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FRUIT CROPS
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 FRUIT CROPS
Diagnosis and Management of Nutrient
Constraints

Edited By

A.K. SRIVASTAVA, Ph.D.

Principal Scientist (Soil Science), ICAR-Central Citrus Research Institute, Nagpur, India

CHENGXIAO HU, Ph.D.

Professor & Principal Scientist (Citrus nutrition and fertilization), Institute of Citrus Science and College of Resources & Environment,
Huazhong Agricultural University, Wuhan, China
Elsevier
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 Contents

Contributors xiii 6 Causes and management of important physiological

disorders 54
Editors’ biography xix
7 Future lines of research 56
Preface xxi References 57

1. Fruits and nutritional security 5. Ecophysiology of fruit crops: A glance at its

UMAR FAROOQ, AFSHAN SHAFI, KASHIF AKRAM, impact on fruit crop productivity
AND ZAFAR HAYAT
HERMANN RESTREPO-DIAZ AND ALEFSI DAVID
1 General 1 SÁNCHEZ-REINOSO
2 Fruits 3 1 Introduction 59
3 Therapeutic benefits of fruits 6 2 Light 60
4 Conclusion 9 3 Temperature 60
5 Future perspectives 9 4 Water 62
References 10 5 Wind 64
Further reading 12 6 Future line of research 64
7 Conclusion 65
2. Nutrient density of fruit crops as a function References 65
of soil fertility Further reading 66
ALLEN V. BARKER AND MARGIE L. STRATTON
6. Estimating carbon fixation in fruit crops
1 Defining nutrient density and its importance 13

ANA PEREZ-PIQUERES,  MARTÍNEZ-ALCÁNTARA, ISABEL
BELEN
2 Soil fertility and nutrient-dense crops 16
RODRÍGUEZ-CARRETERO, RODOLFO CANET, AND ANA QUIÑONES
3 Future research 25
References 27 1 Introduction 67
Further reading 31 2 Citrus trees’ carbon sequestration capability 68
3 Carbon capture of long residence woody, leaf, fruit,
3. Nutrient redistribution in fruit crops: and roots 71
4 Contribution of different fruit orchards to carbon storage 71
Physiological implications
5 Future line of research 74
RENATO VASCONCELOS BOTELHO AND MARCELO MARQUES
€ References 74
LOPES MULLER

1 Introduction 33 7. Effects of climate change on fruit

2 Nutritional requirements in fruit plants 34 nutrition
3 Nutrient dynamics in fruit plants 36
ALYSSA L. STEWART AND SELENA AHMED
4 The role of silicon in fruit plant nutrition 39
5 Association with microorganisms 40 1 Introduction 77
6 Future line of research 42 2 Notable changes in climate for fruit nutrition 78
References 43 3 Effects of climate change on crops 78
Further reading 45 4 Effects of climate change on fruit nutrition 79
5 Conclusion 89
4. Plant nutrition and physiological disorders 6 Future research 89
References 90
in fruit crops
YONGQIANG ZHENG, YANYAN MA, WENHUAN LIU,
AND FANGYING QIU
8. NIR spectroscopy and management of
bioactive components, antioxidant activity,
1 Introduction 47
2 Definition of physiological disorders 48
and macronutrients in fruits
 TAMARA JURINA,
JASENKA GAJDOŠ KLJUSURIC,
3 Classification of physiological disorders 48
DAVOR VALINGER, MAJA BENKOVI, AND ANA JURINJAK TUŠEK
4 Visual symptoms of nutrient deficiency
disorders 49 1 Daily fruit consumption and composition 95
5 Visual symptoms of some important 2 Near-infrared spectroscopy 97
physiological disorders 50 3 Chemometrics 98

v
vi Contents

4 Near-infrared spectroscopy measurement of fruits 99 13. Floral analysis in fruit crops: A potential tool
5 Near-infrared scan of different fruits 102 for nutrient constraints diagnosis
6 Conclusion and future directions 106
CHENGXIAO HU, ZHIHAO DONG, YUANYUAN ZHAO, WEI JIA,
References 106 MIAOMIAO CAI, TING ZHAN, QILING TAN, AND JINXUE LI

1 Plant response to nutrient concentration 157

9. Role of sensors in fruit nutrition 2 Nutrient deficiency symptom diagnosis 158
DANIEL COZZOLINO, MADELEINE F. DUPONT, AARON ELBOURNE, 3 Floral analysis in fruit crops: Sampling and analysis 159
VI KHANH TRUONG, AOIFE POWER, AND JAMES CHAPMAN
4 Floral analysis in fruit crops: Results interpretation
1 Introduction 111 and nutrient constraints diagnosis 162
2 Sensors based in vibrational spectroscopy 111 5 Floral analysis in fruit crops: Combining use of the
3 Data and information: Multivariate data analysis 113 soil testing 169
4 Applications 114 References 171
5 Final considerations 117
Acknowledgments 117 14. Calcium nutrition in fruit crops:
References 117 Agronomic and physiological implications
Further reading 119 FULYA GULBAGCA, HAKAN BURHAN, FATIMA ELMUSA,
AND FATIH SEN
10. Omics in fruit nutrition: Concepts 1 Introduction 173
and application 2 Environmental factors affecting crop germination 174
JEANETTE M. VAN EMON 3 Nutrient feeding of crops 174
1 Introduction 121 4 Applications of calcium nutrition in fruit crops 176
2 Biofortified and nutritionally enhanced 5 Calcium mineral evaluation after migration in fruits 177
food crops 122 6 Nanotechnological nutrition in fruit crops 179
3 Omics 122 7 Foliar application 182
4 Transgenic fruit crops 124 8 Plant growth responses of nanoparticles applied to soil 182
5 Omics in nutrition 126 9 Nanoparticles and side effects applied to soil 185
6 Future research trends and needs 127 10 Future research 186
7 Summary 128 References 186
References 128 Further reading 190
Further reading 130
15. Boron deficiency in fruit crops
SEYED MAJID MOUSAVI AND BABAK MOTESHAREZADEH
11. Leaf analysis as diagnostic tool for balanced
fertilization in tropical fruits 1
Introduction 191
RENATO DE MELLO PRADO AND DANILO EDUARDO ROZANE 2
Chemical behavior and nature of boron 192
3
Factors affecting availability of boron in fruit crops 192
1 Introduction 131 4
Sensitivity of fruit crops, boron deficiency and diseases 194
2 Basic aspects of foliar diagnosis 132 5
Importance of boron with reference to sink-source
3 Criteria for leaf sampling 134 relationship 198
4 Sampling preparation and chemical analysis 136 6 Boron functionality; Functionality
5 Leaf diagnosis of fruit trees 137 (hormonal properties of boron) of boron 199
6 Leaf diagnosis using alternative methods 140 7 Interrelationship of boron with other nutrients 200
References 142 8 Anatomical (structural), physiological, and molecular
Further reading 143 response of boron 202
9 Response of boron to fruit yield and quality 203
12. Diagnosis of nutrient composition in fruit 10 Boron nutrition and shelf life of fruits 203
crops: Major developments 11 Future research 204

LEON ETIENNE PARENT, DANILO EDUARDO ROZANE,
References 204
 ARIDIANO LIMA DE DEUS, AND WILLIAM NATALE
JOSE Further reading 209

1 Introduction 145 16. Boron toxicity in fruit crops:

2 Diagnostic methods 146
3 Nutrient balances as dual or
Agronomic and physiological implications
stoichiometric ratios 147 CHRISTOS CHATZISSAVVIDIS AND
CHRYSOVALANTOU ANTONOPOULOU
4 Compositional nutrient diagnosis 148
5 Data partitioning 151 1 Introduction 211
6 New lines of research 152 2 Boron tolerance mechanism 212
References 154 3 Detrimental effects of B toxicity 213
Web references 156 References 218
Further reading 156 Further reading 221
 Contents vii
17. Aluminum toxicity and fruit nutrition 21. Rootstock: Scion combinations and
LI-SONG CHEN, LIN-TONG YANG, PENG GUO, HUAN-XIN JIANG, nutrient uptake in grapevines
AND NING TANG
ANTONIO IBACACHE, NICOLÁS VERDUGO-VÁSQUEZ,
 ZURITA-SILVA
AND ANDRES
1 Introduction 223
2 Al toxic effects on growth and structure 224 1 Introduction 297
3 Physiological and biochemical responses of 2 Characteristics of rootstocks associated with the
fruit trees to Al toxicity 225 uptake of water and nutrients 298
4 Factors affecting Al tolerance of fruit trees 229 3 Rootstocks differences on the uptake of macro and
5 Molecular aspects of Al tolerance in fruit trees 236 micronutrients 298
Acknowledgments 237 4 Rootstocks differences in chloride (Cl),
References 237 sodium (Na), and boron (B) accumulation 302
Further reading 240 5 Carbohydrates and nitrogen reserves 310
6 Rootstock strategies to cope with salinity 311
18. The importance of selenium in Acknowledgments 314
fruit nutrition References 314
PAVEL RYANT, JIŘÍ ANTOŠOVSKÝ, VOJTĚCH ADAM,
LADISLAV DUCSAY, PETR ŠKARPA, AND EVA SAPÁKOVÁ
22. Microbial ecology in sustainable fruit growing:
Genetic, functional, and metabolic responses
1 Introduction 241
ADRIANO SOFO, PATRIZIA RICCIUTI, ALBA N. MININNI,
2 Selenium in soil 242 CRISTOS XILOYANNIS, AND BARTOLOMEO DICHIO
3 Bioavailability of selenium from soil 243
4 Selenium in plants 244 1 Introduction 317
5 Selenium toxicity in plants 245 2 Soil microbial dynamics in orchard agrosystems 318
6 Methods of selenium determination in soil 3 Sustainable systems versus conventional systems 319
and plants 245 4 Microbial translocation from soil to plant 320
7 Effect of selenium application on yield 5 Future perspectives 322
and product quality 248 References 323
8 Relationship between selenium and silicon 249
9 Future research 250 23. Mycorrhizosphere of fruit crops:
References 250 Nature and properties
Further reading 254 JIA-DONG HE, BO SHU, AND QIANG-SHENG WU

1 Introduction 325
19. Importance of silicon in fruit nutrition: 2 Mycorrhizosphere 326
Agronomic and physiological implications 3 Mycorrhizal fungal diversity in fruit crops 328
HASSAN ETESAMI AND BYOUNG RYONG JEONG 4 Mycorrhizosphere roles in fruit crops 329
5 Mycorrhizosphere effects on soil ecology of orchards 334
1 Introduction 255
6 Production of mycorrhizal fertilizers 334
2 Silicon helps improve plants’ uptake of minerals 257
7 Conclusions and outlook 335
3 Silicon and improved growth and quality
Acknowledgements 336
parameters of fruit crops 261
References 336
4 Silicon and control of diseases of fruit crops 264
5 Necessity of using silicon fertilizers 266 24. Mycorrhizas in fruit nutrition:
6 Future research 268
Acknowledgment 269
Important breakthroughs
_
lBRAHIM ORTAŞ
References 269
Further reading 277 1 Introduction 339
2 Facultative and obligatory mycorrhizal plants 340
20. Cover cropping for increasing fruit 3 Mycorrhizal dependency 341
production and farming sustainability 4 Advantages of mycorrhizal dependency on plant 341
5 Mycorrhiza-dependent horticultural plant species 342
M. ÂNGELO RODRIGUES AND MARGARIDA ARROBAS
6 Mycorrhizae and plant nutrition 344
1 Introduction 279 7 Contribution of mycorrhizae on P uptake and
2 Soil management systems 280 plant growth 344
3 Impact of weed management on soil 8 Contribution of mycorrhizae on other nutrient uptake 345
and environment 286 9 Mycorrhizae and other rhizosphere organisms 345
4 Tree crop nutrition and fruit yield 288 10 Compatibility and collaboration of AMs with
5 Adequacy of the soil management system to other rhizosphere microbes 346
local agroecological conditions 290 11 Future aspects and concluding remarks 348
6 Future research 292 References 349
References 292 Further reading 351
viii Contents

