Practicing Texas Politics 17Th Edition Lyle Brown All Chapter

PRACTICING TEXAS POLITICS.
17th
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Pr act ici ng
TEXAS
P O L ITIC S
Enhanced 17e
Lyle C. Brown Baylor University
Joyce A. Langenegger Blinn College
Sonia R. García St. Mary’s University
Robert E. Biles Sam Houston State University
Ryan T. Rynbrandt Collin College
Veronica Vega Reyna Austin Community College
Juan Carlos Huerta Texas A&M University—Corpus Christi
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Enhanced Seventeenth Edition
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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2019
Brief Contents
CHAPTER 1: The Environment of Texas Politics 1
CHAPTER 2: Federalism and the Texas Constitution 42
CHAPTER 3: Local Governments 80
CHAPTER 4: Political Parties 125
CHAPTER 5: Campaigns and Elections 155
CHAPTER 6: The Media and Politics 192
CHAPTER 7: The Politics of Interest Groups 238
CHAPTER 8: The Legislative Branch 273
CHAPTER 9: The Executive Branch 315
CHAPTER 10: The Judicial Branch 363
CHAPTER 11: Finance and Fiscal Policy 393
CHAPTER 12: Public Policy and Administration 435
CHAPTER 13: The Criminal Justice System 477
iii
Detailed Contents
Chapter 1: State Powers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

Federal-State Relations: An Evolving Process . . 53
The Environment of The Texas Constitution: Politics of
Texas Politics 1 Policymaking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Historical Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Everything Is Changing in Texas . . . . . . . 2 Today: After More Than a Century of Usage . . . 62
Texas Politics and Political Culture . . . . . . 3 Constitutional Amendments and Revision . . 66
Government, Politics, and Public Policy in Texas . 3 Constitutional Revision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
Types of Political Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 More Revision Attempts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Texas Political Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Piecemeal Revision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
A Changing Culture? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
The Texas Constitution: A Summary . . . . .71
The People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 The Bill of Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Texans Throughout History: From Conflict The Powers of Government and
Toward Cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Separation of Powers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Texans Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Suffrage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Religious Diversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Local Governments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
The Land and Population Distribution . . . .17 Other Articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Urbanization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Suburbanization and Gentrification . . . . . . . . 18
Rural Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Chapter 3:
The Regions of Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Local Governments 80
The Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Local Politics in Context . . . . . . . . . . .82
The Texas Economy Through History . . . . . . . 24
Local Governments and Federalism . . . . . . . 82
New Economic Directions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Grassroots Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Meeting New Challenges . . . . . . . . . .31 Municipal Governments . . . . . . . . . . .84
Immigration: Federal and State Problems . . . . 31
Legal Status of Municipalities . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Water . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Forms of Municipal Government . . . . . . . . . 86
Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Municipal Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Poverty and Social Problems . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Rules Make a Difference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Socioeconomic and Demographic Changes . . . 94
Chapter 2: Municipal Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Federalism and the Municipal Government Revenue . . . . . . . . . 97
Texas Constitution 42 Generating Revenue for Economic
Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .102
The American Federal Structure . . . . . . .43 Counties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Distribution of Constitutional Powers . . . . . . . 44 Structure and Operation . . . . . . . . . . . . .103
Interstate Relations and State Immunities . . . . 47 County Finance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .109
iv
Detailed Contents v
County Government Reform . . . . . . . . . . .111 Primary, General, and Special Elections . . 183
Border Counties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 Primaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Special Districts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 General and Special Elections . . . . . . . . . .187
Public School Districts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Junior or Community College Districts . . . . . .116
Chapter 6:
Noneducation Special Districts . . . . . . . . . .117
Metropolitan Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 The Media and Politics 192
Councils of Governments . . . . . . . . . . . . .119 Where Do We Get Our Information? . . . 193
Municipal Annexation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Print Media: Newspapers and News Magazines . 195
Electronic Media: Radio and Television . . . . . 197
Chapter 4: Digital Media: The Internet and Social Media . . 200
Political Parties 125 The Media’s Roles in Politics . . . . . . . .203
Providing Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .203
Role of Political Parties . . . . . . . . . . 126 Maintaining Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Political Ideology . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 Setting the Public Agenda . . . . . . . . . . . .211
Conservatism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127 Shaping Our Views? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
Libertarianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127 Campaigns and Citizen Participation . . . 215
Liberalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .128 Campaigns and the Traditional Media . . . . . .216
Electoral Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Digital Campaigning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .217
Third Parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .129 Citizen Participation in the Digital Age . . . . . .218
Independents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .131 Bias? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
An Overview of Texas Political History . . 132 Media Bias and the News . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
1840s to 1870s: The Origin of the Party System 132 What Research Finds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .221
1870s to 1970s: A One-Party Dominant System . 133 Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
1970s to 1990s: An Emerging Two-Party System . 134 Regulation of Print and Broadcast Media . . . . 222
2000 to 2016: Republican Dominance . . . . . .135 Internet Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .223
2016 and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .140 State and Local Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . .223
Party Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Latinos, African Americans, and
Temporary Party Organization . . . . . . . . . .143 Women in Texas Media . . . . . . . . . . 225
Selection of National Convention Delegates . . 147 Change in the Media: More Participation,
Permanent Party Organization . . . . . . . . . .149 More Sources, but Less News? . . . . . . 227
Concentration of Ownership . . . . . . . . . . .227
Chapter 5: For Good and for Bad: The Rise of
the Internet and Social Media . . . . . . . . .232
Campaigns and The Future? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .232
Elections 155
Political Campaigns . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Chapter 7:
Conducting Campaigns in the 21st Century . . .156 The Politics of
Campaign Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Campaign Finance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .160 Interest Groups 238
Racial and Ethnic Politics . . . . . . . . . 163 Interest Groups in the
Latinos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Political Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
African Americans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 What Is an Interest Group? . . . . . . . . . . . .239
Women in Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 The Reasons for Interest Groups . . . . . . . . .240
Voting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Characteristics of Interest Groups . . . . . . . . 242
Obstacles to Voting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .169 Types of Interest Groups . . . . . . . . . 245
Democratization of the Ballot . . . . . . . . . . 172 Economic Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .245
Voter Turnout . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .173 Professional/Public Employee Groups . . . . . .247
Administering Elections . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Social Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .249
vi Detailed Contents
Public Interest Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 Executive Powers of the Governor . . . . 328

Texas Power Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 Appointive Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .329
Interest Group Activities . . . . . . . . . 255 Removal Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .330
Lobbying . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .256 Military Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .330
Electioneering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 Law Enforcement Power . . . . . . . . . . . . .332
Campaign Financing by Political Action Budgetary Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .332
Committees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Executive Orders and Proclamations . . . . . . .333
Bribery and Unethical Practices . . . . . . . . . 264 Economic Development . . . . . . . . . . . . .334
Power and Regulation in Legislative Powers of the Governor . . . . 335
Interest Group Politics . . . . . . . . . . . 265 Message Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .335
Regulation of Interest Group Politics . . . . . . .266 Bill Signing Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336
Interest Group Power and Public Policy . . . . .269 Veto Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .336
Pinpointing Political Power . . . . . . . . . . . .270 Special Sessions Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . .337
Judicial Powers of the Governor . . . . . 338
Chapter 8: Appointment and Removal of Judges and
Justices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .338
The Legislative Branch 273 Acts of Executive Clemency . . . . . . . . . . . 339
Legislative Framework . . . . . . . . . . 276 The Plural Executive . . . . . . . . . . . . 340
Election and Terms of Office . . . . . . . . . . .276 The Lieutenant Governor . . . . . . . . . . . . .341
Sessions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .277 The Attorney General . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342
Districting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .278 The Comptroller of Public Accounts . . . . . . .343
Legislators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284 The Commissioner of the General Land Office . .344
Qualifications and Characteristics . . . . . . . . 284 The Commissioner of Agriculture . . . . . . . . 345
Compensation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 The Secretary of State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
Legislative Organization . . . . . . . . . . 291 The State Bureaucracy . . . . . . . . . . . 347
Presiding Officers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .291 The Institutional Context . . . . . . . . . . . . .348
Committee System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .293 State Employees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .349
Legislative Caucus System . . . . . . . . . . . .295 Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .352
Legislative Operations . . . . . . . . . . . 297 Health and Human Services . . . . . . . . . . . 354
Powers and Immunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . .298 Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357
Rules and Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .300 Economic and Environmental Agencies . . . . .357
How a Bill Becomes a Law . . . . . . . . . . . .301
Influences Within the Legislative Chapter 10:
Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308
Research Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . .310 The Judicial Branch 363
The Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
State Law in Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364
Sources of Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .365
Chapter 9: Code Revision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
The Executive Branch 315 Courts, Judges, Lawyers, and Juries . . . 366
Trial and Appellate Courts . . . . . . . . . . . .366
Gubernatorial Elections . . . . . . . . . . 318 Selecting Judges and Justices . . . . . . . . . .375
Gubernatorial Politics: Money Matters . . . . . .318 Disciplining and Removing Judges and
Gubernatorial Politics: Budgetary Influence . . .320 Justices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .377
Overview of the Governorship . . . . . . 321 Lawyers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .379
Compensation and Benefits . . . . . . . . . . . 321 Juries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .382
Staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .324 Judicial Procedures in
Succession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324 Civil Cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 385
Removal from Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .325 Civil Trial Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .386
Informal Powers of the Governor . . . . . 326 Trial and Appeal of a Civil Case . . . . . . . . . 387
Detailed Contents vii
Judicial Procedures in Criminal Cases . . . 388 Health and Human Services . . . . . . . . 454
Criminal Justice System . . . . . . . . . . . . . 388 Human Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .457
Criminal Trial and Appeal . . . . . . . . . . . . .389 Health and Mental Health Services . . . . . . . .458
Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 461
Chapter 11: Economic and Environmental Policies . . . 462
Finance and Business Promotion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .463
Economic Regulatory Policy . . . . . . . . . . . 464
Fiscal Policy 393 Environmental Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . 468
Fiscal Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 Immigration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 472

