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Business Foundations A Changing World 11th Edition Ferrell Solutions Manual

Ferrell / Hirt / Ferrell:

Instructor’s Manual - Chapter 2
Business 11e

Chapter 2: Business Ethics and Social Responsibility

TABLE OF CONTENTS
YOUR CONTENT
Summary
Learning Objectives
Key Terms with Definitions
Content Outline
ENGAGEMENT & APPLICATION (FACE-TO-FACE, ONLINE, & HYBRID LEARNING)
BOXED TEXT DISCUSSION QUESTIONS WITH SUGGESTED ANSWERS
ENTER THE WORLD OF BUSINESS Mars M&Ms: Less Sugar for your Sweet Tooth
ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN ACTION Beautycounter is Lathered Up about Social Responsibility
CONSIDER ETHICS AND SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY Come Fly with Me: Or Not?
GOING GREEN Cloud Computing at Amazon: Green or Red?
SO YOU WANT A JOB IN BUSINESS ETHICS AND SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
END OF CHAPTER TEACHING RESOURCES
Check Your Progress
Get Involved
Build Your Skills- Making Decisions about Ethical Issues
Solve the Dilemma- Customer Privacy
Build Your Business Plan
See For Yourself Videocase- Warby Parker: An Affordable World Vision
Team Exercise
BONUS TEACHING RESOURCES
Recycling: A Dilemma for Business Firms
Controversial Issue: Would You Be the One to Blow the Whistle?
Video Case: The Challenge of Building Trust in Business
Term Paper or Project Topic
Guest Speaker Suggestions
Teaching Suggestions

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 Ferrell / Hirt / Ferrell:
Instructor’s Manual - Chapter 2
Business 11e

YOUR CONTENT
SUMMARY

In this chapter, we take a look at the role of ethics and social responsibility in business decision making. First we
define business ethics and examine why it is important to understand ethics’ role in business. Next we explore a
number of business ethics issues to help you learn to recognize such issues when they arise. Finally, we consider
steps businesses can take to improve ethical behavior in their organizations. The second half of the chapter
focuses on social responsibility and unemployment. We survey some important issues and detail how companies
have responded to them.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

LO 2-1 Define business ethics and social responsibility and examine their importance.
LO 2-2 Detect some of the ethical issues that may arise in business.
LO 2-3 Specify how businesses can promote ethical behavior.
LO 2-4 Explain the four dimensions of social responsibility.
LO 2-5 Debate an organization’s social responsibilities to owners, employees, consumers, the environment,
and the community.
LO 2-6 Evaluate the ethics of a business’s decision.

2 Instructor’s Manual – Chapter 2 | Ferrell / Hirt / Ferrell: Business 11e© 2018 by McGraw-Hill Education.
This is proprietary material solely for authorized instructor use. Not authorized for sale or distribution in any manner. This
document may not be copied, scanned, duplicated, forwarded, distributed, or posted on a website, in whole or part.
 Ferrell / Hirt / Ferrell:
Instructor’s Manual - Chapter 2
Business 11e

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

bribes Payments, gifts, or special favors intended to influence the outcome of a

decision.

business ethics Principles and standards that determine acceptable conduct in business.

codes of ethics Formalized rules and standards that describe what a company expects of its
employees.

consumerism The activities that independent individuals, groups, and organizations

undertake to protect their rights as consumers.

corporate citizenship The extent to which businesses meet the legal, ethical, economic, and voluntary
responsibilities placed on them by their stakeholders.

ethical issue An identifiable problem, situation, or opportunity that requires a person to

choose from among several actions that may be evaluated as right or wrong,
ethical or unethical.

plagiarism The act of taking someone else’s work and presenting it as your own without
mentioning the source.

social responsibility A business’s obligation to maximize its positive impact and minimize its
negative impact on society.

sustainability Conducting activities in a way that allows for the long-term well-being of the
natural environment, including all biological entities; involves the assessment
and improvement of business strategies, economic sectors, work practices,
technologies, and lifestyles so that they maintain the health of the natural
environment.

whistleblowing The act of an employee exposing an employer’s wrongdoing to outsiders, such

as the media or government regulatory agencies.