25. Microbial consortia: Concept and application 6 Magnesium (Mg) 404

in fruit crop management 7 Sulfur (S) 404
8 Boron (B) 404
GLORIA PADMAPERUMA, THOMAS O. BUTLER,
FAQIH A.B. AHMAD SHUHAILI, WASAYF J. ALMALKI, AND 9 Cobalt (Co)—copper (Cu)—iron (Fe) 405
SEETHARAMAN VAIDYANATHAN 10 Zinc (Zn) 406
11 Manganese (Mn)—nickel (Ni)—selenium (Se) 406
1 Introduction 353
12 Titanium (Ti) 407
2 Natural consortia 354
13 Conclusions and future perspectives 407
3 Concept of managed consortia 355
References 413
4 Consortia types, approaches, and applications
in agriculture 355
5 Applications in fruit crop management 356 30. Open field hydroponics in fruit crops:
6 Microbiome engineering 361 Developments and challenges
7 Conclusions and future prospects 363  S. RUBIO-ASENSIO, MARGARITA PARRA, AND
JOSE
Acknowledgments 363 DIEGO S. INTRIGLIOLO
References 363 1 Introduction 419
2 What is new in this system 420
26. Biofertigation in fruit crops: Concept and 3 Implementation of the system in the field:
application Our experience 420
JUAN MANUEL COVARRUBIAS-RAMÍREZ, 4 Conclusions and future research 428
MARIA DEL ROSARIO JACOBO-SALCEDO, ERIKA NAVA-REYNA, Acknowledgments 428
AND VÍCTOR MANUEL PARGA-TORRES
References 428
1 Introduction 367
2 Application 369 31. Role of biochars in soil fertility management
3 Crop application 371 of fruit crops
4 Conclusions 376
RAFFAELLA PETRUCCELLI AND SARA DI LONARDO
References 376
1 Introduction 431
27. Nutrient management in fruit crops: 2 Biochar: Production and chemical and physical
An organic way characteristics 432
3 Effects of biochar on the soil-plant system 433
MORENO TOSELLI, ELENA BALDI, LUCIANO CAVANI,
AND GIOVAMBATTISTA SORRENTI 4 Conclusions 438
Acknowledgments 438
1 Introduction 379 References 440
2 Soil organic matter 379 Further reading 444
3 Biochar 383
4 Tree nutrient balance 384
32. Physiological and molecular basis of salinity
References 390
tolerance in fruit crops
28. Biodynamic soil fertility management RIAZ AHMAD AND MUHAMMAD AKBAR ANJUM

in fruit crops 1 Introduction 445

MATJAŽ TURINEK 2 Effects of salt stress on fruit crops 446
3 Response of different pathways under salinity 455
1 Introduction 393 4 Strategies for improvement of salt
2 Biodynamic approach to soil fertility 394 tolerance 455
3 Do BD preparations affect soil fertility? 396 5 Conclusion and future prospects 461
4 Summarized biodynamic recommendations References 461
and concluding remarks 398
References 399
33. Salt stress alleviation through fertilization
29. Manipulating fruit quality through in fruit crops
foliar nutrition RUI MACHADO AND RICARDO SERRALHEIRO

VASILEIOS ZIOGAS, MICHAIL MICHAILIDIS, 1 Introduction 465

EVANGELOS KARAGIANNIS, GEORGIA TANOU, AND 2 Irrigation water quality 466
ATHANASSIOS MOLASSIOTIS
3 Fruit crops salt tolerance 467
1 Introduction 401 4 Fertilization 471
2 Nitrogen (N) 402 5 Organic amendments 474
3 Phosphorus (P) 402 6 Conclusions 477
4 Potassium (K) 402 References 477
5 Calcium (Ca) 403 Further reading 480
 Contents ix
34. Trunk nutrition in fruit crops: An overview Acknowledgments 550
PAULA ALAYÓN LUACES, MELANIE D. GOMEZ HERRERA, References 551
 E. GAIAD
AND JOSE Further reading 553
1 Introduction 481
2 Trunk injection history 482 39. Role of controlled and slow release
3 Factors that influence trunk injections 483 fertilizers in fruit crop nutrition
4 Previous studies in trunk nutrition 487 XIANGYING WEI, JIANJUN CHEN, BIN GAO,
5 Concluding remarks 493 AND ZONGHUA WANG
References 493 1 Introduction 555
2 Controlled- and slow-release fertilizers 556
35. Importance of nanofertilizers in fruit nutrition 3 Role of CRFs and SRFs in fruit crop production 559
DÁMARIS LEOPOLDINA OJEDA-BARRIOS, ISIDRO MORALES, 4 Concerns of using CRFs and SRFs in fruit crop
ANTONIO JUÁREZ-MALDONADO, ALBERTO SANDOVAL-RANGEL, production and perspectives 563
LAURA OLIVIA FUENTES-LARA, AND Acknowledgments 564
ADALBERTO BENAVIDES-MENDOZA
References 564
1 Fruit production and fertilizers 497
2 Common sources of fertilizers for fruit production 499 40. Diagnosis and management of nutritional
3 Use of nanofertilizers in fruit production 500 constraints in berries
4 Lower loss from leaching and volatilization 502
ROLF NESTBY AND JORGE B. RETAMALES
5 Decrease in fixation, precipitation, or speciation in
nonbioavailable forms 503 1 Availability of nutrients 567
6 Higher growth and yield 503 2 The roots and the rhizosphere 568
7 Biostimulation with nanofertilizers: Stress 3 Strawberry (Fragaria  ananassa Duch.) 569
tolerance and nutraceutical quality 504 4 Highbush blueberry (Vaccinium sp.) 574
8 The environmental fate of nanofertilizers 504 References 578
9 Future line of research 505
References 506 41. Soil fertility: Plant nutrition vis-à-vis fruit
yield and quality of stone fruits
36. 4R nutrient stewardship in fruit crops  AND NEBOJŠA MILOŠEVIC
TOMO MILOŠEVIC 
DAVID R. BRYLA
1 Introduction 583
1 Introduction 509 2 Distribution, production, and importance of
2 Goals and performance indicators 509 stone fruits 584
3 The 4Rs 510 3 Short overview about importance of stone fruits 587
References 518 4 Soil fertility 587
Further reading 519 5 Fertilization of stone fruit frees 588
6 Relationship of soil conditions: Nutrients 590
37. Climate-smart integrated soil fertility 7 Stone fruit fertilization to improve yield
management in fruit crops: An overview and fruit quality 592
8 Conclusions and future research 602
A.K. SRIVASTAVA
Acknowledgments 602
1 Introduction 521 References 602
2 Soil fertility and functions: Important facts 522 Further reading 606
3 Fruit crops as carbon sink and response at elevated CO2 523
4 Nutrient removal versus nutrient requirement 525 42. Diagnosis and management of nutrient
5 Nutrient-microbe synergy in unlocking productivity 526 constraints in papaya
6 Climate resilient approach of ISFM: Our case study 528
RÓGER FALLAS-CORRALES AND SJOERD E.A.T.M. VAN DER ZEE
7 Suggested future viewpoints 535
References 536 1 Introduction 607
Further reading 540 2 Uses and nutritional value 607
3 Botany 608
38. Evaluation of organic versus conventional 4 Habitat 609
nutrient management practices in fruit crops 5 Growth behavior and management-related
aspects 610
MACIEJ GA
˛ STOŁ
6 Diagnosis of nutrient deficiencies 612
1 Introduction 541 7 Nutrient management 615
2 Methodology of organic versus conventional: 8 Conclusions and perspectives 624
Comparative studies 543 Acknowledgments 625
3 Conclusions 550 References 625
x Contents

43. Diagnosis and management of nutrient 5 Pomegranate nutrition and fertilization 684
constraints in mango 6 Foliar applications 688
7 Future lines of research 689
R.A. RAM, M.A. RAHIM, AND M.S. ALAM
References 690
1 Introduction 629 Further reading 691
2 Nutritional value of fruit 630
3 Geographical distribution 631 47. Diagnosis and management of nutrient
4 Major cultivars 631
5 Physiological disorders and plant nutrition 632
constraints in grape
6 Diagnosis of nutrient constraints 635 GUSTAVO BRUNETTO, FELIPE KLEIN RICACHENEVSKY, LINCON OLIVEIRA
STEFANELLO, BETÂNIA VAHL DE PAULA, MATHEUS SEVERO DE SOUZA
7 Optimum fertilizer requirement 639 KULMANN, ADRIELE TASSINARI, GEORGE WELLINGTON BASTOS DE
8 Plant nutrition and shelf life of fruits 645 MELO, WILLIAM NATALE, DANILO EDUARDO ROZANE, MARLISE NARA
9 Future line of research 645 CIOTTA, ALBERTO FONTANELLA BRIGHENTI, JUCINEI JOSE COMIN,

CLEDIMAR ROGERIO ^
LOURENZI, ARCÂNGELO LOSS, DJALMA EUGENIO
References 646
SCHMITT, JOVANI ZALAMENA, LESSANDRO DE CONTI, TADEU LUIS
Further reading 650  LUIZ KULKAMP DE SOUZA, AND BETINA PEREIRA DE BEM
TIECHER, ANDRE

44. Diagnosis and management of nutrient 1 Introduction 694

constraints in bananas (Musa spp.) 2 Major cultivars 694
3 Symptoms of nutrient deficiency and excess
KENNETH NYOMBI
in grapevines 695
1 Introduction 651 4 Diagnosis of nutrient content in vineyard soils 698
2 Classification, geographical distribution, and 5 Diagnosis of nutrient contents in grapevines 699
major cultivars 652 6 Alternative methods of predicting nutritional status
3 Biotic production constraints and yields 652 in grapevines (DRIS, CND) 701
4 Major soil types and nutrient requirements for banana 7 Correction of acidity and fertilization in vineyards 703
production 653 8 Practices to increase nutrient efficiency in vineyards 705
5 Diagnosis of banana nutrient constraints (nutrient 9 Contamination of vineyard soils 705
deficiency symptoms, soil fertility norms for different 10 Future research and considerations 707
Banana cultivars used globally, and leaf nutrient References 707
standards) 655 Further reading 710
6 Physiological disorders due to nutritional and
environmental constraints 656 48. Diagnosis and management of nutrient
7 Management of nutrient constraints 657
constraints in guava
8 Conclusions 658
WILLIAM NATALE, DANILO EDUARDO ROZANE,
9 Future research 658 ^ LEON

