Heroes and Saints in Anatolian Turkish Literature

HEROES AND SAINTS IN ANATOLIAN TURKISH LITERATURE
Author(s): GOTTFRIED HAGEN

Source: Oriente Moderno , 2009, Nuova serie, Anno 89, Nr. 2, STUDIES ON ISLAMIC
LEGENDS (2009), pp. 349-361
Published by: Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino
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GOTTFRIED HAGEN
(University of Michigan)
HEROES AND SAINTS IN ANATOLIAN TURKISH LITERATURE
In the comparative study of oral epic poetry Turkic epics have held a place of
pride since the pioneering collections of Radlov and his successors in the
19th century.1 Epics continue to be sung and transmitted among the Turkic
peoples of central Asia from northern Siberia to Turkmenistan and the Cauca
sus. The celebration of Manas in modern Kyrghyzstan, of Alpamys in Uzbeki
stan, or the cult of the epic of Dede Qorqut as "one of the mythic charters of
Turkish nationalist ideology"2 indicate that modern nationalism has seized the
heroic epic tradition as a part of an unchanging pan-Turkic ethnic heritage.
However, under this assumption it would be difficult to explain why the Turkic
literatures of Central Asia have a continuing tradition of oral epic poetry, in
stark contrast with the conspicuous lack of heroic epics in Anatolian Turkish lit
erature besides the famous Book of Dede Qorqut and later the Korogh cycle. Out
of these two one is lacking any further echo after the 16th century, and the other
is a typical popular heroic-romantic narrative not attested before the 17th cen
tury.3 Since Hegel's formulation of a heroic age there has been a notion that es
pecially heroic epics flourish in specific socio-political conditions, that they are
inflected by space and time.4 In this article I will seek to support this assumption
by showing that there was a period in which Anatolian Turkish literature actu
ally produced heroic narratives outside the modern rigorous delineations of the
genre of heroic epics. Rather, these definitions have obfuscated the connections
between such narratives, so that they have not yet been studied as a coherent
group, consisting of the 'classical' heroic epics and different kinds of historical
narratives.5 Moreover, I argue that the concept of man and history manifested in
1 - The most important literature includes Chadwick/Zhirmunsky, Oral Epics; Reichl, Turkic
Oral; id., Singing the Past.
2 - Meeker, Dede Korkut Ethic, p. 395.
3 - I am using Anatolian Turkish as linguistic definition meant to include the entire Turkic
language continuum of Western Asia and Asia Minor. The language is often called Ottoman
Turkish, but the term may be misunderstood to exclude the area not under Ottoman domina
tion before the late 15th century. On romantic epics, which shall not concern us here, see the
studies by Ba?g6z.
4 - Examples of adaptive character in Eberhardt, see also the contribution by Daniel Prior in
this volume.
5 - Many of the motifs and texts are addressed by John Renard in his Islam and the Heroic Im
Oriente Moderno, LXXXIX, 2009, 2, p. 349-361