3 Instructor’s Manual – Chapter 2 | Ferrell / Hirt / Ferrell: Business 11e© 2018 by McGraw-Hill Education.
This is proprietary material solely for authorized instructor use. Not authorized for sale or distribution in any manner. This
document may not be copied, scanned, duplicated, forwarded, distributed, or posted on a website, in whole or part.
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Frage”, chap. x; P. Kampffmeyer, “Die Prostitution als soziale Klassenerscheinung und ihre
sozialpolitische Bekämpfung”; T. Hermann, “Die Prostitution und ihr Anhang”; T. Bloch, “Das
Sexualleben unserer Zeit”, chap. xiii, and “Die Prostitution”, I (chiefly historical); A. Pappritz,
“Die Welt von der man nicht spricht”; H. Arendt, “Menschen die den Pfad verloren”; M. Minovici,
“Remarques sur la criminalité en Roumanie”; C. K. Schneider, “Die Prostituirte und die
Gesellschaft”; G. Schnapper-Arndt, “Sozial-Statistik”, chap. viii; Quiros and Aguinaliedo,
“Verbrechertum und Prostitution in Madrid”; R. Hessen, “Die Prostitution in Deutschland”; A.
Blaschko, “Prostitution” (“Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften”, VI); H. Ellis, “Geschlecht
und Gesellschaft”, II, chap. viii; “The Social Evil in Chicago” (“Report of the Vice Commission of
Chicago”); A. Moll, “Handbuch der Sexualwissenschaften”, chap. iv; E. von Grabe, “Prostitution,
Kriminalität, und Psychopathie”; A. Neher, “Die geheime und öffentliche Prostitution in Stuttgart,
Karlsruhe, und München.”] ↑
85 C. Zetkin, “Geistiges Proletariat, Frauenfrage, und Sozialismus”, pp. 5, 6; Dr. J. Jeannel, “De la
prostitution dans les grandes villes au XIXe siècle”, pp. 187, 188. ↑
86Each consequence becomes in its turn a cause; as in this case, for, while prostitution is largely a
consequence of the impossibility of marrying, prostitution in its turn becomes, through the
demoralizing influence of the prostitutes, a reason why some men do not marry although their
means would permit it. ↑
87 See also by the same author: “Die moderne Prostitution”, pp. 14, 15 (“Neue Zeit”, 1891–92, II),
and “Hygiene der Prostitution und venerischen Krankheiten”, p. 39; Dr. V. Augagneur: “La
prostitution des filles mineures” (“Archives d’anthropologie criminelle”, III, p. 224). ↑
88 [N A E : Upon the demoralization of poor children see the works of
Baernreither and Rühle already cited, and H. Arendt, “Kleine Weisse Sklaven.”] ↑
89 This study may be found in the second volume of Parent-Duchatelet’s work: “De la Prostitution
dans la ville de Paris.” ↑
90 P. 39 (Session 1882). ↑
91 Vol. I, pp. 91, 92. ↑
92 “La Prostitution à Paris et à Londres”, p. 125. ↑
93 Op. cit., p. 211. ↑
94 “Le Crime à Deux”, pp. 205, 206. For figures for Berlin see Dr. B. Schoenlank, “Zur Statistik
der Prostitution in Berlin”, pp. 335, 336 (“Archiv für soziale Gesetzgeb. u. Stat.”, VII.). ↑
95 “La prostitution en Russie”, p. 195 (“Progrès médical”, 1893). ↑
96 “Die Beziehungen der Prostitution zum Verbrechen”, p. 8 (“Archiv f. Kriminal Anthropologie
u. Kriminalstatistik”, XI.). ↑
97 “Zur Kenntnis des grossstädtischen Bettel- und Vagabondentums,” p. 188 (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges.
Strafrw.”, XXXIII). ↑
98 Op. cit. I, pp. 92, 93. ↑
99 Op. cit., p. 210. ↑
100 Op. cit., pp. 215, 216. ↑
101 “Reports of the Select Committee”, Appendix B, p. 52. ↑
102 Pp. 42–44 and 46–66. ↑
103 Appendix B, p. 52. ↑
104 P. 133. ↑
105 Op. cit., p. 108. ↑
106 Op. cit., p. 196. ↑
107 Op. cit., I, pp. 67–70. ↑
108 Op. cit., I, p. 68. ↑
109 Op. cit., I, p. 71. The data of the same author show that out of 3,095 fathers of prostitutes,
1,078 (35%) could not sign their names. ↑
110 Op. cit., I, p. 108. ↑
111“Moralstatistik”, p. 216. Upon this cause of prostitution see also: Dr. G. Richelot, op. cit., pp.
582, 583; Dr. C. Röhrmann, “Der sittliche Zustand von Berlin”, pp. 45, 46; “Die Prostitution in
Berlin”, pp. 86, 87; L. Faucher, “Études sur l’Angleterre”, I, p. 74; Lecour, op. cit., pp. 202–204;
Carlier, op. cit., pp. 35, 36; G. Tomel and H. Rollet, “Les enfants en prison”, pp. 156 ff.; L.
Ferriani, “Entartete Mütter”, p. 161; Dr. O. Commenge, “La prostitution clandestine à Paris”, pp.
33–35. ↑
112 Op. cit., p. 216. ↑
113 Appendix B, p. 52. ↑
114 P. 42. ↑
115 Op. cit., p. 108. ↑
116 Op. cit., p. 197. ↑
117 Op. cit., I, p. 102. ↑
118 Op. cit., I, p. 102. Upon this cause of prostitution see further: Dr. Richelot, op. cit., pp. 574,
575; Dr. Fr. S. Hügel, “Zur Geschichte, Statistik, und Regelung der Prostitution”, pp. 206, 207;
Dr. Jeannel, op. cit., pp. 145, 146; A. C. Fr. Schäffle, “Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers”, I, p.
261; [334]H. Stursberg, “Die Prostitution in Deutschland und ihre Bekämpfung”, pp. 44, 45; Dr. E.