Taxing Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396
Budget Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .398 Chapter 13:
Spending Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .400
The Criminal
Revenue Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400
The Politics of Taxation . . . . . . . . . . . . . .401 Justice System 477
Revenue from Gambling . . . . . . . . . . . . .407
Elements of the Criminal Justice
Other Nontax Revenues . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409 System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479
The Public Debt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .412 Criminal Justice Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479
Budgeting and Fiscal Management . . . . 414 Criminal Justice Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481
Budgeting Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .414 The Death Penalty . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483
Budget Expenditures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .418 Reinstitution of the Death Penalty . . . . . . . .483
Budget Execution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .419 Reviewing the Death Penalty . . . . . . . . . . .485
Purchasing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 419
Correction and Rehabilitation . . . . . . . 489
Facilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .419
The Texas Department of Criminal Justice . . . .490
Accounting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .419
Local Government Jails . . . . . . . . . . . . . .498
Auditing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .420
Private Prisons and Jails . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500
Future Demands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 420
Juvenile Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500
Public Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421
State and Local Agencies . . . . . . . . . . . . .501
Public Higher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . 424
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 502
Public Assistance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .430
Infrastructure Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431 Problems and Reforms: Implications
for Public Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503
Overcrowding and Mental Illness in Prison . . . 503
Chapter 12: Technology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .504
Public Policy and Exoneration Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 506
Administration 435 Racial Bias in the Criminal Justice System . . . .507
Misconduct by District Attorneys and
Making Public Policy in Texas . . . . . . . 436 Prosecutors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .508
Models of Policymaking . . . . . . . . . . . . . 437
The Institutional Context . . . . . . . . . . . . .440
Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 442 Glossary 513
Public Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 442 Endnotes 526
Colleges and Universities . . . . . . . . . . . . .448 Index 559
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State Learning Outcomes
Practicing Texas Politics helps you meet the State Learning

Outcomes for GOVT 2306:
1. Explain the origin and development of the 5. Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest
Texas constitution. groups, and political parties in Texas.
2. Demonstrate an understanding of state and 6. Analyze the state and local election process.
local political systems and their relationship 7. Describe the rights and responsibilities of
with the federal government. citizens.
3. Describe separation of powers and checks 8. Analyze issues, policies, and political cul-
and balances in both theory and practice ture of Texas.
in Texas.
4. Demonstrate knowledge of the legislative,
executive, and judicial branches of Texas
government.
Chapter in Practicing GOVT 2306 State Learning Outcomes (SLO) that are specifically
Texas Politics addressed in the chapter
1: The Environment of SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
Texas Politics With some attention to
SLO 1 Explain the origin and development of the Texas constitution.
SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
relationship with the federal government.
SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and practice
in Texas.
SLO 4 Demonstrate knowledge of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of Texas
government.
SLO 7 Describe the rights and responsibilities of citizens.
2: Federalism and the SLO 1 Explain the origin and development of the Texas constitution.
Texas Constitution SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and practice
in Texas.
government.
(Continued)
ix
x State Learning Outcomes
3: Local Governments SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
SLO 6 Analyze the state and local election process.
SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
4: Political Parties SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
5: Campaigns and SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
Elections relationship with the federal government.
SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
6: The Media and SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
Politics SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
7: The Politics of SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
Interest Groups SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
8: The Legislative SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
Branch practice in Texas.
government.
9: The Executive SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
government.
10: The Judicial SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
government.
11: Finance and Fiscal SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
Policy relationship with the federal government.
SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
practice in Texas.
State Learning Outcomes xi
12: Public Policy and SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
Administration
13: The Criminal Justice SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their relation-
System ship with the federal government.
government.
A Letter to Instructors
Dear Texas Government Instructor:

Texas politics is a dynamic enterprise. As Texas moves from being a majority-minority state to
becoming a majority-Latino state, the changing demographics will alter election outcomes and
public policy decisions. An economy that fluctuates with the rise and fall of oil and gas prices
results in a surplus of funds in one legislative session and a scarcity in the next session. Reliance
on money from the federal government, especially for funding social-welfare programs, regularly
brings state officials into conflict with federal authorities and conditions placed on use of those
funds. Limited water resources and a decaying infrastructure require innovative government solu-
tions before these problems erode the state’s economic success and growth. Government officials
play an active role in negotiating and resolving policy issues in the context of an ever-changing
demographic, economic, and ideological environment. Students in our classrooms will be the ones
who select policymakers and policies to deal with a multiplicity of concerns that face the Lone Star
State in the 21st century. Understanding their government and appreciating its dynamism is criti-
cal to our students’ future role as active, informed citizens.
## Practicing Texas Politics analyzes the practices and policies of the Lone Star State by giving
students a realistic introduction to how public policymaking is conducted in Texas. The state’s
individualistic and traditionalistic political culture, together with the role of Texas’s rapidly
changing demographics, are referenced throughout to aid students in placing policy decisions
in a historical and cultural context. Students are introduced to current policymakers, their
decisions, and the impact of the resulting policies. Roles of political parties, special interest
groups, voters, and the media in influencing public policy are also explored. Policymaking
and process are integrated within each chapter throughout the book with a special emphasis
on public education, higher education, social services, and infrastructure needs both from
a budgetary perspective in Chapter 11, “Finance and Fiscal Policy,” and as policy issues in
Chapter 12, “Public Policy and Administration.”
## Through learning outcomes, learning checks, and other pedagogical features, students are
given an organizational structure that helps them learn, understand, and remember the material.
New to This Edition

In this edition, we have continued to focus on aligning our narrative with the state learning
outcomes for GOVT 2306. New to this edition, we have introduced a strategy for addressing the
skills-based core objectives required of the discipline, as defined by the Undergraduate Education
Advisory Committee (UEAC) of the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board (THECB).
xii
A Letter to Instructors xiii
## The enhanced edition has been designed to support students’ development of these core objec-
tives, with the expansion of core objective questions that prompt students to engage in criti-
cal thinking, develop communication skills, evaluate social responsibility, and reflect on their
own sense of personal responsibility.
## The role of the emerging Latino majority in reshaping Texas politics is addressed in several
areas, including political party dominance, representation in all branches of state government,
the media, and public policy.
## “Keeping Current: The Impact on Texas” analyzes the outcome and effect of both the national
and state 2016 and 2018 elections on aspects of Texas politics and the 86th legislative session.
## The text has been updated to include the effects of recent court decisions such as South Dakota
v. Wayfair, Inc., and other changes in laws and procedures.
## Updates highlighting new laws enacted by the 86th regular session are included.
## All images are now numbered, which will enhance navigation in the electronic version of
the book.
MindTap
As an instructor, MindTap is here to simplify your workload, organize, and immediately grade your
students’ assignments, and allow you to customize your course as you see fit. Through deep-seated
integration with your Learning Management System, grades are easily exported and analytics are
pulled with just the click of a button. MindTap provides you with a platform for easily adding cur-
rent events, videos, and RSS feeds from national or local news sources.
Our goal, first and foremost, is to help you engage your students in the dynamic process of pol-
itics and develop them into active, informed participants in their democracy. We have attempted
to present a realistic and up-to-date picture of how Texas politics is practiced in all branches and
at both local and state levels of government. We welcome your feedback on any material or feature
in this book.
Sincerely,
The Practicing Texas Politics Author Team
A Letter to Students
Dear Student:
Welcome to Texas government. Whether you’re a native-born Texan or a newly arrived Texan,
you can feel the energy of change all around you. You live in a state that no longer has a major-
ity population from any race or ethnic group and in a few short years will have a majority Latino
population. Despite the economic downturn that affected the rest of the world, you’re in a state
that consistently created more new jobs than any other state for most of the last decade. By 2019,
the Texas economy more closely resembled the US economy in job creation and unemployment
rates. Even with the erratic nature of the energy sector and related job losses, the number of new
Texans continued to increase. Four of the 11 largest metropolitan areas in the nation are in Texas:
Houston, San Antonio, Dallas-Ft. Worth, and Austin. All were projected to experience significant
population growth through 2019 and beyond. This same state, however, has the most uninsured
children in the nation, the highest dropout rate in the country, and one of the greatest gaps in
earnings between the wealthy and the poor in the United States. A decaying transportation infra-
structure and depleted water resources will require multibillion-dollar solutions. And who will
solve these problems? You, the future voters and taxpayers of Texas, will have that responsibility.
That’s why you need to understand your role and how the system works so you can keep Texas the
vibrant state we all want it to be. Helping you become an effective participant in that system is why
we wrote Practicing Texas Politics.
In this book, you’ll be introduced to today’s important policymakers and learn what we all
have a right to expect of them. You’ll meet students just like you, who have chosen to get involved
and make a difference at their colleges and universities, in their communities, and in this state.
You’ll learn about ways you can become involved through internships and other programs, as
well as by voting and through political campaigns. You’ll see how Texas compares to other states,
and you’ll be exposed to the diversity and uniqueness of the Lone Star State—home to the only
State Tweeter Laureate in the nation (Supreme Court Justice Don Willett), a host of musicians
from Los Lonely Boys to Chingo Bling to Willie Nelson, and four former U.S. presidents (Dwight
Eisenhower, Lyndon Johnson, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush). You’ll come to under-
stand what this state could be in the future and how you can shape the outcome.
## Updated “Students in Action” features in each chapter help you make a personal connection
to the content. The features highlight how Texas students like you have participated in the com-
munity or provide information on internships and other opportunities for interested students.
## “Point/Counterpoint” examines a key controversial issue in Texas politics from both sides of
the controversy and asks you to take a stand on each issue.
## “Learning Checks” provide a few factual questions at the end of major sections for you to use
in checking your knowledge. Answers are provided at the end of the chapter.
xiv
A Letter to Students xv
## “How Do We Compare?” boxes compare Texas with other states.