MÁRCIO CLEBER DE MEDEIROS CORREA, ETIENNE PARENT,
References 658  ARIDIANO LIMA DE DEUS
AND JOSE

45. Diagnosis and management of nutrient 1 Introduction 711

2 Guava production 712
constraints in litchi 3 Soils as growing media for guava production 712
LIXIAN YAO, CUIHUA BAI, AND DONGLIN LUO 4 Lime requirement, liming, and liming materials 715
1 Introduction 661 5 Fertilization 716
2 Nutrient concentration in litchi plant 661 6 Evolution of guava nutrient diagnostic methods 719
3 Nutrient accumulation and distribution References 720
in litchi plant 665 Further reading 722
4 Nutrient imbalance in litchi 666
5 Nutrient diagnosis in litchi 670 49. Diagnosis and management of nutrient
6 Nutrient management in litchi 674 constraints in citrus
7 Future research 677
TRIPTI VASHISTH AND DAVIE KADYAMPAKENI
References 678
1 Introduction 723
46. Diagnosis and management of nutrient 2 Types and main cultivars of citrus 724
constraints in pomegranate 3 Soil type of citrus-producing regions 725
4 Role of mineral nutrition on yield and fruit quality 726
JOHN M. CHATER, DONALD J. MERHAUT, AND JOHN E. PREECE
5 Diagnosis of deficiency 728
1 Commercial pomegranate cultivation 681 6 Methods of fertilizer application 731
2 Where pomegranates grow 682 7 Huanglongbing 733
3 The effects of pomegranate cultivar on the 8 Balanced and constant nutrition (BCN) 734
cropping system 682 9 Future research 736
4 The pomegranate cropping system 683 References 736
 Contents xi
50. Diagnosis and management of nutrient 6 Major soil types with taxonomical distribution 742
constraints in pineapple 7 Soil property-fruit quality relationship 743
8 Diagnosis of nutrient constraints 746
VICTOR MARTINS MAIA, RODINEI FACCO PEGORARO,
IGNÁCIO ASPIAZÚ, FERNANDA SOARES OLIVEIRA, 9 Management of nutrient constraints 753
AND DANÚBIA APARECIDA COSTA NOBRE 10 Use of sewage sludge and treated waste water
on pineapple nutrition 754
1 Introduction 739
11 Future line of research 757
2 Nutritive value 740
References 757
3 Geographical distribution 740
4 Major cultivars 740
5 Commercial belts 742 Index 761
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 Contributors
Vojtěch Adam Department of Chemistry and Biochemistry,
Faculty of AgriSciences, Mendel University in Brno, Brno,
Czech Republic
Riaz Ahmad Department of Horticulture, Bahauddin Zakariya
University, Multan, Pakistan
Selena Ahmed The Food and Health Lab, Department of
Health and Human Development, Montana State University,
Bozeman, MT, United States
Kashif Akram Department of Food Sciences, Cholistan Uni-
versity of Veterinary & Animal Sciences, Bahawalpur,
Pakistan
M.S. Alam Horticulture Division, Bangladesh Institute of
Nuclear Agriculture, Mymensingh, Bangladesh
Paula Alayón Luaces Fruticultura, Facultad de Ciencias
Agrarias, Universidad Nacional del Nordeste, Corrientes,
Argentina
Wasayf J. Almalki Department of Chemical and Biological
Engineering, The University of Sheffield, Sheffield, United
Kingdom
Muhammad Akbar Anjum Department of Horticulture,
Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Pakistan
Chrysovalantou Antonopoulou Department of the Agricultural
Development, School of Agricultural and Forestry Sciences,
Democritus University of Thrace, Orestiada, Greece
Ji
rı́ Antošovský Department of Agrochemistry, Soil Science,
Microbiology and Plant Nutrition, Faculty of AgriSciences,
Mendel University in Brno, Brno, Czech Republic
Margarida Arrobas Centro de Investigação de Montanha
(CIMO), Instituto Politecnico de Bragança, Bragança, Portugal
Ignácio Aspiazú State University of Montes Claros, Montes
Claros, Brazil
Cuihua Bai College of Natural Resources and Environment,
South China Agricultural University, Guangzhou, People’s
Republic of China
Elena Baldi Department of Agricultural and Food Sciences,
Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy
Allen V. Barker University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA,
United States
Betina Pereira de Bem Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina
(IFSC), Urupema, Brazil
Adalberto Benavides-Mendoza Autonomous Agricultural Uni-
versity Antonio Narro, Department of Horticulture, Saltillo,
Mexico
Maja Benkovi University of Zagreb, Faculty of Food Technol-
ogy and Biotechnology, Zagreb, Croatia
xiii
Renato Vasconcelos Botelho Agronomy Department, State
University of Midwestern Paraná—Unicentro, Paraná, Brazil
Alberto Fontanella Brighenti Empresa de Pesquisa Agrope-
cuária e Extensão de Rural de Santa Catarina (Epagri), São
Joaquim, Brazil
Gustavo Brunetto Universidade Federal de Santa Maria
(UFSM), Campus Universitário, Centro de Ci^encias Rurais,
Departamento de Solos, Camobi, Santa Maria, Brazil
David R. Bryla U.S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural
Research Service, Horticultural Crops Research Unit,
Corvallis, OR, United States
Hakan Burhan Sen Research Group, Department of Biochem-
istry, Faculty of Arts and Science, Dumlupınar University,
Evliya Çelebi Campus, K€ utahya, Turkey
Thomas O. Butler Department of Chemical and Biological
Engineering, The University of Sheffield, Sheffield, United
Kingdom
Miaomiao Cai College of Resources and Environment/
Micro-element Research Center/Hubei Provincial Engi-
neering Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong Agri-
cultural University; Key Laboratory of Horticultural
Plant Biology (HZAU), MOE, Wuhan, People’s Republic
of China
Rodolfo Canet Center for the Development of Sustainable
Agriculture, Valencian Institute of Agricultural Research,
Valencia, Spain
Luciano Cavani Department of Agricultural and Food Sci-
ences, Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna, Bolo-
gna, Italy
James Chapman School of Medical and Applied Sciences,
Central Queensland University, Rockhampton, QLD,
Australia
John M. Chater Department of Botany and Plant Sciences,
University of California, Riverside, CA, United States
Christos Chatzissavvidis Department of the Agricultural
Development, School of Agricultural and Forestry Sciences,
Democritus University of Thrace, Orestiada, Greece
Jianjun Chen Department of Environmental Horticulrture and
Mid-Florida Research and Education Center, University of
Florida, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, Apopka,
FL, United States
Li-Song Chen Institute of Plant Nutritional Physiology and
Molecular Biology, College of Resources and Environment,
Fujian Agriculture and Forestry University, Fuzhou, China
Marlise Nara Ciotta Empresa de Pesquisa Agropecuária e
Extensão de Rural de Santa Catarina (Epagri), Lages, Brazil
xiv Contributors
Jucinei Jose Comin Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina
(UFSC), Departamento de Engenharia Rural, Florianópolis,
Brazil
Lessandro De Conti Instituto Federal de Educação, Ci^encia e
Tecnologia Farroupilha—Campus Santo Augusto, Santo
Augusto, Brazil
Márcio Cleber de Medeiros Corr^ea Federal University of Ceará,
Fortaleza, Brazil
Juan Manuel Covarrubias-Ramı́rez CESAL-INIFAP, Saltillo,
Mexico
Daniel Cozzolino School of Science, RMIT University,
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Sjoerd E.A.T.M. van der Zee Soil Physics and Land Manage-
ment Group, Wageningen University, Wageningen, The
Netherlands; School of Chemistry, Monash University,
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Jose Aridiano Lima de Deus Institute of Technical Assistance
and Rural Extension of Paraná (EMATER-PR), Curitiba, Brazil
Sara Di Lonardo Research Institute on Terrestrial
Ecosystems—Italian National Research Council (IRET-CNR),
Sesto Fiorentino, Italy
Bartolomeo Dichio Department of European and Mediterra-
nean Cultures: Architecture, Environment and Cultural
Heritage (DiCEM), University of Basilicata, Matera, Italy
Zhihao Dong College of Resources and Environment/
Micro-element Research Center/Hubei Provincial
Engineering Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong
Agricultural University; Key Laboratory of Horticultural
Plant Biology (HZAU), MOE, Wuhan, People’s Republic
of China
Ladislav Ducsay Department of Agrochemistry and Plant
Nutrition, The Faculty of Agrobiology and Food Resources,
Slovak University of Agriculture in Nitra, Nitra, Slovakia
Madeleine F. Dupont School of Science, RMIT University,
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Aaron Elbourne School of Science, RMIT University,
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Fatima Elmusa Sen Research Group, Department of Biochem-
istry, Faculty of Arts and Science, Dumlupınar University,
Evliya Çelebi Campus, K€ utahya, Turkey
Jeanette M. Van Emon EVE Sciences, Henderson, NV, United
States
Hassan Etesami Agriculture & Natural resources Campus,
Faculty of Agricultural Engineering & Technology, Depart-
ment of Soil Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
Róger Fallas-Corrales Soil Physics and Land Management
Group, Wageningen University, Wageningen, The
Netherlands
Umar Farooq Department of Food Science & Technology,
Muhammad Nawaz Shareef University of Agriculture,
Multan, Pakistan
Laura Olivia Fuentes-Lara Autonomous Agricultural Univer-
sity Antonio Narro, Department of Animal Nutrition, Saltillo,
Mexico
Jose E. Gaiad Fruticultura, Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias,
Universidad Nacional del Nordeste, Corrientes, Argentina
Bin Gao Department of Agricultural and Biological
Engineering, University of Florida, Institute of Food and
Agricultural Sciences, Gainesville, FL, United States
Maciej Ga˛stoł Department of Pomology and Apiculture,
Agricultural University in Kraków, Kraków, Poland
Melanie D. Gomez Herrera Fruticultura, Facultad de Ciencias
Agrarias, Universidad Nacional del Nordeste, Corrientes,
Argentina
Fulya Gulbagca Sen Research Group, Department of Bio-
chemistry, Faculty of Arts and Science, Dumlupınar Univer-
sity, Evliya Çelebi Campus, K€utahya, Turkey
Peng Guo Institute of Plant Nutritional Physiology and
Molecular Biology, College of Resources and Environment,
Fujian Agriculture and Forestry University, Fuzhou; College
of Life Sciences, Henan Agricultural University, Zhengzhou,
China
Zafar Hayat Department of Animal Sciences, CVAS-University
of Veterinary and Animal Sciences, Jhang, Pakistan
Jia-Dong He College of Horticulture and Gardening, Yangtze
University, Jingzhou, China
Chengxiao Hu College of Resources and Environment/Micro-
element Research Center/Hubei Provincial Engineering
Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong Agricultural Uni-
versity; Key Laboratory of Horticultural Plant Biology
(HZAU), MOE, Wuhan, People’s Republic of China
Antonio Ibacache Instituto de Investigaciones Agropecuarias
(INIA), Centro Regional de Investigación Intihuasi, La Serena,
Chile
Diego S. Intrigliolo Irrigation Deparment, CEBAS-CSIC, Mur-
cia; CSIC Associated Unit “Riego en la agricultura Mediter-
ránea,” Instituto Valenciano de Investigaciones Agrarias,
Moncada, Spain
Maria Del Rosario Jacobo-Salcedo CENID RASPA-INIFAP,
Gómez Palacio, Mexico
Byoung Ryong Jeong Horticulture Major, Division of Applies
Life Science (BK21 Plus Program), Graduate School,
Gyeongsang National University, Jinju, Republic of Korea
Wei Jia College of Resources and Environment/Micro-
element Research Center/Hubei Provincial Engineering
Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong Agricultural Uni-
versity; Key Laboratory of Horticultural Plant Biology
(HZAU), MOE, Wuhan, People’s Republic of China
Huan-Xin Jiang Institute of Plant Nutritional Physiology and
Molecular Biology, College of Resources and Environment,
Fujian Agriculture and Forestry University, Fuzhou, China
Antonio Juárez-Maldonado Autonomous Agricultural Univer-
sity Antonio Narro, Department of Botany, Saltillo, Mexico
Tamara Jurina University of Zagreb, Faculty of Food Tech-
nology and Biotechnology, Zagreb, Croatia
Davie Kadyampakeni University of Florida, Institute of Food
and Agricultural Sciences, Citrus Research and Education
Center, Lake Alfred, FL, United States
 Contributors
Evangelos Karagiannis Laboratory of Pomology, Department
of Agriculture, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki,
Thessaloniki, Greece
Jasenka Gajdoš Kljusuric University of Zagreb, Faculty of Food
Technology and Biotechnology, Zagreb, Croatia
Jinxue Li College of Resources and Environment/Micro-
element Research Center/Hubei Provincial Engineering
Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong Agricultural
University; Key Laboratory of Horticultural Plant Biology
(HZAU), MOE, Wuhan, People’s Republic of China
Wenhuan Liu National Engineering Research Center for
Citrus Technology/Citrus Research Institute, Southwest
University-Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences,
Chongqing, China
Arc^angelo Loss Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina
(UFSC), Centro de Ciencias Agrarias, Florianopolis, Brazil
Cledimar Rogerio Lourenzi Universidade Federal de Santa
Catarina (UFSC), Departamento de Engenharia Rural,
Florianópolis, Brazil
Donglin Luo College of Natural Resources and Environment,
South China Agricultural University, Guangzhou, People’s
Republic of China
YanYan Ma National Engineering Research Center for Citrus
Technology/Citrus Research Institute, Southwest University-
Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences, Chongqing, China
Rui Machado ICAAM—Mediterranean Institute for Agricul-
tural and Environmental Sciences; Crop Sciences Department,