Laurent, “Les habitués des prisons de Paris”, pp. 585–589 (description of types); G. Schönfeldt,
“Beiträge zur Geschichte des Pauperismus und der Prostitution in Hamburg”, p. 269. ↑
119 A. Pappritz, “Die wirthschaftlichen Ursachen der Prostitution”, p. 14. ↑
120 “Wiener Wohnungsverhältnisse”, pp. 221–223 (“Archiv f. soz. Gesetzg. u. Statist.” VII). ↑
121 “Bijdragen tot de Statistiek van Nederland XXIV, Uitkomsten der woning-statistiek”, p. 52. ↑
122 Op. cit., p. 98. ↑
123 Pappritz, op. cit., p. 15. ↑
124 v. Philippovich, op. cit., p. 222. ↑
125P. 42. See also: Richelot, op. cit., pp. 573, 574; W. Acton, “Prostitution Considered in its Moral,
Social, and Sanitary Aspects”, pp. 131 ff.; Jeannel, op. cit., p. 143; Lecour, op. cit., p. 246;
“Reports of the Select Committee, etc.”, p. 39 (Session of 1882); Stursberg, op. cit., pp. 46, 47;
Commenge, op. cit., p. 32.
[N A E : Cf. Th. M. Raest van Limburg, “In den strijd tegen de ontucht.”
P. Kampffmeyer, “Das Wohnungselend der Grossstädte und seine Beziehungen zur Verbreitung der
Geschlechtskrankheiten und zur Prostitution”, and “Die Wohnungsmissstände im Prostitutions-
und im Schlafgängerwesen und ihre gesetzliche Reform”; Pfeiffer, “Das Wohnungselend der
grossen Städte und seine Beziehungen zur Prostitution und den Geschlechtskrankheiten.”] ↑
126 Op. cit., p. 54.
[N A E : Cf. especially the “Report of the Departmental Committee on
the Employment of Children, Oct., 1903.”] ↑
127Op. cit., p. 247. See also Parent-Duchatelet, op. cit., I. p. 103; Röhrmann, op. cit., p. 44;
Jeannel, op. cit., pp. 146–148; “Reports”, etc. (Session of 1882), pp. 15–17; K. Struntz, “Die
erwerbsmässige Kinderarbeit und die Schule”, pp. 183 ff. (“Neue Zeit”, 1898–1899, I). ↑
128 Dr. A. Blaschko, “Die Prostitution im XIX Jahrhundert”, p. 22; “Hygiene der Prostitution”, pp.
40, 41. ↑
129 Appendix B, p. 52. ↑
130 Dr. Bonhoeffer, op. cit., p. 109. ↑
131 See the detailed statistics, op. cit., I, pp. 79–84. ↑
132 Op. cit., p. 148. ↑
133 Op. cit., p. 336. ↑
134 Op. cit., p. 197. ↑
135 Pp. 148, 149 [in original, pp. 151, 152]. See also: L. Faucher, “Études sur l’Angleterre”, I, pp.
276, 277; M. de Baets, “Les influences de la misère sur la criminalité”, pp. 35, 36; Stursberg,
op. cit., pp. 49, 50; Commenge, op. cit., pp 13–15; L. Ferriani, “Schlaue und glückliche
Verbrecher”, p 467. ↑
136 Op. cit., p. 149 [in original, p. 152]. For analogous cases see A. Bebel, “Die Frau und der
Sozialismus”, pp. 195–197; “Les Scandales de Londres”, pp. 235–238; “Enquête betreffende
werking en uitbreiding der wet van 19 September 1874 en naar den toestand van fabrieken en
werkplaatsen”, 1887, deel V, p. 77; Dr. H Lux, “Sozialpolitisches Handbuch”, pp. 135, 136; Hirsch,
op. cit., pp. 46–48; Commenge, op. cit., pp. 15–17; G. S., “Die weibliche Lohnarbeit und ihr
Einfluss auf die Sittlichkeit und Kriminalität”, p. 748 (“Neue Zeit”, 1899–1900, II); L. Braun, “Die
Frauenfrage”, p. 308. ↑
137 See “Die Prostitution im XIX Jahrhundert”, pp. 23, 24. ↑
138 L. Braun, “Die Frauenfrage”, pp. 409–411; G. S., op. cit., pp. 754–756.
[N A E : Upon servants cf. further: O. Spann, “Die geschlechtlich-
sittlichen Verhältnisse im Dienstboten und Arbeiterinnenstande”; and R. de Ryckère, “La servante
criminelle”, ch. IX.] ↑
139 Hirsch, op. cit., pp. 48–50.
[N A E : Cf. further: C. Jellinek, “Kellnerinnenelend” and Dr. H. Peters,
“Zur Lage der Kellnerinnen im Grossherzogtum Baden.” Upon prostitution in the theater see V. v.
Lepel, “Prostitution beim Theater.”] ↑
140 Stursberg, op. cit., pp. 55, 57; Hirsch, op. cit., pp. 42, 43; Pappritz, op. cit., pp. 13, 14. ↑
141 Op. cit., I, p. 107. ↑
142 Appendix B, p. 52. ↑
143 P. 169. ↑
144 H. Frégier, “Les classes dangereuses de la population dans les grandes villes”, I, p. 97; Lecour,
op. cit., p. 244; L. Taxil, “La corruption fin-de-siècle”, p. 42; Commenge, op. cit., pp. 17–20; A.
Aletrino, “Over eenige oorzaken der prostitutie”, pp. 21, 22; E. Gystrow, “Liebe und Liebesleben
im XIX Jahrhundert”, p. 22. ↑
145 Op. cit., I, p. 107. ↑
146 Op. cit., I, p. 99. ↑
147 Op. cit., I, pp. 104, 105. ↑
148 Session 1882, Appendix B, p. 52. ↑
149 Op. cit., p. 169. ↑
150“Die Prostitution im XIX Jahrhundert”, pp. 17, 18. See also B. Schönlank, “Zur Lage der in der
Wäschefabrikation und Konfektionsbranche Deutschlands beschäftigen Arbeiterinnen”, pp.
126, 127 (“Neue Zeit”, 1888); Hirsch, op. cit., p. 46; Pappritz, op. cit., p. 10. ↑
151 Hirsch, op. cit., p. 57. ↑
152 P. 161. See also Faucher, op. cit., I, p. 277; Bebel, op. cit., p. 194; and Schäffle, op. cit., I, p.
261. Cf. Neher, op. cit., pp. 13 ff. ↑
153 Pp. 8, 9. ↑
154 P. 188 (“Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung, und Volkswirthschaft”, XII, 2). See also L.