## A Marginal Glossary allows you to access terms as they are needed for easier understanding
of the text.
## End-of-chapter materials include a conclusion that wraps up the chapter and offers final
thoughts for you to consider, a chapter summary organized by learning outcome, Key Terms,
and Learning Check answers.
## Skills-based, core objective questions with all images ask you to engage in critical think-
ing, develop communication skills, evaluate social responsibility, and reflect on your personal
responsibility by thinking about your political opinion and beliefs on a variety of important
issues in this state.
## Charts, graphs, and maps are used to give you a visual image for understanding concepts.
## Keeping Current: The Impact on Texas provides insight into what recent state and national
elections and legislative decisions mean for the Lone Star State.
## Social media icons mark explanations of the ways social media is influencing government,
affecting political campaigns, and transforming the media.
The Benefits of Using Mindtap as a Student

As a student, the benefits of using MindTap with this book are endless. With automatically graded
practice quizzes and activities, an easily navigated learning path, and an interactive eBook, you
will be able to test yourself in and outside of the classroom. Accessibility of current events coupled
with interactive media makes the content fun and engaging. On your computer, phone, or tablet,
MindTap is there when you need it, giving you easy access to flashcards, quizzes, readings, and
assignments.
You will guide Texas through the 21st century. It is our hope that when you understand how
to get involved in Texas politics, you will choose to do so. And that once you are involved, you will
use your vote and influence to create the kind of Texas in which you want to live. It is to you, the
students of Texas, that we dedicate this book.
Sincerely,
The Practicing Texas Politics Author Team
Resources
Students
Access your Practicing Texas Politics resources by visiting www.cengage.com.
If you purchased MindTap access with your book, click on “Register a Product” and then enter
your access code.
Cengage Unlimited
Cengage Unlimited is the first-of-its-kind digital subscription that empowers students to learn
more for less. One student subscription includes total access to every Cengage online textbook,
platform, career and college success centers, and more—in one place. Learn across courses and
disciplines with confidence that you won’t pay more to access more. Available now in bookstores
and online.
*Available only in select markets. Details at www.cengage.com/unlimited.
Instructors
Access your Practicing Texas Politics resources via www.cengage.com/login.
Log in using your Cengage Learning single sign-on user name and password, or create a new in-
structor account by clicking on “New Faculty User” and following the instructions.
MindTap for Practicing Texas Politics

ISBN for Instant Access Code: 9780357132494
MindTap for Practicing Texas Politics is a highly personalized, fully online learning experience
built upon Cengage content and correlating to a core set of learning outcomes. MindTap guides
students through the course curriculum via an innovative Learning Path Navigator where they
will complete reading assignments, challenge themselves with focus activities, and engage with
interactive quizzes. Through a variety of gradable activities, MindTap provides students with op-
portunities to check themselves for where they need extra help, as well as allowing faculty to mea-
sure and assess student progress. Integration with programs like YouTube and Google Drive allows
instructors to add and remove content of their choosing with ease, keeping their course current
while tracking local and global events through RSS feeds. The product can be used fully online
with its interactive eBook for Practicing Texas Politics, Enhanced 17e, or in conjunction with the
printed text.
xvi
Resources xvii
MindTap Resource Center

Thousands of primary and secondary sources at your fingertips!
Access to Gale’s authoritative library reference content is now available in every Political Science
MindTap. Gale, part of Cengage, has been providing research and education resources for libraries
for over 60 years.
Instructors have the option to choose from thousands of primary and secondary sources, im-
ages, and videos to enhance their MindTap course with the click of a button. This capability can
replace a separate reader and conveniently keeps all course materials in one place. The selections
are curated by experts, designed specifically for introductory courses, and can be accessed through
MindTap’s Activity Builder feature.
Instructor Companion Website for Practicing Texas

Politics —for instructors only
ISBN: 9780357132470
This Instructor Companion Website is an all-in-one multimedia online resource for class preparation,
presentation, and testing. Accessible through Cengage.com/login with your faculty account, you will
find the following available for download: book-specific Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations, a Test
Bank compatible with multiple learning management systems, and an Instructor Manual.
The Test Bank, offered in Blackboard, Moodle, Desire2Learn, Canvas, and Angel formats, con-
tains Learning Objective–specific and core competency–specific multiple-choice, critical thinking
short answer questions, and essay questions for each chapter. Import the test bank into your LMS
to edit and manage questions and to create tests.
The Instructor’s Manual contains chapter-specific learning objectives, an outline, key terms
with definitions, and a chapter summary. Additionally, the Instructor’s Manual features a critical
thinking question, lecture launching suggestion, and an in-class activity for each learning objective.
Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations are ready-to-use, visual outlines of each chapter. These
presentations are easily customized for your lectures. Access the Instructor Companion Website at
www.cengage.com/login.
Cognero for Practicing Texas Politics, Enhanced 17e—for

instructors only
ISBN: 9780357132524
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero is a flexible, online system that allows you to au-
thor, edit, and manage test bank content from multiple Cengage solutions; create multiple test ver-
sions in an instant; and deliver tests from your LMS, your classroom, or wherever you want. The
test bank for Practicing Texas Politics, Enhanced 17e, contains Learning Objective–specific and
core competency–specific multiple-choice, critical-thinking short answer, and essay questions for
each chapter.
Practicing Texas Politics on Twitter

https://twitter.com/PracTexPol
Follow the Practicing Texas Politics author team’s Twitter feed @PracTexPol for the latest news and
updates that affect politics in the Lone Star State. Twitter feed also regularly posts tips for studying
and thriving in college and engaging in active and informed citizenship.
Acknowledgments
We are indebted to many personal friends, government officials and their staffs, political activists,
lawyers, and journalists who have stimulated our thinking. Likewise, we owe much to librarians
and archivists who located hard-to-obtain facts and photos. We also appreciate the professional as-
sistance rendered by the editorial, production, and marketing staff of Cengage Learning. Without
the benefit of their publishing experience, this textbook and its ancillaries would be of much less
value to students and instructors.
Of course, expressions of appreciation are due to spouses, family members, and others impor-
tant to us who helped to produce this new edition of our book and have learned to cope with the
irregular working hours of authors struggling to meet deadlines. We are especially grateful to the
many students who assisted us in writing Practicing Texas Politics, especially those who willingly
gave of their time and expertise in the production of the Students in Action feature, as well as those
who assisted us by providing input to some of our early drafts. We give special thanks for the as-
sistance and support of Macaella Gray, Lane Fraiser, Denise Alba-Ellington, and Nathaniel Torres
of Austin Community College; and, Maria “Lupita” Partida of St. Mary’s University.
We would also like to thank Jeffrey Goldings, for authoring this edition’s Instructor’s Manual
and PowerPoint, and author Eric Miller of Blinn College and John Osterman of San Jacinto
College, for authoring this edition’s Test Bank. Our hope is that through the efforts of all, this
book will help Texas students better understand the practice of Texas politics and their role as
participants.
Reviewers
We would also like to thank the instructors who have contributed their valuable feedback through
reviews of this text:
New Reviewers Daniel Allen
Eric T Lundin Hardin-Simmons University
Lone Star College—Kingwood Alicia Andreatta
Neal Tannahilll Angelina College
Houston Community College Dorris Robinson
Jamey Crane Texas Southern University
Houston Community College Vida Davoudi
Reisha Beaty Lone Star College—Kingwood
Houston Community College Previous Edition Reviewers
Jennifer Bachan Margaret Richardson
Houston Community College San Antonio College
xviii
Acknowledgments xix
Kevin T. Holton Amy S. Glenn

South Texas College Northeast Lakeview College
Olivia Wilson Jim Startin
Angelina College University of Texas at San Antonio
Dr. Ashley D. Ross Sandra Creech
Texas A&M University Galveston Campus Temple College
Prof. David E. Birch Patrizio Amezcua
Lone Star College—Tomball San Jacinto College—North
Mario Marcel Salas Debra St. John
Northwest Vista College Collin College—Preston Ridge Campus
Brian R. Farmer Evelyn Ballard
Amarillo College Houston Community College—Southeast College
Billy Hathorn Aaron Knight
Laredo Community College Houston Community College—Northeast College
About the Authors
Lyle C. Brown is professor emeritus of political science at Baylor University, where he served as
departmental director of graduate studies and director of Baylor’s Foreign Service Program. His
international academic experience includes teaching at Mexico City College (now University of
the Americas) and postgraduate study at the Instituto Tecnológico de Monterrey in Mexico. He
received his M.A. from the University of Oklahoma and Ph.D. from the University of Texas at
Austin. Dr. Brown served as president of the Southwestern Council of Latin American Studies. His
writing experience includes coediting Religion in Latin American Life and Literature and authoring
numerous articles.
Joyce Langenegger teaches government at Blinn College and is the college’s Executive Director
of Academic Success. She received M.A. and J.D. degrees from Baylor University, and an M.A. and
Ph.D. from Fielding Graduate University. Dr. Langenegger has been named to “Who’s Who Among
America’s Teachers” and received a NISOD Award for Teaching Excellence, Teacher of the Year for
Blinn College-Bryan, and “Most Valuable Player” award from San Jacinto College for her work as a
professor and administrator at that institution. She is a frequent workshop presenter on innovative
teaching strategies. Before beginning her teaching career, she practiced law in Houston.
Sonia R. García is a professor of political science, coordinator of the women’s studies pro-
gram, and a pre-law advisor at St. Mary’s University in San Antonio. She has also served as
chair and graduate director of the political science department. Dr. García received her mas-
ter’s degree from the University of Arizona and her Ph.D. from the University of California,
Santa Barbara. She has published articles on Latina politics and is a co-author of Mexican
Americans and the Law: El Pueblo Unido Jamás Será Vencido and lead author of Políticas:
Latina Public Officials in Texas. Her involvement includes leadership development for various
Latino/a-based organizations.
Robert E. Biles, professor emeritus and former chair of political science at Sam Houston State
University, has taught college students about Texas politics in Texas, Colombia, and Ecuador.
He received his M.A. and Ph.D. from The Johns Hopkins University-School of Advanced
International Studies. Dr. Biles is the author of numerous books and articles. His involvement
in politics includes serving as a school board member, county party chair, county election su-
pervisor, and staff member of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He has advised state
agencies and held leadership positions in statewide lobbying groups and professional organiza-
tions. Dr. Biles has received four Fulbright grants, as well as awards for his research, teaching, and
administrative service.
xx
About the Authors xxi
Ryan T. Rynbrandt is a professor of political science and former director of the Honors Institute
at Collin College in Plano, Texas, where he teaches courses in American government and Texas
Government. Professor Rynbrandt leads campus initiatives that help students improve academic
and life skills, develop mental and emotional resilience, and increase civic engagement. His research
and writing examines the role of the pursuit of happiness in American political history, culture,
and public policy. He earned his master’s degree from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor,
where he received multiple teaching awards and served as president of the Graduate Association of
Political Scientists. He has been active in politics at the local, state, and national levels.
Veronica Vega Reyna is associate professor of government and assistant dean of Social
and Behavioral Sciences for Austin Community College. She has been faculty advisor to a civil
rights organization at ACC. Professor Reyna earned her M.A. in Political Science from St. Mary’s
University in San Antonio, where she taught as adjunct faculty. Her political involvement has in-
cluded interning for Congressman Ciro Rodriguez, working as a union organizer, and volunteer-
ing in various Texas campaigns. She has also taught Texas politics at colleges and universities in
San Antonio.
Juan Carlos Huerta is a professor of political science at Texas A&M University—Corpus

