement, provided for the creation of an autonomous region in Mindanao and Palawan (covering thirteen
provinces), and the establishment of an autonomous government, judicial system (for Sharia law), and special
security forces.

 In 1977, President Marcos and the Batasang Pambansa (legislature) came out with a series of laws to implement
the 1976 Tripoli Agreement that resulted in the creation of “Sangguniang Pampook [Regional Council] in each of
Regions IX and XII” in Mindanao.[6] This solution was rejected by the MNLF.[7]

 The 1987 Philippine Constitution brought in a new legal basis for a Muslim autonomous government in
Mindanao. It has a provision (Article X) for an Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, whose creation is
dependent on acceptance in a plebiscite by the people in the affected provinces. Consequently, in 1989, a
 law[8] was enacted that led to a plebiscite for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). In 1990,
ARMM was established covering the provinces of Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Shariff Kabunsuan, Sulu and
Tawi-Tawi, whose respective populations voted in a plebiscite for inclusion into the new region.

 But peace was still elusive. Formal peace talks between the government and MNLF had to start again in 1993
through the mediation of OIC and the Indonesian government. The Philippine government and the MNLF signed
the 1996 Final Peace Agreement (FPA) to complete the implementation of the "1976 Tripoli Agreement between
the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)." The
1996 agreement called for the establishment of a “Special Zone of Peace and Development (SZOPAD), the
Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development (SPCPD), and the Consultative Assembly,” and the
merging of the MNLF forces with the Philippine military, among other provisions. The agreement also called for
an amendment to the law that created the ARMM. In 2001, the law was the amended[9] that led to a plebiscite
in other provinces with predominant Muslim population regarding their inclusion in the ARMM. One province
(Basilan) and one city (Marawi) joined the ARMM as a result.

 By winning in the 1996 elections for the ARMM posts, the MNLF virtually took power since 1996 over six
provinces and one city with predominant Muslim population. But the autonomous region formula was not a
complete solution toward peace in Mindanao. Another Muslim armed opposition group, the MILF, demanded an
independent Islamic state. The Philippine government had to deal with MILF separately for a negotiated
settlement of its demands.

 The 2005 PHDR states that by early 2000s, “three tracks had emerged, parallel though sometimes converging,
which now constitute the current evolution of the Moro conflict: (1) the implementation of the GRP-MNLF Peace
Agreement; (2) the GRP-MILF peace negotiations; and (3) Post-9/11 terrorism and counterterrorism on the
Moro front.”[10]

 The Philippine government (GRP) and the MILF started peace talks toward a negotiated political settlement in
1996. Support for the peace talks by Malaysia, Indonesia and Libya led to the GRP-MILF Tripoli Agreement on
Peace of 2001. The Implementing Guidelines on the Security Aspect of the GRP-MILF Tripoli Agreement of Peace
of 2001 was signed on 7 May 2002 in Putrajaya, Malaysia. To maintain the ceasefire, three mechanisms were
adopted 1) Joint Coordinating Committees on the Cessation of Hostilities, 2) the International Monitoring Team
(composed of representatives from Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and Libya), and 3) the Ad Hoc Joint Action
Group.

 The continuing peace negotiations between the GRP and MILF resulted in a 2008 Memorandum of Agreement
on the Ancestral Domain Aspect of the GRP-MILF Tripoli Agreement of Peace of 2001 (MOA-AD). The MOA-AD
provides for the delineation of the Bangsamoro homeland, similar to the delineation of the ancestral domain of
indigenous Filipinos.[11] It provides for the establishment of a Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE), which is the
legal body that will govern the Bangsamoro homeland. Both GRP and MILF saw the MOA-AD as a necessary step
to a final peace agreement.

 But before the scheduled signing of the MOA-AD on 5 August 2008 in Kuala Lumpur was held, its legality was
questioned before the Philippine Supreme Court. The Philippine government decided not to sign the agreement
in view of the opposition raised by some Christian local government leaders in Mindanao and other political
personalities. The court declared the unsigned MOA-AD unconstitutional in October 2008.[12] The court viewed
 the BJE, provided for in the MOA-AD, as “more of a state than an autonomous region” allowed by the 1987
Constitution for the ARMM governing body.
 Human rights and the peace agreements
 Did the agreements between the Philippine government and the MILF consider the human rights dimension of
the issues at hand? Some say the MOA- AD ignored human rights due to the unlimited power given to the BJE.
[13]

 As one author pointed out,14 the Terms of Reference (TOR) for the discussion of the MOA-AD, the General
Framework of Agreement of Intent Between the GRP and the MILF (GFAI) dated 27 August 1998, the Agreement
on the General Framework for the Resumption of Peace Talks Between the GRP and the MILF (AGFRPT) dated 24
March 2001, and the Tripoli Agreement on Peace Between the GRP and the MILF (TAP) dated 22 June 2001 all
refer to the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and mention the principles of
justice, freedom and respect for the identity and culture of the Moro people. The TOR also includes the “ILO
Convention No. 169, in correlation to the UN [United Nations] Declaration of Rights of the Indigenous Peoples.”

 Even the Philippine Supreme Court referred to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in
discussing the appropriateness of the MOA-AD provision on the right of the Moros to a homeland.
 Way forward
 The failure of the Philippine government to sign the MOA-AD led to a new round of armed hostilities in late 2008
causing death to a number of people and displacing thousands more.

 Nevertheless, the MOA-AD is just one step on the long road to peace in Mindanao. The peace negotiations
between the Philippine government and the MILF will continue and eventually deal with the existing legal
structures brought about by the agreements with the MNLF.

 Whatever final peace settlement is reached by all parties (the Philippine government, the MNLF, and the MILF),
the international human rights standards should form a crucial part of both the process and content of achieving
it. Peace without human rights is not a final peace settlement.