Braun, “Die Frauenfrage”, pp. 227 ff., and 287 ff. ↑
155 I, p. 65. ↑
156 III, p. 168. See also “Reports of the Select Committee,” etc. (Session 1882), pp. 15, 16. ↑
157 Op. cit., I, pp. 103–104. See also: Richelot, op. cit., pp. 577–579; Frégier, [347]op. cit., I, pp.
97, 98; Ducpetiaux, “De la condition physique et morale des jeunes ouvriers”, I, p. 315; “Die
Prostitution in Berlin” (Anon.), pp. 84, 85; Loewe, “Die Prostitution”, pp. 135, 136; Röhrmann, op.
cit., pp. 24, 25; Moreau-Christophe, op. cit., III, pp. 167, 168; Acton, op. cit., pp. 180 ff.; Hügel, op.
cit., p. 208; Jeannel, op. cit., pp. 140–142; Lecour, op. cit., p. 248; Müller, “De Prostitutie”, pp.
10–11; du Camp, “Prostitution à Paris”, pp. 257, 258 (“Journal des économistes”, 1872); Kühn,
“Die Prostitution im XIX Jahrhundert”, pp. 37, 38; Schäffle, op. cit., p. 261; von Oettingen, op. cit.,
pp. 212, 213; Domela Nieuwenhuis, “Zur Frage der Prostitution”, pp. 254 ff. (“Neue Zeit”, 1884);
Stursberg, op. cit., pp. 51–53; Lux, “Die Prostitution”, pp. 10–12; Schönfeld, op. cit., pp. 269 ff.;
Teifen, “Das Soziale Elende und die besitzenden Klassen in Oesterreich”, pp. 150 ff.; Taxil, op. cit.,
pp. 33–38; De Baets, op. cit., pp. 36, 37; Commenge, op. cit., pp. 28, 29, 36, 37; Blaschko, “Die
Prostitution im XIX Jahrhundert”, pp. 16–21. ↑
158 L. Braun, op. cit., p. 555; Röhrmann, op. cit., pp. 46, 47; Pappritz, op. cit., p. 12. ↑
159 Kühn, op. cit., p. 38. ↑
160Hatzig, “Der Mädchenhandel”, p. 514 (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrw.” XX); Bebel, op. cit., pp.
190–192; “Reports of the Select Committee”, etc. (Session 1881); “Les scandales de Londres”,
passim; Collard, “De handel in blanke slavinnen 📘”, pp. 4–56.
[N A E : Cf. further: A. Mackirdy and W. N. Willis, “The White Slave
Market”; Willis, “The White Slaves of London”; and H. Wagener, “Der Mädchenhandel.”] ↑
161 Pp. 514, 515. ↑
162Collard, op. cit., pp. 13–15. Upon the procurer’s trade in general see: Parent-Duchatelet, op.
cit., I, pp. 430–436; Richelot, op. cit., pp. 583–588; Acton, op. cit., p. 165; Lecour, op. cit., pp.
195–202; Carlier, op. cit., chap. II; Stursberg, op. cit., p. 53; Commenge, op. cit., pp. 60–90;
Blaschko, “Hygiene der Prostitution und venerischen Krankheiten”, pp. 37, 38. ↑
163 Op. cit., pp. 600 and 637. ↑
164 P. 52 (Session 1882), Appendix B. ↑
165 Op. cit., I, p. 86. ↑
166 Op. cit., p. 334. ↑
167 Richelot, op. cit., pp. 664, 665; Acton, op. cit., p. 165; Pappritz, op. cit., pp. 17, 18. ↑
168 Tarnowsky, “Prostitution und Abolitionismus”, pp. 108 ff. ↑
169 Lombroso and Ferrero, “La femme criminelle et la prostituée”, p. 212. ↑
170 Op. cit., p. 581. ↑
171 P. 132. ↑
172 Op. cit., p. 574. ↑
173 Op. cit., pp. 118, 119. ↑
174 See some typical examples cited by Dr. Magnan in his report to the second Congress of
Criminal Anthropology: “De l’enfance des criminels dans les rapports avec la prédisposition
naturelle au crime.” (“Actes,” pp. 60–63.)
[N A E : Cf. H. F. Stelzner, “Die psychopathischen Konstitutionen und
ihre sociologische Bedeutung.”] ↑
175 Commenge, op. cit., p. 107. ↑
176 Op. cit., I, p. 106. ↑
177 See further against Lombroso’s theory: R. Calwer, “Die erbliche Belastung der Prostituirten”
(“Neue Zeit”, XII, 2); Hirsch, op. cit., pp. 15 ff.; Pappritz, op. cit., pp. 3–6.
[N A E : Cf. Näcke, “Die Ueberbleibsel der Lombrosischen
kriminalanthropologischen Theorien.”] ↑
178 See for example Blaschko, “Die Prostitution im XIX Jahrhundert”, p. 9. ↑
179 “The History of Human Marriage”, pp. 70, 71. ↑
180 [N A E : Notable recent works are: E. Vandervelde, “Le socialisme et
l’alcool” (“Essais socialistes”); E. Wurm, “Die Alkoholfrage”; A. Pistolese, “Alcoolismo e
delinquenza”; and A. Dix, “Alkoholismus und Arbeiterschaft.”] ↑
181 The abuse of alcohol is much more extensive than is generally believed. Dr. Grotjahn gives as
the amount that a normal man can take without being injured by it, 30–45 grams of absolute
alcohol, the amount contained in a liter of beer, or a half-liter of light wine. (“Der Alkoholismus”,
p. 143.) ↑
182 Pp. 126, 127. ↑
183 Op. cit., pp. 287, 288. ↑
184 Op. cit., p. 288. ↑
185 Holst, “Arbeiders en Alkohol” (“Nieuwe Tijd”, VII), p. 527, and Grotjahn, op. cit., p. 225. ↑
186 Verhaeghe, “De l’alcoolisation”, pp. 215, 216. ↑
187 Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 35–41. ↑
188 See J. Rae, “Der Achtstunden-Arbeitstag”, pp. 249, 250, where mention is made of the
opposition of public-house keepers in Australia to the movement for an eight-hour day. Upon
the shortening of the day and the decrease in the use of alcohol, see pp. 96, 107, 108 in the same
work; Lux, “Socialpolitisches Handbuch”, pp. 328–329; Dr. G. M. den Tex, “Verkorting van den