? Istituto per l'Oriente Carlo Alfonso Nallino - Roma

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350 Gottfried Hagen
that literature is both specific and comprehensive enough to justify the denomi
nation of this period as a heroic age. It is difficult to exactly determine its begin
nings, due to the lack of written testimonies right after the beginning of the
immigration of the Oguz Turks into Asia Minor in the late 11 th century. Turk
ish literature emerges in a sizable body of texts only since the 14th century in
competition with Arabic and Persian as the traditional scholarly and literary lan
guages of Islam. Written versions of heroic epics are found among these early
texts. I will argue that the heroic age ends about the period when the extant texts
are committed to writing in the late 15th and early 16th century.6
The Book of Dede Qorqut, preserved in two manuscripts of the early 16th
century is not only the earliest Turkic heroic epic, but widely considered the
only true example in Anatolian Turkish. It is a cycle of up to twelve episodes,
written in prosimetric form, ascribed to a narrator Dede (Grandfather) Qorqut,
who at the same time appears in the story as the sage advisor to the khan of the
Oguz Turks. All the elements which Chadwick found typical in Turkic oral epic
poetry are present here: raids, single combats, the theft of large herds, revenge
and counter-attack, wooing and marriages, the birth and remarkable childhood
of heroes; sports, especially horse-racing and wrestling; long journeys and the
sundry adventures of a nomadic life. Heroic and supernatural adventures are
skillfully interwoven.7 Despite its archaic appearance this epic in its present is
actually the product of a transition. Closely connected to the Eastern Anatolian
nomadic empire of the Aqqoyunlu Turkomans, which succumbed to the Otto
mans in the late 15 th century, it also reflects the decline of nomadic life and the
beginnings of sedentarization.8
Although not dealing with specified events the Book of Dede Qorqut cer
tainly was assumed to by the Aqqoyunlu to be a truthful account of their past.9
Similarly, most of the texts, which constitute the topic of this article are 'histori
cal' in the sense that they are supposed to tell an episode of real history, evolving
around individual heroic characters. These include Ebu Muslim of Hurasan, the
8th century herald of Alidism, Seyyid Battal, the legendary Arab fighter against
Byzantium assumed to have lived in the 8th century, and Anatolian princes of
the pre-Ottoman era, like Umur Pasa of Aydin, and Melik Danismend of Tokat:
age, but are treated there with less historical and regional specificity.
6 - For the still best overviews of the early literary history in a Western language see Bombaci,
Letteratura, and the articles in Philobgiae Turcicae Fundamenta II.
7 - Chadwick/Zhirmunsky, Oral Epics, p. 27. The Book of Dede Qorqut has been translated by
Geoffrey Lewis and by Faruk Stimer, Edip Uysal, and Warren Walker. A German translation
is by Joachim Hein. For a discussion of recent studies see Bernardini, The Kitdb.
8 - Woods, Aqquyunlu, p. 178 f, de Planhol, Signification. The intertwining of setting, plot,

and narrative framework through the person of Dede Qorqut appears almost manneristic and
seems to me to be another indication of an increasing gap between the epic and real life experi
ence. In the tripartite scheme of Lois Giffen, this text would be at the transition to the heroico
romantic phase of Turkic poetry (Giffen, Central Asian).
9 - Reichl notes that for some of his Kirghiz interlocutors "something true" meant epic po
etry, "lies" folktales (Reichl, Turkic Oral, p. 125).

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Heroes and Saints in Ana tolian Turkish Litera ture 3V
Since all of these figures are attested in 'historical' sources, such as chronicles,
these epics have been treated as a form of popular historiography by literary his
torians so far, distinct from heroic epics.10 Closely related to these heroes, who
mostly have some geographical connection to Anatolia (rather spurious in the
case of Ebu Muslim), appear two early Islamic heroes, the prophet Muhammad's
cousin CA1I b. Abl Talib, and Muhammad's uncle Hamzah b. cAbdalmuttalib.
Their respective epics in Turkish usually go by the generic title of Genkndme and
Hamzandme}1 While the latter are engaged in adventure after adventure for the
defense and for the expansion of Islam, Seyyid Battal, Melik Danismend, and
Umur Pasa fight against the infidels of Byzantium. The epic of Ebu Muslim, on
the other hand, tells of his resistance against the Umayyad caliphs who betrayed
the cause of Islam and the love for the family of the prophet. All these texts are
manifestations of a collective memory which is organized around heroic indi
viduals and foundational figures. They are a part of popular culture in the sense
that they were accessible to an audience which lacked the religious and literary
education without which the elite culture could not be understood.
The narratives celebrating these characters were written down in the 14th
and 15th centuries (partly purporting to be based on earlier sources), in verse or
in a mixture of prose and verse, less frequently in pure prose.12 Violent confron
tation with an eternal enemy is at the heart of these heroic narratives - there is
no end to raging battles, mortal combat, chopped-off heads, and spilt blood in
these tales. The conflict with this enemy tends to be primeval, it does not seem
to have an origin or a cause, and, despite the victories gained by the hero, it does
not fundamentally change. When the hero ultimately dies - often in combat or
otherwise at the hand of the enemy - the primeval confrontation is reverted to
its previous stage. It is an important characteristic of these pseudo-historical ep
ics, as we may call them, that they should cover the entire life span of the hero.
However, between legends of childhood, and the exemplary death of the hero,
the episodes are arranged in sessions, or cycles, which often do not have a
chronological order, and can be expanded as the reciters or popular imagination
see fit.
The confrontation makes the hero's superiority, his heroism manifest.
10 - Melikoff, Geste (the date 1360 seems dubious); Melikoff, Le porte-hache (circulating in
Anatolia in the 15th cent.); Melikoff, Destan; Dedes, Battalname (date of earliest ms. 840 H.).
On the fate of the Abu-Muslim-ndme in Shi'ite Iran see Babayan, Mystics, p. 121-160.
11 - The first known example of a Genkndme is Seyyad cIsa s Salsdlndme, from the 13th cen
tury (Gallotta, Salsdl-ndme), more anonymous works being circulated in the following centu
ries (Qetin, Cenknameler). The earliest Hamzandme is attributed to a poet Hamzavi, who is be
lieved to have lived in the 14th century, but the work has not survived. No Hamzandme
manuscript extant in Istanbul is earlier than the 18th century (Sezen, Hamzanameler). Both
cAli and Hamzah are remembered as warriors in the Arab legendary tradition (Paret, Legenddre
Maghazt).
12 - Reichl, Turkic Oral, p. 126-130, has shown that the form matters little in the definition
of genre. The Vildyetndme of Haggi Bektas, to be discussed below, is a case of a work extant in
different forms, without corresponding difference in content.