School of Science and Technology, University of Evora, 
Evora,
Portugal
Victor Martins Maia State University of Montes Claros, Montes
Claros, Brazil
Belen Martı́nez-Alcántara Certification Section, Plant Health
Service, Ministry of Agriculture, Environment, Climate
Change and Rural Development, Valencia, Spain
Renato de Mello Prado São Paulo State University—UNESP,
Jaboticabal, Brazil
George Wellington Bastos de Melo Embrapa Uva e Vinho, Bento
Gonçalves, Brazil
Donald J. Merhaut Department of Botany and Plant Sciences,
University of California, Riverside, CA, United States
Michail Michailidis Laboratory of Pomology, Department of
Agriculture, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessalo-
niki, Greece
Nebojša Miloševic Department of Pomology and Fruit Breed-

cak, Republic of Serbia
ing, Fruit Research Institute, Ca

Tomo Miloševic Department of Fruit Growing and Viticulture,

cak,
Faculty of Agronomy, University of Kragujevac, Ca

Republic of Serbia
Alba N. Mininni Department of European and Mediterranean
Cultures: Architecture, Environment and Cultural Heritage
(DiCEM), University of Basilicata, Matera, Italy
Athanassios Molassiotis Laboratory of Pomology, Department
of Agriculture, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki,
Thessaloniki, Greece
xv
Isidro Morales National Polytechnic Institute, CIIDIR-Oaxaca,
Oaxaca, Mexico
Babak Motesharezadeh Department of Soil Science, University
of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
Seyed Majid Mousavi Soil and Water Research Institute, Agri-
cultural Research, Education and Extension Organization
(AREEO), Karaj, Iran
Marcelo Marques Lopes M€
uller Agronomy Department, State
University of Midwestern Paraná—Unicentro, Paraná, Brazil
William Natale Federal University of Ceará, Fortaleza, Brazil
Erika Nava-Reyna CENID RASPA-INIFAP, Gómez Palacio,
Mexico
Rolf Nestby Division Food and Society (Horticulture), Nor-
wegian Institute of Bioeconomy (NIBIO), Ås, Norway
Danúbia Aparecida Costa Nobre State University of Montes
Claros, Montes Claros, Brazil
Kenneth Nyombi Makerere University, College of Agricultural
and Environmental Sciences, Kampala, Uganda
Dámaris Leopoldina Ojeda-Barrios Autonomous University of
Chihuahua, Laboratory of Plant Physiology, Chihuahua,
Mexico
Fernanda Soares Oliveira State University of Montes Claros,
Montes Claros, Brazil
_
lbrahim Ortaş University of Cukurova, Faculty of Agriculture,
Department of Soil Science and Plant Nutrition, Adana,
Turkey
Gloria Padmaperuma Department of Chemical and Biological
Engineering, The University of Sheffield, Sheffield, United
Kingdom
Leon Etienne Parent Department of Soil and Agri-food Engi-
neering, Universite Laval, Quebec, QC, Canada
Vı́ctor Manuel Parga-Torres CESAL-INIFAP, Saltillo, Mexico
Margarita Parra Irrigation Deparment, CEBAS-CSIC, Murcia,
Spain
Bet^ania Vahl de Paula Universidade Federal de Santa Maria
(UFSM), Campus Universitário, Centro de Ci^encias Rurais,
Departamento de Solos, Camobi, Santa Maria, Brazil
Rodinei Facco Pegoraro Federal University of Minas Gerais,
Belo Horizonte, Brazil
Ana Perez-Piqueres Center for the Development of Sustainable
Agriculture, Valencian Institute of Agricultural Research,
Valencia, Spain
Raffaella Petruccelli Institute of BioEconomy—Italian National
Research Council (IBE-CNR), Sesto Fiorentino, Italy
Aoife Power School of Medical and Applied Sciences, Central
Queensland University, Rockhampton, QLD, Australia
John E. Preece National Clonal Germplasm Repository,
USDA-ARS, University of California, Davis, CA, United
States
Fangying Qiu National Engineering Research Center for Citrus
Technology/Citrus Research Institute, Southwest University-
Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences, Chongqing,
China
xvi
Ana Quiñones Center for the Development of Sustainable
Agriculture, Valencian Institute of Agricultural Research,
Valencia, Spain
M.A. Rahim Department of Horticulture, Bangladesh Agri-
culture University, Mymensingh, Bangladesh
R.A. Ram ICAR-Central Institute for Subtropical Horticulture,
Lucknow, India
Hermann Restrepo-Diaz Departamento de Agronomia, Facul-
tad de Ciencias Agrarias, Universidad Nacional de Colombia,
Bogotá, Colombia
Jorge B. Retamales Head ISHS Division Vine and Berry Fruits,
Viña del Mar, Chile
Felipe Klein Ricachenevsky Universidade Federal de Santa
Maria (UFSM), Departamento de Biologia, Santa Maria, Brazil
Patrizia Ricciuti Department of Soil, Plant and Food Sciences
(DiSSPA), University of Bari ‘Aldo Moro’, Bari, Italy
M. Ângelo Rodrigues Centro de Investigação de Montanha
(CIMO), Instituto Politecnico de Bragança, Bragança, Portugal
Isabel Rodrı́guez-Carretero Center for the Development of
Sustainable Agriculture, Valencian Institute of Agricultural
Research, Valencia, Spain
Danilo Eduardo Rozane São Paulo State University, UNESP,
Registro, Brazil
Jose S. Rubio-Asensio Irrigation Deparment, CEBAS-CSIC,
Murcia, Spain
Pavel Ryant Department of Agrochemistry, Soil Science,
Microbiology and Plant Nutrition, Faculty of AgriSciences,
Mendel University in Brno, Brno, Czech Republic
Alefsi David Sánchez-Reinoso Departamento de Agronomia,
Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias, Universidad Nacional de
Colombia, Bogotá, Colombia
Alberto Sandoval-Rangel Autonomous Agricultural University
Antonio Narro, Department of Horticulture, Saltillo, Mexico
Eva Sapáková Department of Languages, Faculty of Regional
Development and International Studies, Mendel University in
Brno, Brno, Czech Republic
Djalma Eug^enio Schmitt Universidade Federal de Santa
Catarina (UFSC), Curitibanos, Brazil
Fatih Sen Sen Research Group, Department of Biochemistry,
Faculty of Arts and Science, Dumlupınar University, Evliya
Çelebi Campus, K€ utahya, Turkey
Ricardo Serralheiro ICAAM—Mediterranean Institute for
Agricultural and Environmental Sciences; Agricultural
Engineering Department, School of Science and Technology,
 
