Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Modyul 3 Fil101a 1 1
Modyul 3 Fil101a 1 1
KURSO
( Subject) FIL101 Wika at Kultura sa Mapayapang Lipunan
KABANATA/YUNIT
( Chapter) YUNIT 3
PAMAGAT NG ARALIN
( Lesson Title) Wika at Edukasyon
LAYUNIN NG ARALIN Sa loob ng isang linggo (Nov. 3-9,2020) ang mga mag-aaral ay
( Lesson Objectives)
inaasahang:
PAGSUSURI
(Analysis) 1. Ano ang pinakamainam na armas nating lahat ngayong
nahaharap tayo sa krisis dulot ng pandemyang Covid 19?
2. Ano ang instrumento na ginagamit upang magsiwalat ng tamang
kaalaman?
3. Paano maisasabuhay ang Bayanihan to Heal as One Act-Batas
Republika Bilang 11469?
PAGLALAHAD
(ABSTRACTION) WIKANG PAMBANSA
WIKA/WIKANG PAMBANSA
EROS ATALIA
Premyadong Manunulat
Binanggit rin ni Reyes na ang wika’y hindi lang salita, laman din
nito ang ating kasaysayan, ang simpatya, ang adhikain ng isang
panahon. Inirerekord ng panulat ang lahat ng diskurso. At bilang
estudyante, bukod sa pag-uusap lalo na sa panahon ng pandemya na
bawal makipag-usap nang walang social distancing at face mask,
maaari tayong magbasa, maaari tayong magguhit.
KAHULUGAN NG EDUKASYON
https://www.pinoynewbie.com/kahulugan-kahalagahan-ng-edukasyon/
https://www.pressreader.com/
Ang wika ay ang pangunahing instrumento nating mga tao
sa pakikipag-ugnayan, sa pagkalap ng kaalaman, sa komunikasyon
at sa marami pang aspeto ng buhay. Samakatuwid, malaki ang
ginagampanan ng wika sa ating buhay dito sa lupa at maging ang
magiging buhay natin kapag tayo ay namatay na. Una, ang wika ay
nagsisilbing kasangkapan ng tao sa pakikipagkomunikasyon. Ito ay
isang mahalagang instrument upang ang bawat bansa ay
magkaroon ng pambansang kaunlaran.
Ang bawat bansa o nasyon ay may sari-sariling wikang
isinasalita ngunit mayroon pa rin tayong tinatawag na “universal
language o isang lenggwaheng dapat alam ng lahat at ito ay ang
wikang Ingles. Pangalawa, ang wika ay isang kasangkapan sa
pagkalap ng kaalaman. Sa pamamagitan ng wika ay nagkakaroon
tayo ng kakayahan na umintindi ng mga bagay-bagay at ipaliwanag
ang kahulugan ng mga ito.
Sa paaralan, ang wika ang nagsisilbing tulay sa pagkatuto
hindi lamang ng mga mag-aaral kundi maging ng mga guro.
Nakasalalay ang epektibong pagkatuto at matagumpay na
paghahatid ng mga ideya sa ibang tao sa pamamagitan ng wika. At
ito ay lubos na magiging matagumpay kung ang guro ay bihasa o
may sapat na kaalaman sa pakikipag-ugnayan. Kinakailangang
maging mahusay ang isang indibidwal sa pagsasanay ng wika
upang magamit ito nang maayos.
Sa makabagong panahon, dapat maisaalang-alang ng bawat
paaralan ang pag-aaral ng wikang Filipino bilang midyum sa
pagtuturo ng edukasyon o wikang panturo. Sa ganitong paraan,
hindi mawawala ang pagkakaroon ng halaga ng ating wikang
pambansa at maitatanim pa natin sa utak at puso ng bawat
kabataan ang imporatnsya ng wikang Filipino. Ang papel na
ginagampanan ng wikang Filipino sa edukasyon ay hindi
matutumbasan ng kahit ano. Katulad ng mga nabanggit ito ay tulay
na magdudugtong tungo sa kaunlaran ng mga nasyon at
kalagayang panlipunan ng isang bansa.
https://www.panitikan.com.ph/kahalagahan-ng-wika
KARAGDAGANG BABASAHIN
https://infed.org/raymond-williams-and-education-a-slow-reach-again-for-control/
Raymond Williams and education – a slow reach again for control. Raymond Williams was
a literary critic, cultural historian, cultural and political theorist, novelist, dramatist, and the
virtual inventor of the interdisciplinary field known as ‘cultural studies’. Josh Cole explores
his little appreciated contribution as an educational thinker.