arbeidsdag”, pp. 28, 29, 34, 80, 117–120, 140; “Onmatig lange arbeidstijd en misbruik van sterken
drank” (Anon.), pp. 17–20; Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 288–289; Roland-Holst, op. cit., pp. 530–532;
Augagneur, “Les vraies causes et les vrais remèdes de l’alcoolisme”, pp. 76–77 (“Mouvement
Socialiste”, 1900); Verhaeghe, “Le parti socialiste et la lutte contre l’alcool”, pp. 25–26
(“Mouvement Socialiste”, 1900). ↑
189 Given in detail in Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 277–283. ↑
190See also Colajanni, “L’alcoolismo”, pp. 153 ff.; Zerboglio, “L’alcoolisme: causes et remèdes”,
pp. 123, 124 (“Devenir Social”, 1895); Vandervelde, op. cit., p. 260, and “Die ökonomischen
Faktoren des Alkoholismus”, pp. 747, 748 (“Neue Zeit”, 1901–1902, I); Verhaeghe, op. cit., pp.
203–205.
Upon the fact that the abuse of alcohol has consequences much more injurious for the badly
nourished man than for others, see: A. Baer, “Der Alkoholismus”, p. 286; Colajanni, op. cit., p.
183; Grotjahn, op. cit., p. 273; Verhaeghe, “De l’alcoolisation”, p. 203. ↑
191Colajanni, op. cit., pp. 177, 178; Braun, “Berliner Wohnungsverhältnisse”, p. 22; Grotjahn, op.
cit., pp. 290–292; Verhaeghe, “De l’alcoolisation”, pp. 205–208 and 217; Vandervelde, “Die
ökonomischen Faktoren des Alkoholismus”, p. 747. ↑
192 P. 533. ↑
193 Zerboglio, op. cit., p. 125. See also Verhaeghe, “De l’alcoolisation”, p. 212; Colajanni, op. cit.,
pp. 181, 182. ↑
194 See upon this subject Colajanni, op. cit., pp. 168, 169; Verhaeghe, op. cit., pp. 222, 223; Holst,
op. cit., p. 528. ↑
195 Pp. 75, 76. See also Colajanni, op. cit., pp. 169–173; Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 289–298;
Verhaeghe, “De l’alcoolisation”, pp. 225–227. ↑
196 Holst, op. cit., pp. 534, 535. ↑
197Kautsky, “Der Alkoholismus und seine Bekämpfung” (“Neue Zeit”, 1890–91, II); Vandervelde,
“Het alkoholisme en de arbeidsvoorwaarden in België,” pp. 268, 271, 272; Holst, op. cit., pp.
528–536. ↑
198 See, among others, Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 296–298. ↑
199“Condition of the Working Class”, pp. 102, 103 [in original pp. 105, 106]. See also:
Ducpetiaux, “De la condition physique et morale des jeunes ouvriers”, I, pp. 352 ff.; Battaglia,
“La dinamica del delitto”, pp. 415–417. ↑
200 “De la prostitution dans la ville de Paris”, I, p. 139. ↑
201 “Zur Kenntnis des grossstädtischen Bettel- und Vagabondentums. Zweiter Beitrag:
Prostituirte”, p. 119 (“Zeitsch. f. d. ges. Strw.”, XXIII). See also: Logan, “The Great Social
Evil”, pp. 55–56, 59; Ladame, “De la prostitution dans ses rapports avec l’alcoolisme, le crime et
la folie”, pp. 7–14; Colajanni, op. cit., p. 179; Lombroso and Ferrero, “La femme criminelle et la
prostituée”, p. 538. ↑
202 Verhaeghe, “De l’alcoolisation”, p. 211; see also Colajanni, op. cit., p. 183; and Kautsky, op.
cit., p. 50. ↑
203 Pp. 50, 51. See also Battaglia, op. cit., pp. 418–420, and Zerboglio, op. cit., p. 125. ↑
“Ergebnisse einer Umfrage über den Alkoholgenuss der Schulkinder in Nieder-Oesterreich”, p. 82.
204See also Ducpetiaux, op. cit., pp. 367–370. ↑
205 See Baer, op. cit., pp. 144, 145; Colajanni, op. cit., pp. 139–142; Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 178,
179; Verhaeghe, “De l’alcoolisation”, pp. 209–211; Vandervelde, “Die ökonomischen Faktoren
des Alkoholismus”, pp. 741, 742. ↑
206 Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 300, 301. ↑
207 Holst, op. cit., p. 530.
[N A E : Cf. further upon alcoholism among the Jews, Dr. L. Cheinisse,
“Die Rassenpathologie und der Alkoholismus bei den Juden.”] ↑
208 Vandervelde, “Die ökonomischen Faktoren des Alkoholismus”, pp. 742, 743. ↑
209 See Zerboglio, op. cit., pp. 125–127; Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 149–155; Verhaeghe, op. cit., pp.
187–189. ↑
210 This has actually happened, certain distilleries in the whisky trust being closed to increase the
profits. ↑
211 See Vandervelde, “Het alcoholisme en de arbeidsvoorwaarden in België”, p. 268. ↑
212 See Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 219–221. ↑
213 See Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 5–12. ↑
214 Grotjahn, op. cit., p. 9. See also: Hirschfeld, “Die historische Entwicklung des
Alkoholmissbrauchs” (VIII Intern. Cong. gegen den Alkoholismus). ↑
215 The assertion that the Germans were addicted to alcohol before the invasion is erroneous.
Agriculture was not sufficiently developed among these peoples for a regular consumption of
alcohol. See Kautsky, op. cit., pp. 46, 47, and Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 13–15. ↑
216 See Kautsky, op. cit., p. 47, and Grotjahn, op. cit., pp. 20 ff. ↑
[Contents]
BOOK II.
CRIMINALITY.
[Contents]