Christi. He earned his M.A. and Ph.D. in political science from the University of Houston. Dr.
Huerta is active in promoting teaching and learning in political science and has served as president
of the Political Science Education Organized Section of the American Political Science Association
and the Southwestern Political Science Association. He is the founding president of the Learning
Communities Association. His research and writing examines political representation, public
opinion, Latino/a politics, political science education, and learning communities.
Career Opportunities:
Political Science
Introduction
It is no secret that college graduates are facing one of the toughest job markets in the past 50 years.
Despite this challenge, those with a college degree have done much better than those without since
the 2008 recession. One of the most important decisions a student has to make is the choice of
a major; many consider future job possibilities when making that call. A political science degree
is incredibly useful for a successful career in many different fields, from law to policy advocate,
pollster to humanitarian worker. Employer surveys reveal that the skills that most employers value
in successful employees—critical thinking, analytical reasoning, and clarity of verbal and written
communication—are precisely the tools that political science courses should develop. This brief
guide is intended to help spark ideas for what kinds of careers you might pursue with a political
science degree and the types of activities you can engage in now to help you secure one of those
positions after graduation.
Careers in Political Science

Law and Criminal Justice
Do you find that your favorite parts of your political science classes are those that deal with the
Constitution, the legal system, and the courts? Then a career in law and criminal justice might
be right for you. Traditional jobs in the field range from attorney or judge to police or parole
officer. Since 9/11, there has also been tremendous growth in the area of homeland security,
which includes jobs in mission support, immigration, travel security, as well as prevention and
response.
Public Administration
The many offices of the federal and state governments combined represent one of the largest em-
ployers in the United States. Flip to the chapter on the executive branch of this textbook and con-
sider that each state department and agency you see looks to political science majors for future
employees. At the federal level, a partial list of such agencies would include the Department of
Education, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Federal Trade Commission.
Texas offers similar opportunities including the Texas Education Agency and the Health and
Human Services Commission. There are also thousands of staffers who work for members
of Congress or the Congressional Budget Office, and at the state level for legislators and the
Legislative Budget Board. Many of these staffers were political science majors in college. This does
not even begin to account for the multitude of similar jobs in local governments that you might
consider as well.
xxii
Career Opportunities: Political Science xxiii
Campaigns, Elections, and Polling

Are campaigns and elections the most exciting part of political science for you? Then you might
consider a career in the growing industry based around political campaigns. From volunteering
and interning to consulting, marketing, and fundraising, there are many opportunities for those
who enjoy the competitive and high-stakes electoral arena. For those looking for careers that com-
bine political knowledge with statistical skills, there are careers in public opinion polling. Pollsters
work for independent national organizations, such as Gallup and YouGov, or as part of news op-
erations and campaigns. For those who are interested in survey methodology, there are also a wide
variety of nonpolitical career opportunities in marketing and survey design.
Interest Groups, International and Nongovernmental Organizations

Is there a cause that you are especially passionate about? If so, there is a good chance that there
are interest groups out there that are working hard to see some progress made on similar issues.
Many of the positions that one might find in for-profit companies also exist in their nonprofit
interest group and nongovernmental organization counterparts, including lobbying and high-
level strategizing. Do not forget that there are also quite a few major international organizations,
such as the United Nations, the World Health Organization, and the International Monetary
Fund, where a degree in political science could be put to good use. While competition for those
jobs tends to be fierce, your interest and knowledge about politics and policy will give you an
advantage.
Foreign Service
Does a career in diplomacy and foreign affairs, complete with the opportunity to live and work
abroad, sound exciting to you? Tens of thousands of people work for the U.S. State Department,
in Washington D.C. and in consulates and embassies around the world. They represent the diplo-
matic interests of the United States abroad. Entrance into the Foreign Service follows a very spe-
cific process, starting with the Foreign Service Officers Test—an exam given three times a year that
includes sections on American government, history, economics, and world affairs. Being a political
science major is a significant help in taking the FSOT.
Graduate School
While not a career, graduate school may be the appropriate next step for you after completing your
undergraduate degree. Following the academic route, being awarded a Ph.D. or Master’s degree in
political science could open additional doors to a career in academia, as well as many of the pro-
fessions mentioned earlier. If a career as a researcher in political science interests you, you should
speak with your advisors about continuing your education.
Preparing While Still on Campus

Internships
One of the most useful steps you can take while still on campus is to visit your college’s career
center in regard to an internship in your field of interest. Not only does it give you a chance to ex-
perience life in the political science realm, it can lead to job opportunities down the road and add
experience to your resume.
xxiv Career Opportunities: Political Science
Skills
In addition to your political science classes, there are a few skills that will prove useful as a comple-
ment to your degree:
Writing: Like anything else, writing improves with practice. Writing is one of those skills
that is applicable regardless of where your career might take you. Virtually every occupation
relies on an ability to write clearly, concisely, and persuasively.
Public Speaking: An oft-quoted 1977 survey showed that public speaking was the most
commonly cited fear among respondents. And yet oral communication is a vital tool in the
modern economy. You can practice this skill in a formal class setting or through extracur-
ricular activities that get you in front of a group.
Quantitative Analysis: As the Internet aids in the collection of massive amounts of informa-
tion, the nation is facing a drastic shortage of people with basic statistical skills to interpret
and use this data. A political science degree can go hand-in-hand with courses in introduc-
tory statistics.
Foreign Language: One skill that often helps a student or future employee stand out in a
crowded job market is the ability to communicate in a language other than English. Solidify
or set the foundation for your verbal and written foreign language communication skills
while in school.
Student Leadership
One attribute that many employers look for is “leadership potential” which can be quite tricky to
indicate on a resume or cover letter. What can help is a demonstrated record of involvement in
clubs and organizations, preferably in a leadership role. While many people think immediately of
student government, most student clubs allow you the opportunity to demonstrate your leadership
skills.
Conclusion
Hopefully, reading this section has sparked some ideas on potential future careers. As a next step,
visit your college’s career placement office, which is a great place to further explore what you
have read here. You might also visit your college’s alumni office to connect with graduates who
are working in your field of interest. Political science opens the door to a lot of exciting careers.
Have fun exploring the possibilities!
The Environment
1 of Texas Politics
Learning Objectives
1.1 Analyze how political culture has
Image 1.1 Governor Abbott uses social media to
shaped Texas’s politics, govern- attract business to Texas
ment, and public policy.
1.2 Describe the relationship between

the social history of Texas and the
political characteristics of the state’s
diverse population.
1.3 Discuss the political implications of

Texas’s size in both geography and
population, along with the geo-
graphic distribution of its residents.
1.4 Describe the industries that formed
Source: Twitter
the historic basis for the Texas
economy, the diversification of the
modern Texas economy, and the
implications for Texas politics.
1.5 Identify five major policy challenges How can the Texas government most effectively work to
continue the state’s success and address its challenges?
Texas faces in the 21st century.
2 Chapter 1 The Environment of Texas Politics
I have said that Texas is a state of mind, but I think it is more than that. It is
a mystique closely approximating a religion. And this is true to the extent that
people either passionately love Texas or passionately hate it and, as in other
religions, few people dare to inspect it for fear of losing their bearings in mys-
tery or paradox. But I think there will be little quarrel with my feeling that
Texas is one thing. For all its enormous range of space, climate, and physical
appearance, and for all the internal squabbles, contentions, and strivings,
Texas has a tight cohesiveness perhaps stronger than any other section of
America. Rich, poor, Panhandle, Gulf, city, country, Texas is the obsession,
the proper study and the passionate possession of all Texans.
—John Steinbeck, 1962
Everything Is Changing
in Texas
They say everything is bigger in Texas. Even the stereotypes are big—big trucks, big
belt buckles, big hair—but if that’s all you know about the Lone Star State, you don’t
know today’s Texas. Perhaps the biggest things about Texas are the changes it has
seen and the diversity that has resulted. It’s the land of Willie Nelson, for certain; but
it’s also the land of Selena Gomez, Beyoncé Knowles, Chingo Bling, Leon Bridges,
Chamillionaire, The Mars Volta, Kacey Musgraves, Post Malone, and Mitch Grassi.
It’s still the land of cattle barons and oil tycoons; but it’s also the land of high-tech
pioneers, international traders, defense contractors, manufacturers, and service pro-
viders. Texas’s stunning growth in recent decades has brought massive transforma-
tion and breathtaking variety in its people, economy, and politics.
If you live here, these transformations and the way our political system
handles them have a significant impact on your life. Better understanding Texas
and its political system will help you navigate these changes and contribute to the
development of a better government. If you don’t live here, pay attention anyway;
the Texas experience is a preview of the changes facing the United States as a
whole. The Lone Star State’s successes and failures in negotiating these changes
and balancing diverse interests will provide lessons for the rest of the nation. And
you’ll probably end up moving here anyway—everyone else seems to be. Since
2005, Texas has welcomed nearly twice the number of new arrivals as any other
state. In the past few decades, tens of millions have told their place of origin what
David Crockett allegedly told the people of his Kentucky district: “You may all
go to hell, and I’ll go to Texas.” Because of the sheer size of Texas, what happens
here also has an impact on the direction of the United States as a whole.1 In 2019,
the U.S. Census Bureau ranked Texas second largest among the 50 states, with
a population approaching 29 million. That places the Lone Star State between
California with its 39.5 million residents and Florida with more than 21 million.
Follow Practicing Substantial changes and diverse interests put democratic institutions of gov-
Texas Politics on ernment to the test. The increased population of the Lone Star State includes over
Twitter @PracTexPol 21 million men and women of voting age (18 years or older).2
Chapter 1 The Environment of Texas Politics 3
Our analysis of the politics of Texas’s state and local governments will help you
understand political action and prepare you to be an active and informed partici-
pant in the political life of the state and its counties, cities, and special districts.
As Texas Congresswoman Barbara Jordan once said, “The stakes are too high
for government to be a spectator sport.” It’s time to suit up and play. To help you
play effectively, we will introduce you to the playing field (government, political
culture, land, and economy of the state), the players (citizens, activists, politicians,
public employees, and opinion leaders), and the rules of the game (constitution,
laws, and political processes).
exas Politics and Political