In what follows, I will describe Williams’ cultural roots and early educational
experiences, his thoughts on adult education and lifelong learning, his concern with
informal education and public pedagogy, and his general thinking about the
transformative power of culture, perhaps his greatest contribution to pedagogy in the
widest sense.
Raymond Williams was born in 1921 in Pandy, Wales to a working class, politically-
left-leaning family (his father, a railway worker, was also the secretary of the local
Branch Labour Party in the 1920s) (see Smith 2008). He was an exceptional student,
attending Llanfihangel elementary school before winning a prestigious scholarship to
King Henry VIII Grammar School in Abergavenny in 1932. The notion of education
and intellectualism were central to Williams’ Welsh village community. Unlike other
working-class students he later met in university, he was always encouraged in his
intellectual pursuits. As he later explained, he attributed this to Wales’ unique cultural
climate:
there was absolutely no sense in which education was felt as something curious in
the community…There was absolutely nothing wrong with being bright, winning a
scholarship or writing a book…Historically, Welsh intellectuals have come in very
much larger numbers from poor families than have English intellectuals, so the
movement [into intellectual life] is not regarded as abnormal or eccentric…The typical
Welsh intellectual is—as we say—only one generation away from shirt sleeves.
(Williams 1979: 29)
That said, as child in Wales, Raymond Williams learned more than just an
appreciation for the life of the mind. He also began to see education and politics as
deeply intertwined, a lesson that marked him deeply. In the Wales of Williams’
boyhood, formal schooling served as a means of supplanting local cultures with the
official culture of the British Empire. Children in Pandy were punished for speaking
Welsh in schools, and were taught, above all else, about the glories of ‘English
Civilization.’ As he was finishing at King Henry VIII, Raymond Williams’ father and his
headmaster colluded to send him to Cambridge University without his consultation.
He later recognized that this educational official played a small but important role in
the colonizing process, by identifying talented local children and whisking them away
to elite English universities, thus neutralizing their potential anti-colonialist
tendencies. (Williams 1979: 37)
Raymond Williams began reading the ‘English Tripos’ (modern languages, history,
and classics) at Cambridge in 1941, before being called to service during World War
II. After serving as a wireless operator and tank operator, he returned to Cambridge
in 1946 to finish his studies. Immediately after, he was appointed as a Staff Tutor in
the Oxford University Tutorial Classes Committee—also known as the Extra-Mural
Delegacy and Workers Education Association (WEA).
As an adult educator, Raymond Williams began to reconcile the schism between the
community-based informal education he received in Pandy, and the ‘official,’ elite
education bestowed upon him through English schooling and higher education. He
did so by attempting to use Oxford’s adult education programme to actualize a
process of lifelong learning conducive to a radical expansion of community and
democracy. Williams insisted that ‘education was ordinary,’ and was a means through
which people of all ages could both immerse themselves in a common culture, and
refine and sharpen that culture against their own individual experiences. (Morgan
2002: 253) Adult education offered a unique means of deconstructing the social
hierarchies created by other forms of education, rather than reinforcing those
hierarchies in the name of private or commercial interests. In adult education, people
could cultivate critical skills by interacting with others whom they might not normally
encounter (a factory labourer and a physician could engage in philosophical
discourse, for instance) and thus create a concrete, working model for a future
democratic society (Williams 1993: 221; 219) Education as a mere means of post-war
material advancement–a means of creating a “newly mobile and varied elite”–was
anathema to Williams’ conception of lifelong learning. (Williams 1993: 223)
For Raymond Williams, adult education as a means of expanding democracy
meant all involved would be educated—including the educators. Anticipating Paulo
Freire’s great work Pedagogy of the Oppressed (published in 1968), Williams argued
in the early 1960s that the educational process cuts both ways. The adult instructor
has much to learn about herself and her discipline from her students. Ideally, through
adult education, instructors and students would ‘meet as equals’ in the classroom,
and share fully in the process of democratic learning. (This is not to suggest that
Raymond Williams assumed that students automatically knew more about a teaching
subject than their instructors—his was not an uncritical version of ‘student-centred
learning’–rather, he simply took it as given that the instructor is not beyond reproach:
the educator “may not know the gaps between academic teaching and actual
experience among many people; he may not know when, in the pressure of
experience, a new discipline has to be created.” Interaction with adult students could
give educators that experience) (Williams 1993: 225)
There is no necessary opposition between (education) through the small group and
the use of such new media as broadcasting and television. We all live at different
levels of community, and a healthy culture needs a corresponding scale and variety
of institutions. Broadcasting has helped adult education both directly and indirectly.