University of Evora, Evora, Portugal
Afshan Shafi Department of Food Science & Technology,
Muhammad Nawaz Shareef University of Agriculture,
Multan, Pakistan
Bo Shu College of Horticulture and Gardening, Yangtze
University, Jingzhou, China
*Retired
Contributors
Faqih A.B. Ahmad Shuhaili Department of Chemical and
Biological Engineering, The University of Sheffield, Sheffield,
United Kingdom
Petr Škarpa Department of Agrochemistry, Soil Science,
Microbiology and Plant Nutrition, Faculty of AgriSciences,
Mendel University in Brno, Brno, Czech Republic
Adriano Sofo Department of European and Mediterranean
Cultures: Architecture, Environment and Cultural Heritage
(DiCEM), University of Basilicata, Matera, Italy
Giovambattista Sorrenti Department of Agricultural and Food
Sciences, Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna,
Bologna, Italy
Andre Luiz Kulkamp de Souza Empresa de Pesquisa Agrope-
cuária e Extensão Rural de Santa Catarina (Epagri), Videira,
Brazil
Matheus Severo de Souza Kulmann Universidade Federal de
Santa Maria (UFSM), Campus Universitário, Centro de
Ci^encias Rurais, Departamento de Solos, Camobi, Santa
Maria, Brazil
A.K. Srivastava Indian Council of Agricultural Research-
Central Citrus Research Institute, Nagpur, India
Lincon Oliveira Stefanello Universidade Federal de Santa
Maria (UFSM), Campus Universitário, Centro de Ci^encias
Rurais, Departamento de Solos, Camobi, Santa Maria, Brazil
Alyssa L. Stewart The Food and Health Lab, Department of
Health and Human Development, Montana State University,
Bozeman, MT, United States
Margie L. Stratton*
Qiling Tan College of Resources and Environment/Micro-
element Research Center/Hubei Provincial Engineering
Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong Agricultural Uni-
versity, Wuhan, People’s Republic of China
Ning Tang Institute of Plant Nutritional Physiology and
Molecular Biology, College of Resources and Environment,
Fujian Agriculture and Forestry University, Fuzhou; Research
Institute for Special Plants, Chongqing University of Arts and
Sciences, Chongqing, China
Georgia Tanou Institute of Soil and Water Resources, ELGO-
DEMETER, Thessaloniki, Greece
Adriele Tassinari Universidade Federal de Santa Maria
(UFSM), Campus Universitário, Centro de Ci^encias Rurais,
Departamento de Solos, Camobi, Santa Maria, Brazil
Tadeu Luis Tiecher Instituto Federal Farroupilha, Campus
Alegrete, Alegrete, Brazil
Moreno Toselli Department of Agricultural and Food Sciences,
Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy
Vi Khanh Truong School of Science, RMIT University,
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Matjaž Turinek University of Maribor, Maribor, Slovenia
Ana Jurinjak Tušek University of Zagreb, Faculty of Food
Technology and Biotechnology, Zagreb, Croatia
 Contributors
Seetharaman Vaidyanathan Department of Chemical and Bio-
logical Engineering, The University of Sheffield, Sheffield,
United Kingdom
Davor Valinger University of Zagreb, Faculty of Food
Technology and Biotechnology, Zagreb, Croatia
Tripti Vashisth University of Florida, Institute of Food and
Agricultural Sciences, Citrus Research and Education Center,
Lake Alfred, FL, United States
Nicolás Verdugo-Vásquez Instituto de Investigaciones Agro-
pecuarias (INIA), Centro Regional de Investigación Intihuasi,
La Serena, Chile
Zonghua Wang Institute of Oceanography, Minjiang Univer-
sity; Fujian University Key Laboratory for Plant-Microbe
Interaction, Fujian Agriculture and Forestry University,
Fuzhou, China
Xiangying Wei Institute of Oceanography, Minjiang Univer-
sity; Fujian University Key Laboratory for Plant-Microbe
Interaction, Fujian Agriculture and Forestry University,
Fuzhou, China; Department of Environmental Horticulrture
and Mid-Florida Research and Education Center, University
of Florida, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences,
Apopka, FL, United States
Qiang-Sheng Wu College of Horticulture and Gardening,
Yangtze University, Jingzhou, China
Cristos Xiloyannis Department of European and
Mediterranean Cultures: Architecture, Environment and
Cultural Heritage (DiCEM), University of Basilicata, Matera,
Italy
xvii
Lin-Tong Yang Institute of Plant Nutritional Physiology and
Molecular Biology, College of Resources and Environment,
Fujian Agriculture and Forestry University, Fuzhou, China
Lixian Yao College of Natural Resources and Environment,
South China Agricultural University, Guangzhou, People’s
Republic of China
Jovani Zalamena Instituto Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
(IFRS)—Campus Restinga, Porto Alegre, Brazil
Ting Zhan College of Resources and Environment/Micro-
element Research Center/Hubei Provincial Engineering
Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong Agricultural
University; Key Laboratory of Horticultural Plant Biology
(HZAU), MOE, Wuhan, People’s Republic of China
Yuanyuan Zhao College of Resources and Environment/
Micro-element Research Center/Hubei Provincial
Engineering Laboratory for New Fertilizers, Huazhong
Agricultural University; Key Laboratory of Horticultural
Plant Biology (HZAU), MOE, Wuhan, People’s Republic
of China
Yongqiang Zheng Citrus Research Institute, Southwest
University-Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences,
Chongqing, China
Vasileios Ziogas Institute of Olive Tree, Subtropical Plants and
Viticulture, Hellenic Agricultural Organization (H.A.O.)—
Demeter, Chania, Greece
Andres Zurita-Silva Instituto de Investigaciones Agropecuar-
ias (INIA), Centro Regional de Investigación Intihuasi, La
Serena, Chile
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ranks of the assailants pressed them with swords and clubs.[743]
Short as was the distance to the fort, much time was occupied in
reaching it, and hardly a man escaped injury. Alvarado was severely
wounded, while one soldier and a number of allies were slain.

FOOTNOTES
[711] Cartas, 124; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 12. Bernal Diaz confirms that this was
effected long before dawn, while Herrera states that 300 held out till morning; but
he is contradictory. Carrasco, whom he assumes to be free, urged them to fall
upon the attacking party, who were scattered to plunder. But this was not done for
want of a leader. Nor did they favor his advice to plunder the baggage of Cortés,
which was protected only by Indians, and to embark with Diego Velazquez.
Carrasco accordingly proceeded alone to the baggage camp, and securing a
horse and lance he returned and urged them to follow. He had evidently
supernatural means wherewith to penetrate the besieging force. dec. ii. lib. x. cap.
iv. Duran allows Cortés to form ambuscades and leap walls, so that the arms are
secured ere the men of Narvaez can form in defence. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 453. Peter
Martyr disposes briefly of the matter, and assumes that the chief captains of
Narvaez were seduced. dec. v. cap. v.; Castellanos, Varones ilustres de Indias,
71-2; Galvano’s Discov., 144-5.

[712] ‘Cortes se mandò pregonar por Capitan general, y justicia mayor, de ambos
exercitos.’ Carrasco was three days in stocks before he yielded obedience.
Herrera, ubi sup. ‘Y todo esto era de noche, que no amanecia.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 99.

[713] ‘Viua, viua la gala de los Romanos, que siẽdo tan pocos, han vencido a
Narvaez!’ to which Guidelo, the negro jester of Narvaez, added, ‘Behold! the
Romans never performed such a feat.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 99. Herrera
speaks more at length of the sayings of this negro, who was rewarded with a
crown of gold worth 600 ducats. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv.

[714] ‘I saw Narvaez in Spain in 1525, and heard him publicly denounce Cortés as
a traitor. He asked but royal permission to prove it, face to face with his enemy;
furthermore, he was a liar, a tyrant, and an ingrate. Narvaez had been betrayed by
those in whom he confided.’ Oviedo, iii. 316. Still, the chronicler cannot excuse his
carelessness nor his entering into parley with Cortés; and he told him so. iii. 316.
[715] Bernal Diaz mentions fifteen [a misprint of dos for doce makes it only five
deaths among Narvaez’ men, including Captain Rojas, Alférez Fuentes, who was
an hidalgo of Seville, and Carretero, one of the deserters from Cortés’ explorers.
Cortés lost four. Hist. Verdad., 99. Cortés prudently mentions to the king only two
deaths, but leaves it uncertain to what side they belonged. Cartas, 124. Gomara
claims them for Cortés, and states that Narvaez lost his eye, his honor, and
sixteen men. Hist. Mex., 148. Cortés lost two men and one wounded; Narvaez
eleven. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. Cortés four, Narvaez eleven, besides many
wounded on both sides. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 138. Solis supposes that
two wounded of Cortés’ army died, making four in all, while Narvaez lost fifteen.
Hist. Mex., ii. 101. One version claims that Narvaez lost fifteen by arms and six by
fire in the burning of the quarters, which is probably an exaggeration. Narvaez lost
all his property, including notes of hand. Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc., i. 442. The testimony in Cortés, Residencia, i. ii., varies from twelve to
sixteen for Narvaez.

[716] Oviedo looks on Cortés’ reasons as insufficient to justify his procedure, such
as ordering Narvaez to be seized, and demanding of him to exhibit a royal
commission, ‘as if Cortés had been appointed by the king.’ Velazquez, as the
principal who sent him forth, had every right to remove him. iii. 316.

[717] Bernal Diaz places the number at 1500, while Ceballos raises it to 3000,
under Heredia, and places the arrival a day or two later. Herrera assumes that
they came in time to march with Cortés on Cempoala. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i.

[718] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 100, names Francisco de Lugo as the captain of
this party, but Tirado states that he had been sent back to Mexico as an adherent
of Velazquez. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 6. ‘Dió con los once navios que el dicho mi
parte allí tenia, al través, é les fizo quemar.’ Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc., i. 442. Bernal Diaz also intimates that all but two vessels were
destroyed when the army proceeded to Mexico and one afterward. Hist. Verdad.,
109. It is not probable, however, that more than a few were destroyed, because
unseaworthy. Some were wrecked a few months later.

[719] ‘Por Almirãte, y Capitan de la mar ... al qual dizen que le dió primero buenos
tejuelos de oro.’ His baptismal name was either Juan or Pedro. Two vessels were
still expected to arrive. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 100, 113. Caballero was
probably an old friend. ‘Pedro de Maluenda criado de Diego Velazquez, que venia
por mayordomo de Naruaez, recogio y guardo los nauios y todo la ropa y
hazienda.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 148. By Cortés’ order, adds Herrera.

[720] ‘Envié otros docientos hombres á la villa de la Veracruz.’ Cortés, Cartas,

125. Clavigero assumes that Cortés at this time already gave orders for removing
Villa Rica southward, but events interfered with the project. Storia Mess., iii. 120.
[721] ‘Cortés le [Narvaez] tuvo preso con muy ásperas prisiones tres años, poco
mas ó menos, é con guardias que nadie no le pudiese ver; é aquellos pasados, le
quitó las prisiones é le tuvo preso otros dos años.’ So says Narvaez’ agent.
Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 442-3. The testimony in Cortés,
Residencia, reduces the term to two years, and intimates that several other men
were kept at Villa Rica, under surveillance at least. i. 223, 362-3, et seq.

[722] Narvaez claims to have been robbed of 100,000 castellanos’ worth of

effects, and it is not likely that his property was restored. See Demanda de
Ceballos, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz had to surrender a horse fully accoutred, two
swords, three daggers, and other effects. Hist. Verdad., 100. Santa Clara intimates
that the horses and arms were not as a rule restored. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 169.
If so, compensation was probably given, according to the Relacion hecha por el
Señor Andrés de Tápia, sobre la Conquista de México. This is one of the most
valuable documents extant on the earlier period of the conquest, but it is
unfortunately only a fragment, which takes up the narrative from the eve of leaving
Cuba, and carries it to the capture of Narvaez, relating with rather uneven
completeness the principal incidents of the voyage to Vera Cruz, the march to
Mexico, the stay there, and the operations against the forces of Velazquez. Andrés
de Tápia appears from his own statement to have been a poor nephew of
Governor Velazquez, to whom he presented himself just in time to join the
expedition of Cortés. At this time, says Bernal Diaz, he was about 24 years old, of
good build, with a grave face, slight beard, and somewhat ashy complexion. Hist.
Verdad., 246. He took an active part in the leading wars and expeditions during
and after the conquest, and became one of the most noted among the captains,
favored by Cortés, with whom he was frequently associated, accompanying him
also on a voyage to Spain. Settling in Mexico, he died there peacefully, long after
1539, to judge from his reference to this date. His narrative, as may be supposed,
is a panegyric upon his leader and patron, and some statements have accordingly
to be weighed, but this defect impairs the importance of only a few passages, the
rest being highly valuable, and many of them unique in their testimony. Guided by
a reference in Bibl. de Autores Esp., xxii., Señor Icazbalceta of Mexico obtained,
after great trouble, a copy of the apparent original from the Royal Academy of
History, Madrid, entitled: Relacion de algunas cosas de las que acaecieron al Muy
Ilustre Señor Don Hernando Cortés, etc. This he published in his Coleccion de
Documentos, ii. 554-94. The last three pages form an appendix of brief remarks
on the inhabitants and resources of New Spain.

[723] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 149. ‘Dos dias después de preso el dicho Narvaez,
porque en aquella ciudad no se podia sostener tanta gente ... despaché dos
capitanes.’ Cortés, Cartas, 125. Cortés writes that before leaving for Mexico he
sent Mexican envoys to obtain the friendship and allegiance of the lord of Pánuco.
This was at once offered, and presents were exchanged. Id., 56-7, 125, 144-45.
Cortés was either deceived or he invented the story to counteract Garay’s
schemes. Bernal Diaz names Ordaz for Goazacoalco and Velazquez for Pánuco;
but it has entirely escaped his memory or notes that Velazquez had already been
charged to form a colony in Goazacoalco, for which he was also better fitted, while
Ordaz was more suited for rough warfare in Pánuco. This author gives to each
120 men, twenty of them from the ranks of Cortés, ‘porq̄ teniã mas experiẽcia en
la guerra.’ Hist. Verdad., 100. The 200 allowed by others may include the ship-
crews. Herrera places 300 men under Ordaz. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv.