CHAPTER I.

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS. 1
A. D C .2

Crime belongs to the category of punishable acts. However, as the term

is applicable to only a part of such acts, it is necessary to be more exact.
The best way to do this, in my opinion, is to exclude successively all the
groups of acts which are punishable without being crimes.

The first exclusion is in connection with the question, “Who is it that

punishes?” You cannot call that a crime against which one or several
individuals take action of their own motion, and where the social group
to which they belong does not move as such. In this case the word
“punish” is an improper term, for the act in question is one of personal
vengeance. Nor can you apply the name of crime to the act of a group of
persons forming a social entity, against an analogous group. The reaction
of the second group called forth by such act is not properly punishment,
but “blood-” or “group-vengeance”, and is in reality nothing but a kind
of war. 3

The second exclusion concerns the nature of the punishment. Acts

[378]which bring no other punishment than moral disapprobation are not
reckoned as crimes. They are not so called unless they are threatened
with something more severe than this.

The provisional result is, then, as follows: A crime is an act committed

within a group of persons that form a social unit, and whose author is
punished by the group (or a part of it) as such, or by organs designated
for this purpose, and this by a penalty whose nature is considered to be
more severe than that of moral disapprobation. This definition, however,
considers only the formal side of the conception of crime; it says nothing
as to its essence. It is proper, then, to consider next the material side.
Crime is an act. 4 The question which presents itself first of all is this: Is
crime considered from a biological point of view an abnormal act? The
answer to this, which is of the highest importance for the etiology of
crime, must be negative. From a biological point of view almost all
crimes must be ranked as normal acts. The process which takes place in
the brain of the gendarme when he kills a poacher who resists arrest is
identical with that which takes place in the brain of the poacher killing
the gendarme who pursues him. It is only the social environment which
classes the second act rather than the first as a crime. From the biological
point of view homicide is not an abnormal act. Sociology and history
prove that men have always killed when they thought it necessary. No
one would maintain, for example, that those who take part in a war are
biologically abnormal.