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352 Gottfried Hagen
Throughout our range of texts, heroism is inherent in a person, announced at or

before his birth; it is not acquired, and does not change over time. As we shall
see heroism can manifest itself in many different ways, but the lack of fear and
the confrontation with a technically or numerically superior adversary, be it an
army, a dragon, or another hero, and victory by transcending the natural bounda
ries of human capability, are central. On the other hand, it seems to be of secon
dary importance if his superiority originates from his faith and just cause, his in
telligence, a God-given supernatural strength, or any combination thereof.13
Heroism is, finally, a matter of the individual.14 Epics don't know collectivities
as agents, every new turn of the plot is motivated by individuals (including some
supernatural ones). Their good or evil character decides the course of events.
One central element of 'classical' heroic epics is often missing from the
pseudo-historical heroic tale: Love affairs, or bride-winning epics, which abound
for instance in Dede Qorqut as well as Central Asian epics, or later in Anatolia,
in the Korogh cycle. A related motif, however, is present: the heroine as the wor
thy match, companion in arms, and future spouse, such as Efromiya, the bride
of Melik Danismend's companion Artuhi. In an initial scene, the hero Melik
Danismend links the two quests together: to conquer Rum, and to win the bride
for Artuhi.15 On the other hand the marriages between Seyyid Battal and the
daughters of the Qaysar of Rum or between his companion cAbdussalam and
Nawruz Band are more add-ons than essential parts of the story that drive the
plot. Women are little more than booty most of the time in this work.
The classical heroic epic and 'historical' epics are also linked by the geogra
phy in which many of them are set, and especially those thought to be related to
historical figures. Genkndmes and Hamzandmes venture far beyond the historical
geography of ancient Arabia and into an imaginary world, and so does the Bat
tdlndme. Both Ddnismendndme and Saltiqndme, thought to be located in Anato
lia and the Balkans, respectively, are frequently using pairs of toponyms, in
which a mythical toponym is identified with a real one. This symbolic geogra
phy clearly separates these texts from historiography proper.16
$ $ $
The late Middle Ages in Anatolia are a period of ongoing Isla
many new syncretist and heterodox religious groups forme
local figures, while orthodox Islam was taught and spread pr
In a period of fluctuating political boundaries religious and l
have provided the basic coordinates of identity. Thus in the
13 - In the third episode Dede Qorqut defeats his enemy with the hel
viation from the usual pattern. On the other hand, not all legends of
explicitly state that the hero's power derives from prayer, as would ha
propriate.
14 - Cf. Meeker, Dede Korkut Ethic, p. 397: "Every story tells how an individual (usually a
man rather than a woman) proves himself by overcoming an opponent on the field of battle."
15 - Melikoff, Geste, II, p. 24.
16 - Renard, Islam, p. 166.