T
Culture
LO 1.1 Analyze how political culture has shaped Texas’s politics,
government, and public policy.
There has never been full agreement in democratic societies about the proper
size and role of government. Views on that question vary widely and are held
deeply. Yet aside from a handful of anarchists, there is agreement that society
needs rules, or public policies, by which to live. Making, implementing, and
enforcing these policies is the job of government. The government of the state
of Texas is modeled on that of the United States, with the power to make policy
divided among legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Each branch has its
own powers, and each has some ability to limit or check the power of the others.
The state government also delegates some policymaking power to local govern-
ments, including counties, cities, and special districts. As a result, public policies
take different forms.
Government, Politics, and Public Policy in Texas

Many policies are laws passed by the legislature, approved by the governor,
implemented by an executive department, and interpreted by the courts. Others
are constitutional amendments proposed by the legislature and ratified by the government
voters of Texas. Some policies derive from rules promulgated by state agencies A public institution with
and ordinances passed by local governments. What all of these efforts share in authority to formulate,
common is that they are attempts to meet a public need or reach a public goal. adopt, implement, and
Government tries to meet public needs by allocating resources. For example, state enforce public policies for
a society.
or local government may formulate, adopt, and implement a public policy, such
as raising taxes to pay for more police protection or better streets and highways. public policy
Government tries to meet public goals by using policy to encourage or discourage What government does
to or for its citizens to
specific behaviors. The state can encourage some behaviors using incentives—for
meet a public need or
example, establishing scholarships or student loan programs to encourage getting goal as determined by a
an education. It can discourage other conduct with punishments, such as impos- legislative body or other
ing prison time for selling drugs. In addition, the government can encourage or authorized officials.
discourage behaviors through public relations and information campaigns, such

as the famous “Don’t Mess with Texas” campaign against littering.
In the political realm, you may think of public policy as the product and
government as the factory in which policy is made. If that’s the case, then politics
is the process that produces public policy. In fact, the government has at times
been compared to a sausage factory—even if you like the product it produces, the
process isn’t always very pleasant to watch. The politics of policymaking often
involves conflict among government officials, political parties, interest groups,
media figures, citizens, noncitizen residents, and other groups that seek to influ-
ence how policies in Texas are enacted and implemented. Conflict over power
and resources can encourage the worst behavior in people, and opportunities for
corruption and greed abound. Yet politics also requires cooperation and can
inspire noble and courageous action. In sum, politics is the moving force by
which government produces public policy, which in turn determines whether
and how we use the power of the state to address our challenges and take advan-
tage of our opportunities.
Types of Political Culture

We may not all agree on the proper role of government or what makes good
public policy. Yet when certain widely shared values, attitudes, traditions, habits,
and general behavioral patterns develop over time, they shape the politics and
public policy of a particular region. We call this political culture. According to
political scientist Daniel Elazar (1934–1999), “Culture patterns give each state its
particular character and help determine the tone of its fundamental relationship,
as a state, to the nation.”3 Based on the settlers in the original colonies, Elazar
identified three distinct cultures that exist in the United States: moralistic, indi-
vidualistic, and traditionalistic.
In the moralistic culture that originated in Puritan New England, citizens
view government as a public service. They expect government to improve condi-
politics tions for the people through economic regulation and to advance the public good
The process of to create a just society. Citizens see it as their duty to become active in govern-
policymaking that mental decision making through participation in politics and government, and
involves conflict and
they hold the government accountable to their high expectations.
cooperation between
political parties and other The individualistic culture grew out of the focus on individual opportunity,
groups that seek to elect especially in business, in the mid-Atlantic colonies. The business community
government officials advanced the individualistic culture, often viewing government as an adver-
or to influence those sary that taxed and regulated them; therefore, they wanted to limit its size and
officials when they make scope. Individualistic culture believes government activity, because it restricts
public policy.
individual economic freedom, is mostly negative and should be limited. Today,
political culture the individualistic culture is dominant in a majority of the midwestern and
Widely shared attitudes, western states.
habits, and general
The traditionalistic culture grew out of the Old South and is rooted in
behavior patterns that
develop over time and feudal-like notions of society and government that developed in the context of
affect the political life of a the slave states, where property and income were unequally dispersed. Govern-
state or region. mental policymaking fell to a few powerful families or influential social groups
who designed policies to preserve their place of dominance in the social order.
The poor and minorities were often disenfranchised. In the traditionalistic cul-
ture, government is a vehicle for maintaining the status quo and its hierarchy.
This culture has often developed one-party systems, which tend to strengthen
those who are already powerful. Today, the traditionalistic culture remains domi-
nant throughout the South.
Texas Political Culture

Texas exudes pride in its own uniqueness. The state’s distinctive historical, geo-
graphical, and cultural identity has created a political culture that influences the
Lone Star State’s government, politics, and policy. As with all states, this culture
is a mix of moralistic, individualistic, and traditionalistic subcultures. Although
elements of each subculture exist in Texas, individualists and traditionalists have
historically dominated the state and controlled the political system.
Texas Moralism The moralistic subculture in Texas has historically been the
domain of those who lack power, yet moralists have helped shape Texas through
numerous movements to use government for the betterment of society. The progressive
Favoring and working for
Radical Republicans of the post–Civil War era sought to use government to end a progress in conditions
white supremacist political system and achieve racial equality. Radical Republican facing the majority of
Governor E. J. Davis’s aggressive use of state government power in an effort to society or in government.
protect African American political participation made him many enemies in the
African American
white power structure that regained control of the government when Recon- A racial classification
struction ended. Reaction to his administration resulted in the decentralized, applied to Americans
weak government established by the 1876 Texas Constitution, which is still in of African ancestry.
operation today. The term is commonly
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, progressive groups like the applied on the basis
of skin color, omitting
Farmers’ Alliance, the Populist Party, and the Socialist Party surged in popularity white Americans whose
in Texas as they challenged government to control the damaging effects of rising ancestors immigrated
corporate capitalism.4 Throughout the 1800s and into the early 1900s, a powerful from Africa and including
Temperance movement in Texas sought to use government to end the sale and black Americans whose
consumption of alcohol. From the earliest days of the civil rights struggle, African ancestors immigrated
from the Caribbean, Latin
Americans and Latinos in Texas engaged in organized political activism to
America, and Europe.
change the traditionalistic political structure of the state.
For most of its history, Texas has been a one-party-dominant state, one of the Latino
key identifiers of a traditionalistic political culture. Yet, within this traditionalistic An ethnic classification
of Americans of Latin
environment, challenges occurred, whether the dominant party was Democratic American origin. When
or Republican. Individualists argued for policies that favored individual eco- applied to females, the
nomic opportunity, and moralists sought greater government involvement to term is Latina. We will use
improve the lives of middle- and low-income Americans. this term throughout the
book in addition to the
term “Hispanic,” which
Texas Individualism Daniel Elazar asserted that the political culture of Texas
refers to people who
is strongly individualistic, in that those in positions of power have tended to trace their ancestry to
believe that government should maintain a stable society but intervene as little Spain and other Spanish-
as possible in the lives of people. speaking countries.
An important source of Texas’s individualism is the mostly English-speaking,

Anglo settlers who came to Texas in search of individual economic opportunity,
either directly from the mid-Atlantic states or via the Midwest. In the early
19th century, a growing number of white colonists from the United States entered
Texas individually or because they were recruited by empresarios, such as Stephen
F. Austin. These settlers, without significant government backing or restraint,
established farms and communities and persevered through extreme hardships.5
The power of Texas individualists is reflected in the government structure
they helped create and continue to dominate. Compared with other heavily popu-
lated states, Texas has a limited government with restricted powers: a legislature
that meets biennially, with low salaries that can be increased only after approval
by Texas voters; a governor who has limited budgetary, appointment, and removal
powers; and an elected judiciary. Per capita government spending for social ser-
vices and public education is consistently among the lowest in the nation. Power
at the local level is dispersed across more than 5,000 governments—counties,
cities, school districts, and other special districts. The public perception of govern-
ment and elected officials remains negative, although this viewpoint appears more
directed to the federal government. Polls in 2018 indicated that only 1 percent of
Texans trusted the government in W ashington, D.C., to do the right thing all the
time, and only 10 percent trusted it do to the right thing most of the time. State
government, on the other hand, received the trust of twice as many Texans.6
Texas Traditionalism The dominance of traditionalistic culture in Texas also