The same observation may be applied to assaults. No anthropologist

would maintain that a policeman clubbing a mob of strikers was
performing a biologically abnormal act, or that the strikers were
abnormal because they did not choose to let themselves be maltreated
without defending themselves. It is only the social circumstances which
class this defense as a crime, and cause the action of the policeman to be
considered otherwise.

The same thing is true with regard to theft. For centuries it was
considered the right of the soldiers to pillage the country of the
conquered (and in colonial wars it is still done at times). Soldiers are not,
however, from this fact considered to be biologically abnormal
individuals. And yet there is no biological difference between these acts
and those of the ordinary thief; for anthropology does not ask whether
one steals on a large scale or on a small. 5 [379]

Continuing our researches into the essence of crime, it is obvious that it

is an immoral act, and one of a serious character. Why do we find any act
immoral? This question cannot be answered by asking of each individual
separately, Why do you think such and such an act immoral? Moral
disapprobation is primarily a question of feeling; ordinarily we take no
account of why any given act is approved or disapproved by us.
Sociology alone can solve the problem by taking the acts considered as
immoral in relation with the social organization in which they take place.
And in treating the matter thus we observe that the acts called immoral
are those which are harmful to the interests of a group of persons united
by the same interests. Since the social structure is changing continually,
the ideas of what is immoral (and consequently of what is or is not
criminal) change with these modifications. 6

Considered in this way from the material side, a crime is an anti-social

act, an act which is harmful in a considerable degree to the interests of a
certain group of persons. This definition is not yet complete, however,
for many acts of this nature are not crimes.

The best thing to do in order to find what is lacking in this definition is to

examine a concrete case. A short time ago there was added to the Dutch
penal code a new article threatening with a penal term of some years the
railroad employe who went out on a strike. The proposal of this law,
presented after a partial strike of the railroad employes, aroused great
indignation on the part of organized labor, while the bourgeoisie in
general regarded a strike as an immoral act which would henceforth be
followed by a severe penalty. Notwithstanding the violent opposition on
the part of the deputies of the labor party the plan was accepted.

It is clear that what must be added to our definition (already contained

implicitly in the formal definition) is that the act must be prejudicial to
the interests of those who have the power at their command. If, in the
case cited above, the deputies of the proletariat had had the majority the
Dutch penal code would contain no penalties against railroad employes
on a strike. Power then is the necessary condition for those who wish to
class a certain act as a crime.

It follows that in every society which is divided into a ruling class and a
class ruled penal law has been principally constituted according [380]to
the will of the former. We must at once add that the present legal
prescriptions are not always directed against the class of those ruled, but
that most of them are directed against acts that are prejudicial to the
interests of both classes equally (for example, homicide, rape, etc.).
These acts would without doubt continue to be considered criminal if the
power were to pass into the hands of those who are at present the
governed. However, in every existing penal code hardly any act is
punished if it does not injure the interests of the dominant class as well
as the other, and the law touching it protects only the interests of the
class dominated. The rare exceptions are explained by the fact that the
lower classes are not wholly without power.

Before closing our observations we must put the question, What is the
object of punishment? It seems to me that there are elements of different
nature in punishment as prescribed in our present penal codes. To begin
with the object of punishment is to be found in the feelings of vengeance
excited by the crime, for which satisfaction is desired. But after this
punishment has three things in view:

First, To put the criminal where he can do no further harm, either

permanently or for a certain period.

Second, To inspire the criminal, and other persons as well, with a fear of
committing crime.

Third, To reform the criminal as far as possible.

Most criminologists do not admit that punishment is still in great part a

manifestation of the desire for vengeance (although regulated).
Nevertheless it is indubitable that he who desires that some one shall be
punished solely because he has committed a misdeed, and without his
punishment’s being of any use to the criminal or to others, wishes simply
to satisfy his feelings of revenge. The most subtle theories cannot refute
this fact. Those who from the height of their knowledge disdain the
primitive peoples who practice the rule of “eye for eye, tooth for tooth”,
are nevertheless on the same plane in this matter, as those they scorn. 7

It is unnecessary to say that the minority that wishes to exclude all idea
of vengeance from the penal code, and sees in it only a means of
securing the safety of society, and, if possible, of reforming the criminal,
is at present still very small, so that the ideas of this group are almost
never realized in our present penalties. 8 [381]

This is our conclusion, then, that a crime is an act committed within a

group of persons forming a social unit; that it prejudices the interests of
all, or of those of the group who are powerful; that, for this reason, the
author of the crime is punished by the group (or a part of the group) as
such or by specially ordained instruments, and this by a penalty more
severe than moral disapprobation.