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Heroes and Saints in Ana tolian Turkish Litera ture 353
ligious landscape the warrior-saint plays a prominent role. In fact, in many cases
it is difficult to draw a line between hagiographies and warrior narratives in the
period. The legend of the saint Sari Saltiq, whose many tombs are found all over
the Balkans, was collected and written down for the Ottoman prince Gem be
tween 1473 and 1480. Closer scrutiny has shown that it is actually more the
continuation of the Battdlndme mentioned before than a proper hagiography.17
A number of important hagiographical texts obviously were written down in the
period in question. The saints of the syncretic sect that crystallized into the Bek
tasi order of dervishes, are particularly noteworthy.18
Hagiographies lend themselves to comparison with heroic narratives: just
like the latter, they are expressions of collective memory that cover the entire life
span of outstanding individuals. It is characteristic that the death of the hero just
like that of the saint is an indispensable element of the narrative. I argue that
there are enough instances which demonstrate that the saint of 'popular' hagio
graphies in the period under consideration are in fact heroic figures, and that
these hagiographies are part of the historical heroic literature.19 The dervish who
fights for Islam with a wooden sword is a topos in Anatolian pious legend, but
in the extant full hagiographies this is a minor element.20 The confrontations
which allow the saint to display his superiority do not have to occur on the bat
tle field: The saint defends his present or future followers against natural and su
pernatural dangers, or he defeats his spiritual competitors by way of miracles.21
For instance, Hag Sultan, a Bektasi saint, is protected against attacks by the
Yuriik nomads. He is invulnerable to the sword of an attacker, and defeats a
dragon by means of his saintly wrath.22 Emir Sultan of Bursa, another saint,
helps Sultan Bayezld I win a battle against the infidels, but he also turns the sul
tan's men into statues when they attack him because he had married the sultan's
daughter.23 HaggI Bektas saves the son of a Tatar nobleman from execution, and
17 - Dedes, Battalname, p. 43; moreover, this work marks a transition from popular to literary
epic. A recent study on San Saltiq brings together all the source material, but is marred by a
fundamental lack of understanding of literary processes in the development of legends (Ocak,
Sari Saltik).
18 - Golpinarh, Haci Bektas, id., Otman Baba, Tschudi, c. In many other legends of saints
scholars have confidently dated the beginning of the legend to the lifetime of the saint, al
though all extant texts are centuries later. Such texts shall not be considered here (see e.g.
Giizel, Kaygusuz Abdal). On Bektasi religiosity see Birge, Bektashi Order, and numerous stud
ies by Ocak.
19 - Such connections have been made by Golpinarh, Noyan, and earlier, Koprulii, but have
not been substantiated. Renard does not mention hagiographies.
20 - He appears in the Saltiqname and in later versions of Bektasi Vilayetnames, but not in
the ms. edited by Golpinarh. The only obviously early mentioning is in the Menaqib of Seyh
Bedreddin (all listed in Ocak, Bektasi Menakibnameleri, p. 129 ff.).
21 - The motif of contest and competition between religions is a common topos in legends of
conversion, as DeWeese has shown (DeWeese, Islamization).
22 - Tschudi, Hddschim Sultan, p. 60 ff. The same episode is also part of the Vildyetname of
HaggI Bektas (Golpinarh, Haci Bektas, p. 84).
23 - This part is published in Iz, Nesir, p. 336-339.

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354 Gottfried Ha gen
a group of seafaring believers from a storm. He is shown in numerous spiritual

competitions with other dervishes, but also culemaJ'.24 Thus the heroism of the
saint intersects with the religious sphere in two different ways: situations of
worldly crisis (like oppression and danger) may be resolved in a specific saintly
way (dervishes do not fight), or confrontation is taking place at the symbolic
level and there carried out with equal weapons. Sometimes it seems as if the
hagiographers had to make a point that saints actually were the better heroes,
since they obtain their superiority from God.
$ ? $
Although it has been argued before that coverage of the entir
hood to death is characteristic for the historical epic and for
fundamental unit in which heroism is demonstrated for a p
narrative is the individual narrative episode, into which the la
broken down. Episodes follow a characteristic pattern, from t
problem through a number of stages to the final confrontatio
Such episodes can appear outside of the genres discussed so fa
the early Ottoman chronicles, which again came into being in
the 15th century. Not only do larger parts of the historiograph
the early Ottomans consist of accounts of raids and campaigns
conquest of the castle of Aydos, surrendered by the Christian
who had seen one of the Turkish fighters in her dream, or th
cik, where the warriors sneaked into the castle in women's cloth
acteristics of heroic tales.25 Moreover, the entire self-stylization
in these chronicles as gazis, warriors and heroes of faith revea
pological concept of the heroic individual and the fulfillment
confrontation.
The same concept is also extended to the most sacred pers
prophet Muhammad. His earliest biography in Anatolian Tur
Mustafa Darir from Erzurum for the Mamluk Sultan Barquq
century, and proliferated widely in Anatolia in the 15 th cen
merous episodes which present Muhammad as a hero. Not on
childhood miracles resemble the portents of a hero's future gr
Muhammad taming lions and slaying dragons. Some of his fo
b. Umayyah al-Damri are shown as fearless swashbucklers of
breathtaking adventures.26 The role of the eternal enemy is p
24 - Golpinarh, Vilayetname, p. 55ff., 66ff. See especially how he defe