Television, at worst, has not harmed it. (Williams 1993: 220)
Raymond Williams was an important (if largely unrecognized) theorist and proponent
of ‘public pedagogy.’ Public pedagogy is an approach to education that (in the words
of the American educational historian, Lawrence Cremin) “projects us beyond the
schools to a host of other institutions that educate: families, churches, libraries,
museums, publishers, benevolent societies, youth groups, agricultural fairs, radio
networks, military organizations, and research institutes.” (Cremin 1970: xi; see also
Gramsci 1995: 249; Giroux 2006: 70) This expansive notion of education, in which
Williams saw great democratic potential, ran counter to education as traditionally
conceived from the nineteenth-century forward; that is, as either the perpetuation of
elite culture, or as a means of vocational training. Both reproduced social inequalities,
and did so partially through their confinement to the controlled environment of the
school-house. In addition to this, both were fatally nostalgic, failing to take
contemporary realities into account. Raymond Williams saw modern people as
swimming in a veritable sea of new information and modes of communication—all of
which educate. As he wrote in 1953, in defence of the study of film as an adult
educational subject:
[F]or conservatives and reformers alike [film] is shorthand for depravity and cultural
decay. Many fear that if education touches it, the taint will be indelible. It is a pretty
fear; but if adult education cannot handle and access an institution which weekly
serves the leisure of twenty-five million British adults, and which deals well or badly,
but at least with great emotive power, with the values of man and society, then adult
education deserves to fade. (Williams, 1993: 186)
Though he saw modern media such as film as intrinsically educational, this alone did
not guarantee it democratic status. The new information environment was (and is) all
too often inordinately influenced by interests that care little for education or
democracy. (McGuigan 1993: 168) A paradigmatic example of Raymond Williams’
approach to new media as public pedagogy, and the dangers that unequal access to
the means of information production hold for public pedagogy, can be seen in his
analysis of the commercialization of the printing press. The press, from its advent in
the sixteenth-century, was a mixture of public and private, commercial and non-
commercial elements. It was educative from the start, spurring on “the formation of
opinion, the training of manners, the dissemination of ideas.” (Williams 1961: 175)
That said, ratio of the commercial and non-commercial, and thus the educative and
the non-educative, was seriously upset in the 1890s due to the introduction of mass
advertising. Through advertising, the share of potentially liberating information in
newspapers was dwarfed by that that of commercial ‘persuasion.’ As a result, the
press became a medium dominated by a “selection of facts and opinions” related
primarily to capitalist expansion. The promise of an informed, critically engaged
populace suffered as a result. (Williams 1993: 123)
Characteristically for Raymond Williams, all is never lost, and the seeds of renewal
are never far from the surface. Mass media, though subject to anti-educational
interests, can still be rescued for the purposes of democracy. For instance,
centralized forms of information such as the press–which are likely to be overtaken
by singular interests–could usefully be combined with, and offset by, regionally-based
means of public education, such as “theatres, orchestras, county societies, the great
voluntary organizations, local authorities, and the minority national cultural
organizations.” (Williams 1993: 220) Similarly, a medium like television could be
utilized for the public interest (as it was in the heyday of the Open University, a
project for which Williams was an early, if not uncritical champion). If the entire
informational environment were directed towards education and by extension
democracy, and if the “extreme hostility which has been all too common in education
towards the general communications services” could be overcome, Raymond
Williams believed that the political dividends would be enormous, and what we now
conceive as ‘education’ could be superseded by something altogether more ‘public’
and effective (Williams 1993: 230)
On the most basic level, perhaps Raymond Williams’ most important lesson for
educators is the deep and continuous emphasis he placed upon culture as both a
constitutive element of society, and as a potential means for social transformation.