To find the causes of crime we must, then, first solve the question: “Why
does an individual do acts injurious to the interests of those with whom
he forms a social unit?”, or in other words: “Why does a man act
egoistically?”
B. T O E A G .9

What are the causes of egoistic acts? How does it happen that one man
does harm to another? The answers that have been given to this primeval
question may be divided into two groups. The first group attributes the
cause to the man himself, the second to his environment.

The great majority of persons who treat of this question settle it in favor
of innate egoism. They are of the opinion that man is egoistic by nature
and that environment can produce no change in this (this is implied in
the Christian doctrine of original sin). This opinion, in order to be
accepted as true, needs facts to prove that egoism has always and
everywhere been the same among men.

Others, among whom are most of the well-known sociologists, also

consider egoism as a fundamental trait of man, but are at the same time
of the opinion that little by little egoism has decreased, that altruism has
developed, and that this process continues. 10 For this hypothesis to be
correct it must be shown by the facts:

First. That the peoples of a much lower degree of social evolution than
ours show much more egoistic traits of character. 11

Second. That the animals from whom man has descended are inveterate
egoists.

This theory is naturally of the highest importance for criminal

[382]science, and it becomes still more so from the fact that, according to
Professor Lombroso, crime is a manifestation of atavism, that is, that
some individuals present anew traits of character belonging to their very
remote ancestors. The criminal would thus be a savage in our present
society. We must therefore examine to see whether the said theory is
correct.

We have only to consult one of the standard works on zoölogy to

perceive that there is no basis in this science to uphold the theory. There
are some animals that are complete egoists. Two harpies (South
American birds of prey) for example, upon meeting will attack each
other at once and will fight till one is conquered. Other animals, on the
contrary, show very altruistic traits of character. The following extract
from Darwin’s “Descent of Man”, is one of many proofs which might be
adduced: “Animals of many kinds are social;… We will confine our
attention to the higher social animals; and pass over insects, although
some of these are social, and aid one another in many important ways.
The most common mutual service in the higher animals is to warn one
another of danger by means of the united senses of all. Every sportsman
knows, as Dr. Jaeger remarks, how difficult it is to approach animals in a
herd or troop. Wild horses and cattle do not, I believe, make any danger-
signal; but the attitude of any one of them who first discovers an enemy,
warns the others. Rabbits stamp loudly on the ground with their hind-feet
as a signal; sheep and chamois do the same with their fore-feet, uttering
likewise a whistle. Many birds, and some mammals, post sentinels,
which in the case of seals are said generally to be the females. The leader
of a troop of monkeys acts as the sentinel, and utters cries expressive
both of danger and of safety. Social animals perform many little services
for each other: horses nibble, and cows lick each other, on any spot
which itches; monkeys search each other for external parasites; and
Brehm states that after a troop of the Cercopithecus griseo-viridis has
rushed through a thorny brake, each monkey stretches itself on a branch,
and another monkey sitting by, ‘conscientiously’ examines its fur, and
extracts every thorn or burr.

“Animals also render more important services to one another: thus

wolves and some other beasts of prey hunt in packs, and aid one another
in attacking their victims. Pelicans fish in concert. The Hamádryas
baboons turn over stones to find insects, etc.; and when they come to a
large one, as many as can stand round, turn it over together and share the
booty. Social animals mutually defend each other. Bull bisons in North
America, when there is danger, drive the [383]cows and calves to the
middle of the herd, whilst they defend the outside.… In Abyssinia,
Brehm encountered a great troop of baboons, who were crossing a
valley: some had already ascended the opposite mountain, and some
were still in the valley: the latter were attacked by the dogs, but the old
males immediately hurried down from the rocks, and with mouths
widely opened roared so fearfully, that the dogs quickly drew back. They
were again encouraged to the attack; but by this time all the baboons had
reascended the heights, excepted a young one, about six months old,
who, loudly calling for aid, climbed on a block of rock, and was
surrounded. Now one of the largest males, a true hero, came down again
from the mountain, slowly went to the young one, coaxed him, and
triumphantly led him away—the dogs being too much astonished to
make an attack. I cannot resist giving another scene which was witnessed
by this same naturalist; an eagle seized a young Cercopithecus, which,
by clinging to a branch, was not at once carried off; it cried loudly for
assistance, upon which the other members of the troop, with much
uproar, rushed to the rescue, surrounded the eagle, and pulled out so
many feathers, that he no longer thought of his prey, but only how to
escape.…

“It is certain that associated animals have a feeling of love for each other,
which is not felt by non-social adult animals.” 12

Later I shall treat of the question why some species of animals show
altruistic proclivities while others do not. At present I wish to inquire
whether peoples showing a much lower degree of civilization than our
own are much more egoistic.

Nansen, the celebrated explorer, in speaking of the Eskimos, among

whom he sojourned for some time, says: “The Greenlander is of all
God’s creatures gifted with the best disposition. Good-humor,
peaceableness, and evenness of temper are the most prominent features
in his character. He is eager to live on as good a footing as possible with
his fellow-men and therefore refrains from offending them and much