can be traced to the early 19th century and the immigration of Southern plantation
owners. The plantation system thrived in East Texas, and cotton was king. Before
Texas joined the Confederacy, much of its wealth was concentrated in a few families.
Although slave owners represented only a quarter of the state’s population and one-
Anglo third of its farmers, these slave owners held 60 to 70 percent of the wealth and
As commonly used in controlled state politics.7 After the Civil War (1861–1865), Jim Crow laws limited
Texas, the term is not African Americans’ access to public services. In the late 19th and early 20th centu-
restricted to persons of ries, poll taxes and all-white primaries further restricted voting rights.
Anglo-Saxon lineage
but includes those of
Today, many Texans are the descendants of migrants from traditionalistic states
European ancestry more of the Old South, where conservatism, elitism (upper-class rule), and one-party
generally. Traditionally, politics were entrenched. Although urbanization and industrialization, together
the term applies to all with an influx of people from other states and countries, are changing Texas, the
whites except Latinos. traditionalistic influence of the Old South lingers. Prior to the 2018 midterm elec-
Jim Crow laws tions, participation in politics and voter turnout were consistently low. Turnout
Discriminatory laws averaged less than 50 percent for presidential elections and was consistently below
that segregated 30 percent for gubernatorial elections. Elazar noted that many Texans inherited
African Americans and Southern racist attitudes, which for a century after the Civil War were reflected
denied them access
to public services for
in state laws that discriminated against African Americans and other minority
many decades after the groups. Though Texas has in recent years removed more symbols of the confed-
Civil War. eracy than any other state, it still has the second highest number of confederate
memorials. These symbols and monuments continue to cause controversy.8
patrón system
A type of boss rule that The traditionalistic influence of Mexico is also discernible among Texans of
has dominated areas of Mexican ancestry, who were affected by a political culture featuring the elitist
South Texas and Mexico. patrón (protective political boss) system that dominates certain areas of South
Texas. For more than four decades, however, the old political order of that region
has been challenged—and, in many instances, defeated—by new generations of
Mexican Americans. Compared with other areas of the state, however, voter turn-
out remains much lower in counties along the Mexican border.
The individualistic culture can be seen in the state’s economic conservatism and
deference to the power of wealthy businessmen and corporations. Texas has a cli-
mate favorable to business owners. It remains one of the few states without a per-
sonal or corporate income tax and has adopted right-to-work laws, which hinder
the formation and operation of labor unions. City councils have drawn criticism for
publicly financing corporate ventures or providing businesses with property tax
abatements. The City of Arlington drew attention for its use of local tax dollars and
eminent domain to remove people from their homes to make way for Jerry Jones’s
Dallas Cowboys (now AT&T) stadium. The traditionalistic-individualistic political
culture of Texas is reflected in the important role powerful individuals and families
continue to play in local and state politics and their influence on public policies.
A Changing Culture?
Since the mid-1970s Texas has experienced massive population influx from other
areas of the nation and from other countries, many with more heavily moralistic
political cultures. This in-migration raises an important question: How long will
Image 1.2 Texas State Capitol Building
Courtesy of the Texas House of Representatives
right-to-work laws
Laws that limit the power
of workers to bargain
collectively and form and
operate labor unions,
increasing the power of
employers relative to their
employees.
eminent domain
The power of the
In what ways is Texas’s political culture (moralism, individualism, and tradi- government to take
tionalism) reflected in politics, policies, and the people’s attitudes about, and private property for public
expectations of, government today? uses, so long as just
compensation is paid.
1.1 Learning Check the historical dominance of individualism and traditionalism continue to be the
primary influences on Texas’s style of politics and government? Will population
1. True or False: Governments changes shift the state toward the moralistic culture? Texas’s political culture,
formulate public policy
to address a public need inherited largely from the 19th century, faces the transformative power of wide-
or goal. spread urbanization, industrialization, education, communication, and population
2. Which two types of shifts. Change is inevitable, but the direction, scope, and impact of the change
political culture have remain to be seen.
traditionally been
dominant in Texas?
Answers at the end of this chapter.
The People
LO 1.2 Describe the relationship between the social history of Texas and the
political characteristics of the state’s diverse population.
I am forced to conclude that God made Texas on his day off, for pure
entertainment, just to prove that all that diversity could be crammed into
one section of earth by a really top hand.
—Mary Lasswell
Texas is amazingly diverse in racial, ethnic, and cultural terms. According to

the U.S. Census Bureau, more than one-half of all Texans are either African Amer-
ican or Latino. The remainder are predominantly Anglos (non-Hispanic whites),
with a small but rapidly growing Asian American population and approximately
287,000 Native Americans. More than one-third of all Texans speak a language
other than English at home. In 2012, the Houston metropolitan area replaced New
York City as the most ethnically diverse city in the country. The historical changes
that brought about this diversity were not always free of conflict.
Texans Throughout History: From Conflict

Toward Cooperation
Asian American The politics of democracy is about forging a path for diverse groups with
An ethnic classification for
sometimes opposing interests to live together peaceably. One of the remarkable
persons whose ancestry
originates in the Far East, facets of Texas is that, though racial and ethnic tensions still exist, most members
Southeast Asia, or the of its diverse population live together peacefully. Historically, peaceful coexis-
Indian subcontinent. tence was difficult. Texans have a reputation for toughness, and that reputation
Native American
was formed over hundreds of years of surviving an often unforgiving terrain,
A term commonly made harsher by a social atmosphere that historian and political scientist Cal
used for those whose Jillson has called “breathtakingly violent.”9
ancestors were living
in the Americas before The First Texans Few specifics are known about the people who inhabited
the arrival of Europeans
what would become the Lone Star State for more than 10,000 years before Span-
and Africans. Another
commonly used term ish explorers planted the first of Texas’s six flags here in the 1500s. When Span-
in the United States is iards arrived, the land was inhabited by more than 50 Native American tribes
“American Indian.” and nations. Population estimates vary widely, ranging from 50,000 to perhaps
a million people. In East Texas, the Caddo lived in organized villages with a
complex political system. The state’s name comes from the word tejas, meaning
“friendly,” which was the tribal name for a group of Indians within the Caddo
Confederacy. The Comanche were arguably the most important tribe in shaping
Texas history. Excellent horsemen and valiant warriors, they maintained a suc-
cessful resistance to the northward expansion of Spaniards and Mexicans and to
the westward expansion of Anglos.10 Native American tribes were not unified.
For example, the Tonkawa of Central Texas often allied with Anglos in fights
against the Comanches and the Wichitas, another important South Plains tribe.
European Colonization Accurate estimates of the Native American population

are not available, but whatever the true size, their numbers declined rapidly after
European contact in the 16th century. With Spanish explorers and their African slaves
came diseases that decimated native communities. Though sometimes peaceful, early
contact also included the taking of slaves, torture, and even cannibalism.11 Spain and
France claimed Texas, but neither country actively ruled all of the territory. Their
activities involved exploring, surveying, and fighting. Spanish activities included
farming and livestock herding. Missions and towns were established around present-
day Nacogdoches and San Antonio, and in a few places along the Rio Grande, but
the area remained sparsely populated through the Mexican War of Independence
(1810–1821). In 1824, three years after Mexico overthrew Spanish rule, the area that
is now Texas became part of a federal republic for the first time.
Mexican Texas Around the time of Mexican independence, Anglo American

settlers began coming to the Mexican province of Tejas in greater numbers.
Although the first non-Spanish-speaking immigrants to Texas were largely of
English ancestry, some were Scots, Irish, or Welsh descendants. Others were
French, Scandinavian, and Eastern European, with a few Italians, Greeks, and
other European nationalities. The arrival of Anglo settlers sped the decline of
the Native American population, which had already been reduced to 20,000 to
30,000 people. Violence between the native population and immigrant whites
was constant and pervasive. Despite the Mexican government’s authorization of
Stephen F. Austin to offer free land to settlers willing to work it, Mexican offi-
cials were concerned about the immigrants. Many Anglo newcomers resisted the
constitution and laws of Mexico that established Catholicism as the state religion
and abolished slavery. (See Chapter 2, “Federalism and the Texas Constitution,”
for more discussion of the historical context).
When General Antonio López de Santa Anna was elected president of Mexico
in 1833, most Texans did not expect him to repudiate the principles of the federal
democratic republic he was elected to serve. When he did so, one result was the Texas
Revolution, with its famous battles at Goliad, the Alamo, and San Jacinto. A great deal
of blood was shed to establish the independent Republic of Texas in 1836.
The Republic of Texas The elected presidents of the Republic, Sam Houston
(twice) and Mirabeau B. Lamar, and the Texas Congress struggled to establish
Texas as an independent nation, even as many in the government sought to join
the United States. The burdens of establishing and maintaining an army and navy,
operating a postal system, printing paper money, administering justice, and pro-
viding other governmental services were made difficult by conflicts within and
without the Republic’s borders.
Anglo-Indian warfare continued because of increased immigration from
the United States and because some Texian Anglo leaders pursued policies of
removal and extermination. Fighting was so fierce that two decades after inde-
pendence, one observer in 1856 estimated the state’s Native American population
at only 12,000, with most having been killed or driven from the state.12 While
many Tejanos had fought for Texas’s independence, Cal Jillson notes that “some
Texas leaders sought to equate Indians and Mexicans and urge the expulsion
or extermination of both.”13 From the time of Texas independence until 1890,
immigration from Mexico all but ceased. Latinos remained concentrated in set-
tlements such as San Antonio that were founded during the 18th century and
within Central and South Texas. Conflicts, in some cases violent, among Anglo
Texans, Native Americans, and Latino Texans, identified as Tejanos, continued
into Texas’s statehood, which came about in 1845, less than a decade after its
independence.
The Lone Star State In South Texas, Latinos comprised a majority of the
population despite the increased number of Anglo arrivals after the Mexican-
American War of 1846–1848 (which followed admission of Texas into the Union).
Anglo immigration dominated much of the rest of the state. Before the Civil War,
more than one-half of the state’s Anglo residents had migrated from Alabama,
Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, and Tennessee.
Many of these new immigrants were slaveholders, so it was no surprise that the
Republic of Texas legalized slavery and entered the federal Union as a slave state.
By 1847, African Americans accounted for one-fourth of the state’s population,
and most were slaves.
Yet slavery was not universally accepted in Texas. Some estimates suggest as
many as 24,000 German immigrants and descendants settled in the Hill Country
of Central Texas by 1860. Most opposed slavery on principle, whereas others sim-
ply had no need for slaves. As a result, 14 counties in the region voted 40 percent or
greater against secession in 1861. Despite Sam Houston’s opposition, the secession-
ists won and Texas joined the Confederate States of America in February of that
year. In the ordinance of secession and in an official explanation of the causes of
secession issued the following day, Texas leaders repeatedly cited northern attacks
on the institution of slavery, along with the alleged failure of the federal govern-
ment to protect Anglo Texans against Mexican and Indian banditry and other
grievances.14
The Civil War and Reconstruction Though Texas experienced less fighting
than other southern states in the Civil War, ravages of combat were felt. In a ddition
to battles with Union troops, Central Texas was scarred by what has been called
“a civil war within a Civil War,” as hundreds of opposing Union and Confeder-
ate sympathizers died in armed confrontations. The Confederacy lost the war,
and Texas was brought back into the Union through Reconstruction, a period in
which the U.S. government sought to protect African Americans and to remake
the political and economic structures of southern states.
Governor Edmund J. Davis’s heavy-handed tactics used to enfranchise freed
slaves during Radical Reconstruction temporarily made political participation
safe for freed slaves but disenfranchised many Anglo citizens who had supported
the Confederacy. This change even led to a small wave of freedmen migration
into Texas.
The Great State of Texas Texas was fully readmitted to the United States in
1870, but civil strife continued. Although Anglo migration into the state declined
during the Civil War and Reconstruction, it resumed by the 1870s. Westward set-
tlement further displaced Native Americans and converted the prairies into cattle
and sheep ranches. A combination of Anglo in-migration and African American
out-migration reduced the percentage of African Americans in the population
from 31 percent in 1870 to 13 percent by 1950.
Those African Americans who remained in Texas faced great difficulty.
Slavery was replaced for many by a different form of servitude in the form of
sharecropping, in which they farmed land as tenants for a portion of the crops
grown. De jure segregation, or segregation by law (also known as Jim Crow laws),
resulted in denial of adequate education, scarcity of economic opportunities, and
incidents of racial violence. Texas saw almost 340 lynchings of African Americans
between the end of Reconstruction and World War II.15
Early in the 20th century, waves of immigrants escaping the Mexican Revolu-
tion and its aftermath fed the American need for seasonal laborers. Many Latinos
worked for Anglo farmers and ranchers. The Great Depression and resulting
competition for work greatly increased anti-immigrant sentiment and policy in
Texas. Violence sometimes erupted as a result.16
After World War II, many Latinos left agriculture and sought manufacturing
jobs in cities. Most of them experienced improvements in wages and working
conditions as unskilled or semiskilled laborers. Nevertheless, a growing number
of Latinos entered managerial, sales, and clerical professions. Many Texans joined
Latino and African-American civil rights groups in the fight for equality.17 In the
1960s, the federal government began to enforce the desegregation decisions of
the U.S. Supreme Court, and Texan President Lyndon Johnson signed a series of
new anti-discrimination civil rights laws. Public schools, workplaces, and some
neighborhoods, especially in urban areas, were integrated.
Integration has reduced, but not eliminated, intergroup tension in Texas.
Dramatic incidents of racial tension in the Lone Star State still occasionally
garner national news. Major protests in Dallas, Austin, and Houston followed
the 2014 unrest in Ferguson, Missouri, after police shot Michael Brown, an
unarmed, 18-year-old African-American. In 2015, the public outcry over a
video of a white police officer’s physically rough treatment of a young African-
American woman in McKinney and the death of Sandra Bland in police custody
in Prairie View (near Houston) spread nationwide. Such incidents—along with
statistics demonstrating continued discrimination in housing, employment,
and criminal justice—illustrate that conflict and inequality still exist in the
Lone Star State.
Yet historical minority groups have made major strides in education, employ-
ment, and political representation in recent decades. In increasing numbers, T
exans
work, live, socialize, date, and marry across racial, ethnic, and religious lines.
# Evidence shows that young people use more social media than other groups and
that persons who use social media websites like Facebook or Twitter have more
racially and ethnically diverse social networks. The Post-Millennial Generation
is the most racially and ethnically diverse generation in American history and is
poised to become the largest generation in the United States. This generation
is coming of age as Texas moves from a majority-minority state, with no racial or
ethnic majority, toward a majority Latino state.18
The U.S. Census Bureau projected racial/ethnic categories in Texas for 2018
at the following percentages:
White/Anglo 42.0
Hispanic/Latino 39.4
Black/African American 12.7
Asian 5.0
American Indian or Alaskan Native 1.0
Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander 0.1
Two or more races 2.0
Totals exceed 100 percent because some people report in more than one racial or ethnic category.
Texans Today
Texas ranks among the most racially and ethnically diverse states in the nation.
There really is no such thing as a “typical Texan.” Five groups comprise the major
racial and ethnic groups in the state: Native American, Asian American, African
American, Latino, and Anglo.
Native Americans Although some counties (Cherokee, Comanche, Nacog-