[724] For description of the feast, so as better to understand what follows, see
Native Races, ii. 317-21, iii. 422-8.

[725] Oviedo refers the council and its acts only to the time immediately preceding
Cortés’ departure, iii. 509.

[726] ‘Esto afirmaron muchas mugeres, de las quales se sabia siẽpre la verdad.’
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.

[727] ‘Nos quitaron la comida e enbiando por ella no nos la quisieron dar e nos
davan de palos a las naborias e estando lavando una yndia de las nuestras la
hahogaron e dezian e publicavan que asy avian de hazer a los españoles.’
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 66. This testimony is confirmed by a number of
his followers.

[728] ‘Con muchas escalas para subir y matar a los españoles.’ Id., 67. Martin, in
Id., 144.

[729] ‘Le prince acolhua Tecocoltzin.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
287.

[730] ‘A number of poles were raised in the court-yard, destined, as I was told, to
impale the Spaniards, one taller than the rest upon the pyramid being reserved for
me.’ Alvarado, in Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 66.

[731] Alvarado’s statements with regard to reports and signs of revolt, and to the
confession of several natives, is confirmed by a number of witnesses, including
the clergyman Juan Diaz. Id., 66, 113, et seq. Tapia, who is arrayed against
Alvarado, intimates that torture induced the natives to give the confirmation of the
plot as desired by the Spanish captain, and that the interpreter was unreliable.
One witness declares that the uprising was understood to be planned to take
place within ten days; another says on the day following the torture, intimating that
it was to be after the great dances. Id., 37, 150. ‘Alvarado dixo, que luego le auian
de venir a dar guerra ... que lo supo de vn Papa, y de dos Principales, y de otros
Mexicanos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 102.
[732] Tapia’s testimony to this and other criminating points is particularly valuable,
as he was a bitter opponent of Alvarado. The latter states that Montezuma
declared himself powerless to prevent the premeditated sacrilege to the Christian
images. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 36-7, 66-7. But this plea, if made,
must, according to other accounts, be interpreted to apply only to pagan
ceremonies, held almost before the images, and which might be regarded as a
sacrilege. Torquemada writes that arms had been collected within the temple and
everything prepared for the day when the Spaniards attended by invitation to
witness the dance of the nobles. At a given signal an evidently simultaneous
attack was to be made on the assembled guests and on the fort, thus taking the
Spaniards at a disadvantage. Jars stood prepared, filled with certain liquids,
wherein to cook their bodies for the feast. i. 489-90. The general inclination of
those who follow the Spanish version, of which Torquemada, usually so stanch for
the natives, is here the best exponent, has been to assume that the attack was
arranged for the day of the great dances; and this is not unlikely, although the
original writers and their commentators appear to be ignorant of or oblivious to
certain features of the festival. Another view has been to place the attack during
the installation of the new image of the war-god. This ceremony belonged to the
preceding day, a fact not as a rule understood, and therefore the source of much
confusion. Brasseur de Bourbourg, who is clearest on these points, assumes that
the raising of the idol would involve the casting forth of the Christian emblems, and
be the signal for attack. But evidences are conclusive that the natives were not
ready on that day. They were too occupied with the celebration, and Alvarado, with
his small force, was not so negligent as to wait till the last moment, when the
enemy was fully prepared. He and several of his men indicate clearly enough that
they attended the temple at the installation. The uprising must therefore have been
appointed for the following or even a later day. See note 25. Vetancurt, Teatro
Mex., iii. 139, is among the authorities who follow the version of Torquemada in
general. One of the fervid-minded witnesses of Alvarado repeats the account of
pots and jars for cooking the Spaniards. Helps supposes that Huitzilopochtli’s
festival had not yet been entered upon, and that Tezcatlipoca’s image is the one in
question; but the Spaniards, who knew the difference between these idols, all
affirm that the celebration of the war-god was now held. See Ramirez, Proceso
contra Alvarado, 69, 113, 130, 137, and 150.

[733] This received support from his neglect to interfere when supplies were cut
down. Even Tapia refers to a change in his disposition, and to Alvarado’s
displeasure thereat, but his words may apply to the stoppage either of supplies or
of presents. Id., 36. Want of power could not be pleaded by Montezuma, because
a few days later, when the natives were far more embittered both against the
Spaniards and against their captive sovereign, the latter was able by a mere
appeal to stay their onslaught. The testimony speaks not only of an undermined
wall and scaling ladders, but of weapons, ‘porras y otras armas,’ and of
conspirators within the fort. Id., 67, 113, et seq. Gomara says that his love for the
Spaniards has been denied by some. Hist. Mex., 154-5; but Bernal Diaz will not
believe Montezuma guilty of conspiracy. Hist. Verdad., 102. The grief of the
Spaniards at his death, and the care taken of his children, indicate that they and
the crown regarded him as loyal.

[734] ‘Los españoles lo requirieron al dicho D. Pedro.’ Ramirez, Proceso contra

Alvarado, 150. Tapia pretends that he objected. Id., 37.

[735] Alvarado and his men in more than one instance indicate the day when the
dough idol was raised. Id., 67, 113, 134. Ixtlilxochitl points to the following greater
day, which he dates May 19th. Relaciones, 412. Sahagun is not so definite, but his
editor accepts the chief day, calling it whitsunday, May 27th. Hist. Conq. (ed.
1840), 99. In another place he says May 25th. Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos,
274. One of Alvarado’s men states that it was a Thursday. Ramirez, Proceso
contra Alvarado, 131.

[736] The testimony of the conquerors, confirmed by native paintings and records,
leaves no doubt that the dance of the nobles and the massacre took place in the
great temple adjoining the fort. Ramirez, Proceso, 37 et seq. Acosta writes,
however, that they occurred in the palace, Hist. Ind., 522, and he is partly right,
since a massacre was carried out here also. Clavigero follows Acosta, and
assumes that the fort is meant. He argues that the dance was held there so that
the emperor might, as customary, be present, and that a massacre could not have
been undertaken by so few Spaniards in the great temple, where the arsenals
were situated, and where the concourse of people must have been very large.
Storia Mess., iii. 118. The Spaniards had forbidden the use of arms during the
festival, and none appear to have been produced in the temple. Among other
precautions Alvarado appears to have insisted on a small attendance beyond that
of nobles, and most authorities so accept it.

[737] Torquemada says 50 men; the Tlascaltecs are seldom counted.

[738] ‘Que no quedaron sino el dicho Montezuma y quinze o veynte criados,’ says
the charge against Alvarado. Ramirez, Proceso, 4, 20, 37, 43. This generally
ignored part of the massacre finds also indirect confirmation in the diffuse
testimony to the finding of concealed weapons among the attendants of
Montezuma. Alvarado would not have failed to punish them for this.

[739] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 412. ‘Este bayle es como el Netoteliztli.’

‘Mazeualiztli: que quiere dezir Merecimiento con trabajo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
150.

[740] See Native Races, ii. 288-9.

[741] ‘Fue al patio donde estava el Oechilobos e vi mucha gente junta para le
subir e defendiendolo venia mucha gente los quales comensaron a pelear con
nosotros.’ Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 67. This is a mere excuse evidently,
which none attempt to support, definitely at least; but it sounded well to say that
the actual fight began on the native side, as had the plotting. One of Brasseur de
Bourbourg’s unique manuscripts states that the first attack by the Spaniards was
upon those who were advancing with the idol. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 287. ‘Este testigo
desfizo el ydolo que los dichos yndios tenian para sobir donde estava Nuestra
Señora.’ Nuño Pinto, in Ramirez, 134.

[742] There were from 300 to 400 dancers, nearly all chiefs, and an audience of
from 2000 to 3000, says Tapia; and from the wording of the accusation against
Alvarado it appears that all the chiefs were killed, and a number of the rest,
besides those slaughtered in the fort. Ramirez interprets the native painting to
signify 400, most likely of the nobles only, Id., 4, 37, 286; 400 killed, Cortés,
Residencia, i. 41; over 600 nobles slaughtered in one hour, Cano, in Oviedo, iii.
550; 600 to 1000 nobles and caciques, Gomara; over 1000 nobles, Ixtlilxochitl,
Relaciones, 412, and Brasseur de Bourbourg. ‘Fué tan grande el derramamiento
de sangre, que corrian arroyos della por el patio como agua cuando mucho
llueve.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 100. He gives sickening details of
truncated bodies, of dismembered hands and feet, and of draggling entrails.
Father Duran goes to an extreme in his account, according to which Alvarado
prompted the deed, and Cortés executed it. From 8000 to 10,000 illustrious men
were summoned through Montezuma to assemble in the temple, in order to permit
Cortés to kill them and thus become master in the country. He places ten soldiers
at each gate, and sends in ten to commit the slaughter. Hist. Ind., MS. ii. 456-9.
Las Casas is not so absurd, this time at least, but close behind him in the
estimate, for he states that the slaughter was carried on in different parts of the
city at the same time, and in one place alone about 2000 young nobles fell.
Prescott misinterprets him. ‘Non procul à palatio aberant, duo circiter millia
juvenum nobilium.... Ad hos se contulit Hispanorum Capitaneus, & alios ad
reliquas urbis partes, in quibus hæ choreæ celebrabantur, misit, ... non cessabunt
celebrare & lamentari ... calamitatem,’ etc. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 32.