Unlike many writers and thinkers on culture, who seal off it from the rest of society,
Raymond Williams refused to divorce culture from other concerns. For him, culture
cannot be understood in isolation from the social ground from which it springs, or
from the reciprocal effects it has upon the social environment. He stated this still
sadly unorthodox position as early as 1947 in a journal he edited entitled Politics and
Letters:
If a critic of literature is genuinely interested in the contemporary and traditional work
which he criticizes, then he cannot fail to be concerned about much more than
literature itself. He is obliged to enquire particularly into what modern literature
reflects of contemporary social experience and into the way in which social life
influences the subject, form, and language of literature. But beyond these
researches, he must accept the responsibility for whatever it is that
literature represents in society. (Williams 1993: 34)
This marriage of culture and politics did not ingratiate Raymond Williams to England’s
academic elite. As Terry Eagleton points out, Williams politicized culture just enough
to alienate him from his peers, and to have his version of culture “thrown back in his
face by the cultivated.” (Eagleton 1989: 5)
As Raymond Williams moved further to the left in the 1970s, his notions of culture
moved with him—and so did the controversy he generated. Unlike many leftists of the
time, Williams refused to treat culture as a second-order political concern. The
simplified version of Marxism then fashionable all too often subordinated culture to a
mere reflection (or ‘superstructure’) of the economic mode of production (or ‘base’)
practiced in a given period. Drawing on the work of the Italian cultural and political
theorist Antonio Gramsci, Williams rejected this ‘economistic’ view of society. Instead,
he advanced a position which had culture, economics, and politics in deep and
shifting interaction with one another. A social formation at a given historical moment
was for Williams a “complex interlocking of political, social, and cultural forces.”
(Williams 1977: 108) In such a situation, culture is, if anything, the key constituent.
Culture—particularly in institutional forms such as schooling and higher education—is
crucial to rendering economic and political arrangements ‘natural,’ and thus
‘inevitable’ and ‘unchangeable.’ Culture ‘internalizes’ political arraignments, and
makes them a vital part of public and private experience. (Williams 1977: 110) Once
naturalized through culture, such an arrangement gains immeasurably in influence.
But for Raymond Williams, if culture is a key factor in modern political arrangements,
it also contains their potential undoing. Within any cultural and political formation,
nodes of resistance are ever-present. The dominant formation always contains
remnants of the cultural past (or, the ‘residual’), and generates new cultural forces
(the ‘emergent’) which can be turned against an existing cultural and political order.
Human agency always shadows domination. As he emphatically stated in
1977’s Marxism and Literature: “no mode of production and therefore no dominant
social order and therefore no dominant culture ever in reality includes or exhausts all
human practice, human energy, and human intention.” (Williams 1977: 125) Thus,
within the culture that oppresses, lies the ‘imminent critique’ that can be used to
overthrow oppression in the name of a deeper and more total form of democracy.
Educators play an obvious and essential role in such a project.
MGA SANGGUNIANG:
WIKA AT EDUKASYON SA PANAHON NG PANDEMYA
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZIZ-IWVme3k
PetRonila P, 2018-02-06.https://www.pressreader.com/
https://hasaan.ust.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/HASAAN-
Journal-Tomo-II-2015-116-123-2-8.pdf
20 15 10 5
KALINISAN AT Malinis ang Malinis ang Malinis ang 50% 25% lamang
ANYO NG GAWA pagkakagawa. 75% ng ng larawan ang malinis na
larawan, gawa.
Malinaw ang May malaking
lahat ng detalye May ilang bahagi ang May detalyeng 5
bahagi ang marumi. malabo.
marumi
May mga
May ilang detalyeng
detalye na Malabo ang
wala sa pagkakaguhit
larawan
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MARICHU V. FALSARIO