doches), cities and towns (Caddo Mills, Lipan, Waxahachie), and other places
have Native American names, by 2018, Texas Native Americans numbered about
287,000. Most Native Americans live and work in towns and cities, with only a
few remaining on reservations. Approximately one-half of the 1,291 members
of the Alabama-Coushatta tribe reside on a 4,351-acre East Texas reservation.
On the U.S.–Mexican border near Eagle Pass, a few hundred members of the
Kickapoo tribe are allowed by the governments of Mexico and the United States
to move freely between Texas and the Mexican state of Coahuila. At the far west-
ern boundary of the state, the once poor 1,700-member Tigua tribe inhabits a
reservation near El Paso.
As of mid-2019 all three tribes operated casino-like facilities. The Kickapoo
have done so continuously since 1996, transforming their 850-member tribe
from poverty to a middle-class lifestyle. The Tigua and Alabama-Coushatta tribes
gained federal recognition later than the Kickapoo. At that time, Texas applied
all state laws to Native American tribes, including those regarding gambling.
Though both tribes opened very successful casino-like facilities, a federal judge
ordered them shut down in 2002. Since then the Tigua and Alabama-Coush-
atta have organized politically to gain gaming rights on their reservations. They
have made substantial campaign contributions, used the courts, and engaged
in lobbying activity. In 2015, the National Indian Gaming Commission and the
U.S. Department of the Interior declared that they would allow certain types of
casino-like facility gambling on both the Tigua and Alabama-Coushatta reserva-
tions. Despite repeated attempts by Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton to shut
down the facilities, both tribes used some forms of gambling to generate tens of
millions of dollars a year. A federal judge again ruled against the tribes in March
2019, declaring them to be in violation of state law and ordering them to halt their
operations. In 2019, Texas State Representative Joe Deshotel submitted a bill to
amend the Texas Constitution to allow casino gambling with six casino licenses
across six coastal counties. The amendment would have used casino profits to
subsidize the state’s windstorm insurance system but the bill did not pass.19
Asian Americans The Lone Star State is home to one of the largest Asian
American populations (over 1.4 million) in the nation. Texas has long received
immigrants from Asia. In recent years, immigration from the region has increased,
while immigration from Latin American countries has declined. Census data
indicate that the Asian population of Texas is diverse, with the largest groups
claiming ancestry from Vietnam or the Indian subcontinent, but with substan-
tial populations of East Asian or Filipino heritage. Vietnamese-born Hubert Vo
(D-Houston) became the first Vietnamese American elected to the Texas House
of Representatives in 2004 and has been reelected seven times. He was joined in
the House by Taiwanese American Angie Chen Button in 2008, and by Chinese
American Gene Wu in 2012.
Most Asian Americans live in the state’s largest urban centers. Fort Bend
County near Houston has the greatest percentage of Asian Americans in the state
at 20 percent. More than one-half of Texas’s first-generation Asian Americans
entered this country with college degrees or completed their degrees after arrival.20
The intensity with which the state’s young Asian Americans focus on educa-
tion is revealed by enrollment data at major Texas universities. Although Asian
Americans account for less than 4 percent of the total population of the state, they
comprised 19 percent of the undergraduate enrollment at the University of Texas
at Austin and 33 percent of the enrollment at the University of Texas at Dallas in
the fall 2018 semester.
African Americans By 2018, Texas was home to approximately 3.6 million

African Americans, approximately 12.7 percent of the state’s population.
The African American population has continued to grow, but more slowly
than other ethnic groups. Today, Texas has the second highest number of
African Americans in the nation, after New York. Most African American
Texans reside in southeast, north central, and northeast Texas. More than
one-half of the state’s African Americans reside in and near major urban areas.
In recent years, a significant number of people seeking employment and a
higher standard of living have immigrated from the African continent to
the United States and settled in Texas. Although African Americans do not
constitute a majority in any Texas county or large city, according to the 2010
census, the city of Beaumont had the highest percentage of African Americans
at more than 47 percent.
From the years following Reconstruction until 1958 (when Hattie White was
elected to the Houston School Board), no African American held elective office
in the state. In recent decades, the political influence of African American Texans
has increased in local, state, and national government. In 1972, Barbara Jordan
became the first African American since Reconstruction to represent Texas in
Congress; and in 1992, Morris Overstreet became the first African American
to win a statewide office when he was elected to the Texas Court of Criminal
Appeals. The 2018 election saw some remarkable victories for African American
candidates in Texas. All 19 African American women who ran for judge in Harris
County won. Dallas Democrat and former NFL star Collin Allred’s victory over
GOP incumbent House Rules Committee Chair Pete Sessions increased the num-
ber of Texas African Americans in Congress to six. The Democrats’ new major-
ity in the U.S. House of Representatives also meant that Eddie Bernice Johnson
became the first African American from Texas to chair a standing committee in
the U.S. House.
Latinos Texas has received immigrants from Central America, South America,
and the Caribbean, but more than 88 percent of Texas Latinos are of Mexican ori-
gin. By 2016, Texas ranked second in the nation behind California in the number
of Latino residents with over 10.4 million and second in the nation behind New
Mexico in percentage of Latino residents with approximately 39 percent of the
state’s population. The majority of the population in 51 Texas counties is Latino.
In eight counties in the Rio Grande Valley and along the border, more than
90 percent of the population is Latino. More than one-half of all newborns in the
state are Latinos. Based on current population trends, some demographers sug-
gest that by 2022 Latinos will be the largest population group.21 Though poverty
rates are significantly higher for Latinos than Anglos, Texas’s Spanish-surnamed
residents are gaining economic strength, and the number of Latino-owned
businesses is growing rapidly.
As Latinos continue to be the fastest-growing ethnic group in Texas (in terms
of numbers), their political influence is increasing. Between 1846 and 1961, only
19 Latino politicians were elected to the Texas legislature. Since 1961, however,
Latinos have won election to many local, state, and national positions. In 1984,
Raul Gonzalez became the first Latino in a statewide office when he won elec-
tion to the Texas Supreme Court. Though group solidarity among Latino voters
is lower than other groups and they do not always support Latino candidates,
organizations such as the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC)
and the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project have worked to increase
voter registration and turnout in recent years. By 2017, Texas had more than
2,700 Latino elected officials, by far the largest number of any state and more
than 41 percent of all Latino elected officials in the country.22 Henry Gonzalez
was the first Texas Latino elected to the U.S. House in 1963, and in 2011, Ted Cruz
became the first elected to the U.S. Senate. In 2016, Cruz was a major contender
for the Republican Party’s presidential nomination. Texans reelected him to the
Senate in 2018 and sent the state’s first two Latinas, Sylvia Garcia and Veronica
Escobar, to the U.S. House of Representatives. George P. Bush, whose mother was
born in Mexico, identifies as Hispanic and won elections for Commissioner of the
General Land Office in 2014 and 2018. Of the 29 officials elected on a statewide
basis, as of 2019, three were Latino. Julián Castro, the former San Antonio mayor
and former secretary of Housing and Urban Development in the Obama admin-
istration, has announced that he will run for the Democratic Party’s presidential
nomination in 2020.
Anglos According to the 2000 census, more than 52 percent of Texas’s popula-
tion was composed of “non-Hispanic whites,” a category including people of
European ancestry but also those of Middle Eastern and North African heritage.
That percentage dropped to less than 50 percent in 2004, when Texas joined
Hawaii, New Mexico, and California as majority-minority states. By 2018, the
Anglo population of Texas was just over 12 million, or about 42 percent of
the state’s population. Projections indicate that the percentage of Anglos in the
Image 1.3 Henry R. Muñoz III, co-founder of the Latino Victory Project,
actress and political activist Eva Longoria, and Rep. Joaquín Castro, D-Texas,
at an event launching The Latino Victory Project, a Latino political action
committee.
AP Images/Charles Dharapak
In an increasingly diverse political landscape, how might you contribute to the