Hayrani, who allegedly came riding on a lion, using a snake as a whip. H
is riding a living being, so I will mount a lifeless being,' and rides out t
rock (ibid., p. 49).
25 - On Birecik see cAsiqpasazade (Atsiz, Osmank Tarihleri, p. 101f.). The
found in cAsiqpasazade and Nesri, see Ozdemir, Chroniken, p. 290-30
pointed out the mythical character of these chronicles (Imber, Dynastic M
26 - The story of this character, described as a typical champion hero b
into a separate epic in Malay (Renard, Islam, p. 58-59).

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Jews, and is projected back to primordial times, while the pagan Meccans receive
much more leniency. The complex personnel of the early community as found
in the classical tradition is reduced to a few outstanding figures, noblemen sur
rounding the king, most prominent among them cUmar, the archetype of the
strong, brave, and unsophisticated warrior.
The textual history not being fully clarified at this point it should be noted
that a good deal of the later part of this six-volume work actually focuses on
cAli. Much of this image is found in its incipient stage in Ibn Ishaq, but had
been largely eliminated by later and more scholarly authors of the vita prophetae,
the semi-legendary popular Egyptian author whom Darir claims as his source
being one of a few exceptions.27
$ $ $
In order to further support the argument that these historica
part of a broader group of text we have to look at literary as
between them. All the texts discussed, although now available
ten form, show strong indications of an original oral charact
Dede Qorqut is quite explicit about the performance of these
sion of courtly celebrations, obviously by a specialized singer
Muhammad includes an introduction which relates how the S
vited the blind narrator to relate the life of the prophet; the
and seek for a written source from which he then adapted his
Danismendname are divided into 'sessions' each for the perfo
night. If they are not in verse throughout, they include poet
comment on events, or in which the protagonist may express
commenting verse passages are found in the chronicle of cA
end of chapters, often in combination with question-and-an
tween a narrator and a listener. The same kind of verses, in w
comments on the plot abound in the biography of Muhamma
they serve to impose a Islamic mystical interpretation on the
the Vilayetndme of Otman Baba.
"Reciters of stories" seems to be a more appropriate categ
formers of these epics than "singers of tales"; otherwise, ha
known about their background and training.31 However, a c
27 - About the source Abu Dl-Hasan al-Bakri see Shoshan, Popular Cu

Balm's relation to Ibn Ishaq Paret, Legenddre Maghdzi. The textual history
been studied in Hagen, Some Considerations. Only a heavily edited tra
Turkish is available in print (Giirtunca, Siyer-i Nebi).
28 - In fact, almost everything that we know about oral performance of
evidences in these works.
29 - In addition, several of the heroes appear as singers themselves, exp

with their lute. These elements, which link the Book of Dede Qorqut t
Turkish epics, are another indication of the 'late' character of the work.
30 - Hagen, Some Considerations.
31 - Dedes' meticulous scrutiny of references to qissa-hwdns and medddh