[743] Tapia, and others, in Ramirez, 38, 67, 131. Torquemada assumes that the
arms used by the assailants were those which had been collected for the outbreak
in the houses adjoining the temple, i. 490. As regards the motives for the
massacre, the Spanish authorities seek as a rule to justify them, while the native
accounts are equally inclined to ascribe them to greed or to wanton cruelty.
According to Sahagun the celebration was held at the instance of Alvarado, who
slaughtered the devotees without known cause. Hist. Conq., 27 (ed. 1840), 100.
Duran, who is as prejudiced as he is blundering, dates the massacre after the
return of Cortés from the coast. Alvarado persuades him to secure the submission
of the country by killing all the lords and chiefs, and they are accordingly allured to
their death. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 456-7. Las Casas inclines to a similar motive; ‘quo
magis cresceret, & augeretur in his provinciis formido illorum crudelitatis.’ Regio.
Ind. Devastat., 30. Nearer the truth comes Ixtlilxochitl, who, while disposed to
credit his countrymen, dares not accuse the Spaniards, and so takes the prudent
middle course of casting the blame on the Tlascaltecs. Prompted by the hatred
bred of former wrongs inflicted by Mexicans, and by greed for spoils, they invent
charges of treason and speedy revolt. Alvarado, being also avaricious, is readily
induced to believe them, and considers it besides a good opportunity to obtain
control by dispatching the assembled chiefs, unarmed as they are. Hist. Chich.,
300; Relaciones, 389, 412. Ixtlilxochitl is not to blame for his assumption, since his
admired guide, the biographer of Cortés, does not attempt to defend Alvarado, but
merely mentions that he was influenced either by reports of a proposed uprising or
by avarice. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 151. The commentator Chimalpain says bluntly
that the latter motive ‘es mas de creer.’ Hist. Conq., i. 281; Benzoni, Mondo
Nuovo, 94; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 92. Vetancurt rather condemns
Alvarado for acting on insufficient evidence. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 139-40. Cortés’
silence respecting the cause may be attributed to his usual prudence in
suppressing unpleasant facts. He states, however, that Montezuma supplicated
him not to be annoyed at what had happened, since he regretted it as much as the
Spaniards. This implies that the Indians were regarded as originators of the
trouble. The severity with which he treated the emperor on his return to Mexico,
notwithstanding the efforts made by him to save the Spaniards, indicates still more
strongly that Cortés was convinced of Mexican treachery. Cartas, 126 et seq. In
the letter of the army to the emperor the uprising is attributed to Narvaez’ plots.
Carta del Ejército, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 429. Herrera notices the native
versions, particularly that which accuses the Tlascaltecs of having trumped up
charges against the Mexicans, but he affirms, ‘la verdad fue, que pensaron matar
los Castellanos.’ He thereupon enumerates proofs of the plot. dec. ii. lib. x. cap.
viii. Torquemada, who is more fully acquainted with native accounts, condemns
them as unreliable, and states that Sahagun accepted them without investigation,
i. 489-91. The charge that Alvarado was influenced by avarice is promptly rejected
by Bernal Diaz. ‘No lo creo, ni nunca tal oí, ni es de creer que tal hiziesse.’ His
motive was to inspire terror and inflict such injury as to prevent the Indians from
attacking him. That they intended to attack, Bernal Diaz fully believes. Hist.
Verdad., 102. Solis is quite indignant at the supposition that avarice impelled the
Spaniards. Hist. Mex., ii. 117. According to Oviedo the intention of the natives was
to kill also Cortés on his return. He inserts without comment the version of Cano,
married to Montezuma’s daughter, that avarice was the motive, iii. 510, 550.
Acosta, who generally adheres to native versions, does not apparently find them
reliable in this case, since he merely says that a ‘chastisement’ was inflicted, but
that it was excessive. Hist. Ind., 522. This is also the opinion of Clavigero, who
believes that the Spaniards were deceived by Tlascaltec stories of a plot, and
wished to anticipate it, on the principle that ‘chi assalisce vince. Checchessia, la
sua condotta non può scusarsi d’imprudenza, e di crudeltà.’ Storia Mess., iii. 119.
This view has been widely adopted, even by the modern Mexican historian
Carbajal Espinosa, plagiarist though he be. Hist. Mex., ii. 339. His confrère
Bustamante, as editor of Sahagun, is inclined to magnify even the exaggerations
of the latter. Prescott wavers between Clavigero’s views and disbelief in Alvarado’s
apology. But in expressing his opinion he misconstrues Bernal Diaz and raises
some meaningless questions. Mex., ii. 284-6. There is no doubt that the Indians
were bent on mischief. A large faction had been hostile to the Spaniards ever
since their arrival, as intruders who menaced the existing politic, economic, and
religious order. This feeling had been steadily spreading under the threatening
attitude assumed by the unbidden guests in seizing the emperor, in extorting
tribute, and in assuming mastery. With the occupation of the temple by the
Christian emblems the climax was reached; and now the whole population
became possessed with a desire to avenge not only the outraged idols, but
themselves and their sovereign, and to uphold the tottering throne. The
observations of the Spaniards and the reports of their informers were correct in
pointing to an uprising, to take place during the gathering of pilgrims for the war-
god festival, when the reduced number of the Spanish garrison favored the
design. The confession of several natives, whether extorted by torture or not,
confirmed the charges and justified belief. Alvarado could not as a prudent
commander ignore them, and duty required him to use prompt measures for the
protection of his force, and of the interests of his king and the expedition. It might
be urged by those who seek to defend this kind of thing that seizure of the victims
for hostages would have been equally effective and more humane; but from the
precedence established by the general himself at Cholula the conduct of the rash
Alvarado is scarcely to be wondered at. Cortés’ object had been to strike terror as
the only effective lesson for a people who seemed to recognize no other sway,
and if this was regarded as necessary with the Cholultecs, Alvarado must have
held it to be doubly so now. His position was far more critical than that at the
former city, for his resources were smaller, the prospect of aid was hopeless, and
escape was cut off. He had to strike promptly and strike well. Here were the
leaders, and here the temple, wherein a punishment would apparently have
greater effect. It was natural to suppose that the installation of the war-god would
be attended by the leaders or representative men of the enemy; and to level the
blow at this class must be considered as less cruel at least than to strike the
multitude, as at Cholula. Perhaps the recognition of this was a reason for the
silence of Cortés. All this discussion, however, as to the minor motives prompting
a dastardly deed I do not regard as very relevant. I am very sure that the motives
of the Spaniards in this massacre were not plunder. They were playing for a higher
stake, for the whole country, and, in case they won, all in it would be theirs. The
present heavy blow was but one of the points in the game.
 CHAPTER XXIII.
UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

May-June, 1520.

Character of the Aztecs—Spanish Quarters—The City in Arms—Growing

Hatred toward the Invaders—Perilous Position of Alvarado—
Montezuma Called to Interfere—Failing Provisions—Miraculous Water
—Cortés to the Rescue—Rendezvous at Tlascala—The City and its
People—The Army Joins Alvarado—Desperate Encounters.