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356 Gottfried Ha gen
also seen in the trade of motives between the genres, indicating that an individual
reciter's repertoire might have included all these kinds texts.32 Thus the afore
mentioned legend of the conquest of Aydos in the chronicles uses motifs from
the Battdlndme?^ Links between 'historical' heroes are established across chro
nology on the symbolical level by a transmission of signs and weapons, or com
mon geographical origins, and also explicitly in introductory sections when the
Ddnismendndme makes explicit reference to Seyyid Battal, and the Saltiqndme
draws a lineage from Seyyid Battal through Eyne GazI and Melik Danismend to
San Saltiq.34
Even more important than the similarities or even commonalities of the set
ting are the similarities in terms of function. We have mentioned the impor
tance of the Book ofDede Qorqut for the Aqqoyunlu. It seems that this was not
simply one out of a series of potential texts for royal entertainment. It is a solidi
fied collective memory that functioned as a myth in the sense defined by Mircea
Eliade in that it provides an explanation and justification of the experienced
world.35 It was a means to boost legitimacy, since the khan of khans as the cen
tral protagonist of several episodes was the mythical ancestor of the Aqqoyunlu.
Again in the sense of Eliade, the performance of the heroic narrative provides a
magical return to that time of origins, when the nomadic world was still in its
ideal form. Hagiographies, which were regularly recited among the dervishes, as
sumed an almost liturgical function in a performance that took the listener back
to the mythical founder, and helped to reassert the religious group identity
among his followers. Similarly, the legends of the prophet Muhammad, cAlI,
and Hamzah lead directly back to the foundational period of Islam, while the
pseudo-historical epics tell the legends of the Islamization of Anatolia. The ori
gins of Islam and the Islamic-Turkish conquest of Anatolia emerge as the two
periods (with Seyyid Battal as a kind of link between them) constitutive for Ana
tolian Turkish Islamic identity.
Thus public recitation of all kinds of heroic tales can be viewed as a ritual,
invoking the past in order to endow the presence with meaning. The content
and function of that ritual are indicative of a another difference between the
classical and the historical heroic epic. It has often been pointed out that oral ep
ics serve to enhance values and convey them to later generations. In terms of
these values the world is perceived as homogeneous; the values embodied by the
ics did not, in my opinion, yield tangible results. Most of his conclusions rest on extrapolations
from later times, when the coffee-house had become the primary locale for the performance of
epic poetry (Dedes, Battalname, p. 51-84). I would also argue that a name like Yusuf-i Med
dah for a poet indicates an link between poetry and the profession of meddah that is an excep
tion rather than the rule.
32 - Koprulti, Meddahlar has been assertive of this but has neither indicated a source, nor sub
stantiated the argument by literary analysis.
33 - Ozdemir p. 290-306, cf. Dedes, Battalname, p. 332 ff.
34 - For other instances see Renard, Islam, p. 140-142, 205-209.
35-1 am following the discussion of Eliade's concept in Segal, Theorizing, p. 20 ff.

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heroes are the only ones acknowledged, and even the adversaries in some form
follow this code of conduct. Therefore I would call this epic pre-ideological: al
though it can be seen in hindsight as promoting a certain ideology, it does not
do so consciously. That ideology is not specific to the hero and his peers. The
distinction of Muslims and non-Muslims, which provides the basic fault line in
many tales of Dede Qorqut, is clearly a later addition, and does not contribute
to the logic of the narratives. The performance of pseudo-historical epics, the
chronicles, and hagiographies, on the other hand, clearly advocates a specific
ideology, perceived as their form of Islam, against an enemy who does not have a
share in it. By the same token, the Dede Qorqut stories usually demonstrate
how an individual proves himself, how he earns recognition as a hero in his fight
against monsters and infidels, or in his desire to win a bride. Thus these heroes
act primarily as individuals and on their own behalf.36 Heroes of history, warri
ors and saints alike, however, primarily act on behalf of others, of their followers
and communities, and it is in that service of others that they prove their hero
ism. Thus, the historiographical or hagiographical heroic narrative reflect a dif
ferent notion of identity, which is defined through voluntary adherence to an
community of belief instead of the unquestioned tradition of nomadic society.
This new community is not nomadic any more. Xavier de Planhol has dem
onstrated long ago that the stories of Dede Qorqut reflect a transition from no
madism to a sedentary lifestyle. The setting of the other narratives discussed
here, on the other hand, is distinctly that of agricultural sedentarism, most
clearly perhaps in the life of Haggl Bektas. The outlook most of the time re
mains distinctly aristocratic. Seyyid Battal, Melik Danismend, and San Saltiq are
all of noble descent. Haggl Bektas is given a pedigree that combines descent
from the prophet with royal honors. Even the prophet Muhammad in Darlr's
account is not the poor orphan rising to power, as which he is seen today, but
the scion of the ruling family, a prince of Mecca. On the other hand, Ebu Mus
lim emerges as the representative of the urban craftsmen united in the futuwwah
brotherhoods, and the humble origins of some antinomian saints lend additional
credibility to their claim for sainthood.37
Mostly those religious heroes show contempt for centralized political power.
Ebu Muslim fights against the Umayyad caliph, and the Abbasid caliphs - al
though viewed as somewhat more legitimate than the Umayyads - don't receive
much credit in the stories of the Battdlndme and Ddnismendndme. Examples of
oppressive officials abound in the hagiographies of the period. Cemal Kafadar
has seen the restless fight against Byzantium in the border zone of Anatolia re
flected the literature of the period.38 I argue that more than the confrontation
36 - Pace Meeker's argument that in the Dede Qorqut stories 'heroic feats are of value only as
acts of self-sacrifice that lead to the emotional reunion of family and society (Meeker, Dede
KorkutEthic, p. 398).
37 - On the futuwwah see Taeschner, Zunfte und Bruderschaften. An example of a saint of
humble origins is Otman Baba.
38 - Kafadar, Between Two Worlds. Kafadar has been instrumental in reinstating the old 'gazi
thesis' which describes early Ottoman identity primarily as fighters of holy war. This argument