The Spaniards had mistaken somewhat the character of the

Aztecs. Ground to the dust by political despotism and bloody
superstition, their features had assumed a melancholy cast and their
form the attitude of humility. Yet beneath all slumbered a ferocity the
most blood-thirsty among the Nahua nations. And now, though their
nature might be as cold and impassive as the stone of the pavement,
the iron heel of the conqueror had struck fire from it.
Before the fort the angry throng increased, until the whole city
seemed to have gathered there. On the roofs and in the courts fell
showers of arrows, stones, and darts, and charge after charge was
made at the entrances. Attempts were also made both to scale and
undermine the walls, and some resorted to battering, until it seemed
to the besieged as if the whole habitation was coming down upon
their heads.
 The structure consisted of a vast irregular pile of stone buildings,
one story in height, and raised, like most of the pretentious edifices,
on a pyramidal foundation, which was low and difficult to undermine
or beat down. An occasional tower relieved the monotony of the
outline and offered a view over the neighborhood. Beside the smaller
courts inclosed by the buildings, a larger yard appears to have been
formed by a stout wall, within which the allies had erected temporary
shelter. This was the weakest point, and here the battering parties
were chiefly collected. The flanks and curtains of modern fortification
were wanting, and the protection of the wall face depended on the
turrets which rose here and there, and on the parapets, with their few
embrasures.
Though attempting no sortie beyond the immediate vicinity of the
gates, the Spaniards were not sparing of powder and arrows, and
picked off the more presumptuous assailants, while their pikes and
swords did good service at the parapets and openings. The cannon,
however, loaded as they were with small shot and scraps, which
brought down a dozen or more at a time, were the only weapons that
could hold the enemy in check. On one occasion, when a charging
party had approached in a somewhat wavering column to carry the
main entrance, the cannon charge failed to explode, owing to
dampness. This the assailants were quick to observe, and with yells
of encouragement they rushed forward, and were soon in a hand-to-
hand conflict with a party which had sallied to break the first column.
The Spaniards plied their swords and pikes with desperation,
supported by a desultory fire from the musketeers and archers of the
fort, but without effect. The gaps made by their weapons were
quickly filled with fresh warriors, and the sallying party was obliged to
fall back with the loss of two soldiers, who were captured alive and
devoted to sacrifice. It was a critical moment, for the enraged horde
was about to follow them into the quarters. Just then, as if touched
by invisible fire, the powder ignited, sending from the cannon its
death-dealing missiles, mowing a path through the crowd of
pursuers. The Mexicans were appalled and speedily thrown into
disorder, of which the Spaniards were not slow to take advantage.
Nor was this the only miracle of the day; for it is alleged that the
virgin, and he of the dazzling white steed, both appeared fighting on
the side of the Spaniards, and bringing defeat and confusion upon
their assailants, as at Tabasco and Tlascala.[744]
Thus closed the first day of Alvarado’s chivalrous doings, during
which a large number were wounded, although there were but six
killed,[745] not including allies. A portion of the quarters, with a
quantity of ammunition and supplies, had been burned, and a large
breach made in the wall. The brigantines were also burned, the
bridges raised, and barricades erected in different parts of the city;
while the supply of provisions was cut off. Even after darkness had
stilled the fury of the warriors the unhappy people remained before
the Spanish quarters, and with outstretched arms and dishevelled
hair they lifted up their voices, crying, “You are doomed, you vile
things! But for your thunder and your fortress walls, curses on them,
you would now be killed and cooked. And you shall be, unless you
instantly release Montezuma and depart. You shall meet with holy
death, and be cooked with chilmole, and be given as food to the
eagles and the beasts, for your flesh is bitter, as we have found, and
not fit for men to eat. Why does not the earth swallow you alive? Oh
ye gods! ye gods! unmoved all, all but the devilish gods of these
devilish men. But our mighty ones, whom you have outraged, shall
yet give you your deserts. If they do not, we shall; nor shall they
escape, the despicable ones of Tlascala, your slaves, who serve you
as women and hire out the wives of their lords!” Thus raved the
heart-broken.
So critical had become his condition on the second day that
Alvarado appealed to Montezuma to exert his influence to stay the
assailants, intimating that if the Spaniards perished so would the
Aztec king. Montezuma’s overtures were not received with
enthusiasm by the people; nevertheless aggressive operations were
reduced to desultory attacks.[746] Water was greatly needed by the
besieged, and again the good fortune of the Spaniards, which hardly
ever forsook them, came to their aid. Digging, under inspiration or
desperation, they struck fresh water within the fortress,[747] and
offered thanksgiving.
Communication was shortly after established between Alvarado
and Cortés. Several Tlascaltecs and Cholultecs were despatched by
different routes to the coast, and a courier arrived from Cempoala
and gained entrance to the fort.[748] Ordering Velazquez and Ordaz
to abandon their mission and direct their march to Tlascala, Cortés
hastened preparations to join them there. A garrison of one hundred
men was left at Villa Rica, under Rodrigo Rangel, a relative of the
general,[749] and about thirty men remained at Cempoala to take
charge of the sick and wounded, and some baggage, with orders to
follow as soon as possible.
The route to the plateau lay partly through a bleak and desert
country, and the inhabitants being beside less friendly than before,
the army would have found it difficult to obtain supplies; but Cortés
had gathered experience from his previous march, and Tlascala was
entered in the middle of June.[750] A hearty reception was accorded,
and more encouraging news obtained from Mexico, showing that the
siege maintained its passive character. Reinforcements were
nevertheless urgent, since a fresh outbreak might at any time occur.
A message was again sent to gladden the garrison with promises of
speedy relief.[751]
Including the troops under Velazquez and Ordaz the muster-roll
showed about eleven hundred men, with some eighty horses, one
hundred cross-bows, and eighty fire-arms, besides several cannon,
and a large quantity of ammunition.[752] The heart of the company,
however, was the veterans of Cortés, whose superior discipline and
familiarity with native warfare made them doubly reliable. Eager for a
fray with the detested Aztecs, and desirous of excusing their refusal
of men a month before, the Tlascaltecs offered not only supplies but
large reinforcements, of which only two thousand were accepted,
besides a small number from Cholula and Huexotzinco.
The more northerly route by way of Calpulalpan, recommended
already on the former march as the easiest, was this time selected,
partly with a view to obtain provisions more readily.[753] As the lake
region was approached evidences were seen of the revolt in
deserted villages and in the sullen demeanor of the few Indians who
showed themselves. The contrast was chilling indeed as compared
with the reception accorded on the former occasion, when the
journey resembled the triumphal march of gods. Oppressed with
misgivings the army entered Tezcuco, the seat of the Acolhua kings,
a few leagues north of Mexico, on the border of the same lake.
It was one of the most ancient cities of the country, ranking since
the early half of the eighth century as the capital of a dominion
founded by Tezcatlipoca, the later supreme deity of the Nahuas.
After the fall of the Toltec empire it took the leading position in
Anáhuac, as the centre of Chichimec power. The new dynasty
fostered the inherited culture in every way, and made the city not
only the political capital, but the Athens of the country. The rise of the
Aztecs gave it a rival in Mexico, which in course of the fifteenth
century assumed the political sceptre, but Tezcuco still maintained
the precedence in culture and elegance. It was said to contain one
hundred and forty thousand houses, distributed among different
suburbs, and extending with their smiling gardens from the border of
the lake to a distance of from three to four leagues. The six divisions
of the city were crossed by a series of fine streets lined with tasteful
and costly buildings. Among the finest structures were the two
palaces, which are claimed to have excelled those of Mexico. The
older, the Huetecpan, wherein the poet-king Nezahualcoyotl held his
court, formed a magnificent monument of his artistic taste. It lay
upon a triple terrace bathed by the lake, and was surrounded by an
immense wall, from fifteen to twenty-five feet high, inclosing two
large squares. Within this precinct were the council-chambers, the
halls for various arts and sciences, and the royal apartments. The
pleasure-grounds, almost hedged by cedars, were filled with shady
groves, traversed by labyrinthian paths, and interspersed with well
stocked ponds and aviaries, baths, and sparkling fountains. The new
palace, which occupied a smaller space, excelled in imposing
architecture and in comforts of the most varied character.
Beside these there were a number of summer resorts in the
neighborhood, conspicuous among them the fine palace of
Tezcocingo, a prototype of Chapultepec, and like it overlooking the
capital from a hill, two leagues to the east. An aqueduct of stone
supplied two reservoirs on the summit, whence the water was
distributed over grounds intersected by canals with meandering
currents and picturesque cascades. The palace lay almost hidden
within groves of gigantic cedar and cypress, revealing to the rapt
beholder pavilions of marble, tessellated pavements, and playing
fountains with statuary of unique form.[754]
The Spaniards found none to welcome them, but were allowed
unmolested to take up their quarters in the palace. Shortly afterward
a canoe arrived from Mexico[755] with an imperial messenger and a
Spaniard,[756] bearing the cheering news that everything had been
quiet in the capital for some time, and that supplies, which had been
scantily furnished only against heavy payments, had now become
more liberal. Montezuma sent word that the city would return to its
normal condition the moment Cortés entered it, and he expressed a
hope that no ill-will would be entertained toward him for what had
happened, since this had been beyond his control, and had grieved
him as much as the Spaniards. Reassuring messages were
forwarded to Villa Rica.
After a stay of four days the army proceeded from Tezcuco by
the northern shore of the lake, and camped for the night at
Tepeyacac, the terminus of the northern causeway from Mexico.[757]
On entering this place the horse of Solis, Casquete, stepped into a
hole on the bridge and broke a leg, throwing its rider into the water.
This was looked on as a bad omen, particularly by an astrologer
soldier named Botello, but Cortés made light of it, saying, “Troubles
at St John’s festival bring peace for the year.”[758] The following
morning, St John’s day, the army entered the capital. On all sides an
ominous silence prevailed. The streets were deserted, the houses
apparently abandoned, and the solitary native occasionally seen
hovered in the distance like a shadow.[759] It was also noticed with
apprehension that many of the canal bridges were removed. On
approaching the Axayacatl palace the arrival was heralded by
trumpet blasts, which called forth responsive shouts from the
garrison. Throwing open the gates, the besieged received their
deliverers with the most extravagant demonstrations of joy.[760] For
greater accommodation a part of the troops were quartered in the
great temple adjoining the fort.
The unpleasant aspect of affairs, so apparent during the last
days of the march, had ruffled the temper of Cortés, and his
treatment of Alvarado was not altogether cordial. Still, as he had
ever been a close friend, and as he was an invaluable officer, brave
and influential, he deemed it prudent to go no further than to express
a curt disapproval of his rashness.[761] Indeed, an inquiry into the
causes and results of the massacre could criminate Alvarado no
further than the Cholula affair did himself. The captain had acted in
full accord with his party, and whatever blame might attach must be
shared by all. Dissension would never answer, and so the matter
was dropped. But the ill-temper which the general dared not wreak
on his own men found a ready object in Montezuma. The conduct of
Cortés in this respect was most ungenerous. It shows the several
sides of humanity: how odious in some respects are those who
appear to the best advantage in other respects. This poor king had a
superstitious sympathy, a maudlin affection for the captain, who,
considering his own infamous conduct toward him, might at least
have saved the captive unnecessary mental suffering. As Cortés
entered the fort Montezuma stepped out of his apartment to
welcome him. The cavalier passed by the king in lofty disdain,
ignoring his presence. Cut to the quick, the monarch shrank back,
apparently more stunned by this treatment than by the late terrible
slaughter of his subjects.[762] He retired deeply chagrined to pour his
sorrow into Olmedo’s ear. “What can I do?” he cried; “he loves gold
and fame, and I will give him a life-size equestrian statue of himself
in gold if he will but be kind to me.”
With the arrival of the main forces supplies were stopped, as if in
protest, and Cortés became only the more irritated. Accordingly,
when two chiefs appeared on behalf of the emperor to ask for an
interview they were repulsed with the insulting epithet of ‘dogs!’
Velazquez and other officers remonstrated against the policy of this
rudeness to one who had interfered to save his troops. “What
consideration can I have for a dog?” was the dastardly rejoinder.
“Was he not willing to treat with Narvaez, and does he not now seek
to starve us?” Persuaded presently of the necessity for imperial
interposition, he addressed the chiefs roughly, “Tell your master,
Montezuma, to order markets to be held at once, or there will be
trouble.” His tone and gesture were sufficient indications to the chiefs
of the insults offered to them and their august lord, and they failed
not to give them full force in their report. In answer to the demand
Montezuma said that he and his chief officials were prisoners, and
that nothing could be effected without the release of one among
them. Cortés saw the necessity, and, without considering the result,
released Cuitlahuatzin, lord of Iztapalapan, the emperor’s brother,
and generalissimo of the army, a man whose hostility to everything
Spanish was well known. According to Aztec law he was the most
probable successor to the throne, and therefore particularly
dangerous.[763]
Cortés was becoming foolhardy. Whether the brothers were in
accord upon the measures to be adopted is uncertain; but
Cuitlahuatzin, who was not only bold, but ambitious, had evidently
determined on his course. If the Mexicans had hoped for better
prospects with the arrival of Cortés that hope was now dissipated,
and bitter indignation filled their breasts. Cuitlahuatzin was
welcomed as a liberator. His constant efforts in the imperial council
to oppose the admission of the Spaniards, by force if necessary, and
his services for the cause of liberty and religion in connection with
the Cacama revolt, were sufficient to endear him to his brother
patriots. Strongly urged, he accepted the leadership of the
insurgents, a position for which his experience and success as a
general had well fitted him. He began by ordering war material and
erecting barricades. The value of the Chinantec pikes introduced by
Cortés had not been lost on him, and a number were provided,
barbed with the vitreous iztli. Arrangements were made with
adjoining towns and provinces for a supply of provisions and
reinforcements to carry on the holy war.[764]
The Spaniards soon learned what was brewing, and first in this
way: Ojeda and Marquez, when out foraging early in the morning of
the day following their arrival, observed several suspicious
circumstances, among others broken bridges, which in one place
obliged them to fill up a canal before crossing it. Here and there they
saw large collections of slings and other weapons, and presently
they came on a priest with dishevelled hair shouting with wild
gesticulations to a crowd of armed men. They hurried back to inform
the general, guided through intricate cross-streets by a Tlascaltec.
Antonio del Rio, who had been despatched for Villa Rica the same
morning, returned at a gallop in less than half an hour, excited and
bleeding. The streets, he said, were full of warriors, who had raised
the bridges and were apparently prepared to attack. Had it not been
for his trusty sword and swift horse he would have been slain. At this
moment the sentinels in the towers announced the approach of a
vast multitude from different directions, with gleaming iztli weapons,
and speedily the neighborhood was alive with warriors, whose yells
rose high above the shrill shell and doleful drum.[765] Even if they did
not inspire the full measure of dread intended they presented a
striking picture in their painted bodies, grotesque with patterns and
brilliant colors, with no covering among the rank and file save the
raw cotton on the head and the universal maxtli round the loins.
They were protected in part by the chimalli, or shield, a slight
bamboo frame covered with gaudily colored skin or reed-grass,
chiefly oval and round, and often large enough to cover the whole
body. Secured to the arm it left the hand free to hold the bow or
stone, while the right managed the arrow or the sling. The latter was
an implement of great effect with the Aztecs, who could impel the
stone with wonderful precision and force. The maza, or club, with its
knotty head, and the macana, or sword, toothed with iztli, were well
represented, while high above gleamed the obsidian or copper
points of the spear. One of the most dreaded weapons was the
tlacochtli, or javelin, often provided with three points, and attached to
a cord by which it could be recovered for a fresh cast. Conspicuous
among the warriors were the nobles, those that were left of them, in
lofty quetzal plumage on a head-dress of green feathers set in tiger-
skin, or in a gold or silver band, which gave the appearance of metal
helmets. The body was covered in corselets of red, green, or yellow
feathers, worked with gold, and so arranged as to indicate the
company or district to which the wearer belonged. Beneath gleamed
occasionally cuirasses of gold or silver. The limbs were covered with
wood or leather armor set with feathers or gold plates. A more
common body armor was the cotton tunic, one or two fingers in
thickness, which extended to the knees and elbows. It was almost
equivalent to the quilted cotton protector used on the eastern coast,
whose efficiency against native weapons had caused the Spaniards
to adopt it. The tunic was adorned with feathers, which corresponded
to the uniform in color and arrangement, usually in the form of an
animal. Many were distinguished by casques in the form of eagle-
heads, and in armor spotted like a tiger-skin, indicative of the two
orders of Quauhtin and Ocelome, eagles and tigers. At the head of
the different columns appeared officers with small drums, painted
and adorned with feathers, with which they directed the march.
Beyond, in the centre of the masses, could be seen banners, with
devices in various colors and forms, which the Tlascaltecs pointed
out as belonging to different wards and to cities on the mainland, a
sign that an extensive body of troops had been enlisted for the war.
[766]

As the forces drew near, slingers and bowmen appeared on the

roofs of the neighboring buildings, who, together with those below,
began to send stones, arrows, and darts in showers upon the fort.
The Spaniards responded with a series of volleys, the number of
cannon being increased to twelve or more. The effect was merely to
startle them for a moment, and on they pressed over dead and
dying, amid encouraging shouts, till they reached the sides of the
wall, where the dreaded cannon, at least, could not destroy them. All
attempts to scale the wall proved futile, and soon their efforts were
confined to effecting breaches. With their rude implements this was
slow work, but they persevered with reckless obstinacy, reinforced at
frequent intervals, while the main body kept up a galling discharge of
missiles, and occupied the attention of the besieged with continual
charges at different points.