93.77.15.48 on Mon, 18 Sep 2023 16:44:50 +00:00
358 Gottfried Hag en
with the infidel it was political fragmentation, the power vacuum of Anatolia
that have given rise to this literature, as indicated by the element of localism and
competition between saints, and the continuous notion of absence of a higher
authority.
$ ? $
Therefore, it seems only logical that the heroic age should co
early sixteenth century due to the unification and consolidat
rule. It can be argued that the fact that several texts are comm
that period is an indication of itself that the literature was a
im Leben, and oral tradition was not sufficient anymore t
more than one respect, a new era was in the making. Sultan
tablished an empire against the concerns of piety-minded
sorbed most of the smaller local principalities of Anatolia, i
yunlu. Under his son and grandson the empire took a more
expanding into Syria and Egypt. More orthodoxy-minded der
the Halvetiye and the Naqsbandlye gained a firm foothold in
All this caused a fundamental change in outlook and word
dered the heroic individual more and more obsolete in real l
nostalgic reminiscence. The memories of local princes were
under Ottoman rule, and the urban guilds who had venerat
their patron rapidly lost influence.41 The new historiograph
and state officials concerned itself with administrative and military politics.42 In
hagiography a more scripture-oriented idea of sainthood emerged which was
guided by theological scholarship and based on the Islamic mystical tradition.
Miracles increasingly privileged the vertical dimension over the horizontal as
they became proof of proximity to God rather than of power over worldly mat
ters.43 Especially the concept of competition between saints seems to have dis
appeared entirely in the sixteenth century.44 And finally, we have no evidence
that the aristocratic and nomadic literary heroic tradition continued to be culti
vated before orientalists in the nineteenth century discovered the two manu
scripts of Dede Qorqut in European libraries.
However, the heroic tradition did not disappear completely. Under a grow
ing layer of hegemonic elite culture, a popular collective memory of heroic fig
and its numerous refutations should not concern us here.
39 - Obviously this argument is largely speculative. It does not apply to all texts in question,
and other reasons, such as increasing acceptance for Turkish as a literary language come into
play as well.
40 - Yerasimos, Legendes d'Empire.
41 - Melikoff, Porte-Hache, p. 63-69.
42 - Kemalpasazade and Gelalzade Mustafa epitomize this development (see El2 s.v.)
43 - This concept has been introduced to Merovingian hagiography by Derouet, Possibilites;
see also the contribution by Zgoll in the present volume.
44 - Menaqib-i Ibrahim Giilseni is a case in point.

93.77.15.48 on Mon, 18 Sep 2023 16:44:50 +00:00
ures remained in place. The Bektasis, based in rural areas remote from the urban
centers of Islamic learning continued to cultivate the memory of Haggi Bektas
and other saints. Popular account of history were created and mostly transmitted
orally, which strongly deviate from official versions.45 Oral epics continued to be
recited, too, but their heroes were not the noble fighters of faith any more. In
stead in the seventeenth century the lower-class bandit Korogh entered the stage,
probably in Eastern Anatolia or Azerbaijan, from where his fame spread through
all of Anatolia as well as many regions of central Asia. Korogh is the proletarian
uneducated figure, but he is also the minstrel who expresses his ideas in poetry
accompanied by his lute.46 The minstrel hero appears in numerous other ro
mantic epics, which are still alive in Turkey, giving voice to social and class
struggles rather than political and religious conflict, a far cry from the literature
of the heroic age.
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Heroes and Saints in Anatolian Turkish Literature

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HEROES AND SAINTS IN ANATOLIAN TURKISH LITERATURE

Author(s): GOTTFRIED HAGEN

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