representation of your community’s interests?
state will continue to decrease and the percentage of other racial/ethnic groups
will continue to increase.
Poverty rates among Texas Anglos remain dramatically lower than other
groups, and incomes remain significantly higher. The poverty rate for Texas
Anglos was 7 percent in 2017, compared to 17 percent for African Americans
and 18 percent for Latinos. In 2016, African American and Latino households
had median annual incomes below $45,000 whereas Anglo and Asian households
averaged $94,000 to $101,800.23 Anglos own almost two-thirds of all businesses in
Texas. They also continue to hold most local, state, and national political offices
in the Lone Star State.
Implications of Racial and Ethnic Diversity The changing demograph-

ics of Texas lead many to speculate that the partisan makeup of Texas will soon
change. “Demographics Is Destiny,” as the saying goes. Many point to Democratic
Senate candidate Beto O’Rourke’s nearly successful challenge to an incumbent
Republican in 2018 as evidence that Texas will soon become a Democratic state.
In that election, O’Rourke won 84 percent of the state’s African American votes,
74 percent of Latinos, and 66 percent of Asian/Pacific Islanders.24
Yet the ascendance of Democrats over Republicans in Texas is not a foregone
conclusion. Many Texas Latinos are ineligible to vote; and among those who are
eligible, voting rates have been consistently low. Though registration and turnout
by people of color increased in 2016 and 2018, it remains to be seen whether this
will continue or is an isolated reaction to a president viewed by many as hostile
to minority groups. Moreover, Texas Republicans have historically done better
among Latino voters than Republicans at the national level and are making efforts
to continue that trend.
Religious Diversity
Texas is becoming less religious overall and more diverse in terms of religious
identification, with implications for politics and policy. The number of Texans
claiming no religious affiliation is growing; yet at 18 percent of the state’s popula-
tion, that percentage is still among the lowest in the nation. Nationally, 22 percent
of the population claims no religious affiliation. By most measures of religios-
ity, the percentage of the population claiming a religious affiliation, attending
a weekly worship service, and holding religious beliefs, Texas ranks among the
10 most religious states. The Lone Star State still has some claim to the title of
“Buckle of the Bible Belt.”25
Texans are becoming increasingly diverse in their religious identification.
About 31 percent of Texans identify with one of the many denominations of
evangelical Protestantism. Yet almost 25 percent of Texans are Catholic, and
about one in five identifies with either a mainline or historically black Protestant
denomination. Although Mormons, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Muslims, Hindus, Jews,
Buddhists, and other minority religions only comprise 6 percent of the Texas
population combined, membership in these groups is growing, both in number
and as a percentage of the population. In fact, Texas has a larger population and
a higher percentage of many of these religious groups than the national average.26
Because Texas’s population is so large, small percentages disguise how large the
membership is. Although representing only 1 percent of the Texas population,
almost a half million Muslims live in the state. Most Texans respect religious free-
dom; however, increasing diversity sometimes sparks intergroup tensions. Fear
of terrorism by radical Islamic groups fueled much debate in the 2016 election
and sparked a near doubling of anti-Muslim incidents in the United States by
2018. During that time, Texas saw armed protests against Muslim organizations;
incidents of threats, vandalism, and arson at Islamic mosques; and religiously
motivated acts of violence against Muslims.27 According to one poll in 2017, an
estimated 45 percent of Texans supported barring non-American Muslims from 1.2 Learning Check
entering the United States, but an estimated 47 percent opposed such a ban.28 1. How has the size and
These changes in the religious make-up of the state have broad political political power of Texas’s
Latino population
ramifications. White evangelical Christians tend more toward political conserva- changed in recent
tism and the Republican Party, but religious groups that favor political liberalism decades?
and the Democratic Party are growing as a proportion of the state’s population. 2. How has religious
Religion also has an impact on people’s views on a wide variety of public poli- identification in Texas
changed in recent years?
cies; and religious beliefs affect policy debates, from abortion to gay rights to
economic justice to the death penalty. Answers at the end of this chapter.
he Land and Population

T
Distribution
LO 1.3 Discuss the political implications of Texas’s size in both geography
and population, along with the geographic distribution of its
residents.
Texas’s politics and public policy have always been shaped by the state’s size.
With more than 267,000 square miles of territory, Texas is second only to Alaska
(570,640 square miles) in area and is as large as the combined areas of Florida,
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Connecting the more than 1,200
incorporated cities in Texas requires approximately 314,000 miles of roadways,
including more than 80,000 miles of major highways constructed and maintained
under the supervision of the Texas Department of Transportation. The state gov- #
ernment is also responsible for more than 6,200 traffic signals, 1,000 dynamic
message signs, and programs to prevent and respond to accidents and damage social media
to roads and bridges.29 Texas’s massive size has an impact on political campaigns Websites and computer
applications that allow
as well. Running for statewide office—and in some instances for district-level users to engage in social
office—requires a significant investment of financial resources. Despite the rise networking and create
of social media as an inexpensive and effective campaigning and organizing online communities.
tool, traveling the state for rallies and fundraisers while targeting 18 media mar- Social media provide
kets with advertisements is an expensive undertaking that requires extensive platforms for sharing
information and ideas
fundraising.
through discussion
Texas is large both physically and in population. In every decade since forums, videos, photos,
1850, Texas’s population has grown more rapidly than the overall population documents, audio clips,
of the United States. According to the federal census estimate of 2018, Texas’s and the like.
population totaled 28,701,845—a stunning increase of 38 percent from 2000.

(The population estimate for the United States in 2018 was 327,167,434—an
increase of approximately 6 percent from 2000.) Texas also has had five of the
fastest-growing metropolitan areas in the nation since the turn of the century. By
2018, the top three fastest-growing cities with populations of at least 50,000 and
seven of the top 13 fastest-growing were in Texas.30
Urbanization
Although many outside the state may still associate Texas with lonesome cowboys
on vast ranges, the great majority of the state’s population growth has occurred
in urban areas and metropolitan areas which are composed of one or more large
redlining cities and their surrounding suburban communities. Texas was 80 percent rural
A discriminatory rating at the beginning of the 20th century, but today more than 85 percent of the state’s
system used by federal population is urban. The state’s four most populous counties (Harris, Dallas,
agencies to evaluate
Bexar, and Tarrant) have a combined population of almost 11 million people,
the risks associated with
loans made to borrowers larger than the population of 44 of the 50 states. The Texas Demographic Center
in specific urban projects that nearly 95 percent of the state’s 2010–2050 population growth will
neighborhoods. Today, be in its 82 metropolitan counties.31 Most of these population concentrations are
the term also refers to within the Texas Triangle, roughly outlined by segments of interstate highways
the same practice among 35, 45, and 10.
private businesses like
banks and real estate
The Lone Star State’s Metropolitan Statistical Areas (those with populations
companies. over 50,000) contain more than 88 percent of the state’s population but are located
in fewer than 20 percent of the state’s 254 counties. It is politically significant that
urban renewal
these 48 counties potentially account for about four of every five votes cast in
The relocation of
businesses and people, statewide elections. Thus, governmental decision makers are primarily account-
the demolition of able to people living in one-fifth of the state’s counties. Metropolitan Statistical
structures, and the use Areas contain both urban (inner city) and suburban areas. Urban voters are con-
of eminent domain to sistently more supportive of the Democratic Party, except in Fort Worth, while
take private property for suburban voters tend more toward the Republican Party. Since metropolitan vot-
development projects.
ers, as a whole, are rarely of one mind at the polls; they do not tend to overwhelm
exclusionary zoning rural voters by taking opposing positions on all policy issues.
The use of local
government zoning
ordinances to exclude
certain groups of people
Suburbanization and Gentrification
from a given community. Between 1980 and the present, Texas suburbs (relatively small municipalities,
usually outside the boundary limits of a central city) experienced explosive
racial covenants growth and spread into rural areas. The early history of suburbanization was
Agreements written into
real estate documents
marked by racial segregation, with Anglos in more affluent suburbs and historical
by property owners, minority groups in the inner city and less affluent suburbs. Government policies
subdivision developers, were used purposefully to ensure residential segregation. The federal government
or real estate operators used redlining to restrict lending in low-income neighborhoods. Because histori-
in a given neighborhood, cal minority groups are disproportionately included in lower socioeconomic
binding property owners
groups, this practice barred lending to many minority borrowers. Additionally,
not to sell, lease, or rent
property to specified the federal government used interstate highway designs and urban renewal
groups because of race, projects to isolate and eliminate minority neighborhoods. Local policies like
creed, or color. exclusionary zoning and federal policies requiring racial covenants prevented
How Do We Compare...
In Population?
2018 Population Estimates as Reported
by the U.S. Bureau of the Census
Most Populous U.S. States
U.S. States Population Bordering Texas Population
California 39,557,405 Louisiana 4,659,978
Texas 28,701,845 Oklahoma 3,943,079
Florida 21,299,325 Arkansas 3,013,825
New York 19,542,209 New Mexico 2,095,428
How does a large and rapidly growing population create both opportunities
and challenges for Texas?
minorities from renting or buying homes in more affluent suburbs. Even when
laws and court decisions moved official policies away from racially discrimina-
tory practices, economic inequality, the phenomenon of white flight, and the
practice of some realtors’ and lenders’ steering their clients into segregated neigh-
borhoods limited integration. Today, de facto racial segregation (segregation by
fact rather than by law) remains, especially in suburban areas, though to a lesser
extent than in the past.32
Texas has seen large demographic movements from rural to urban areas and
from large cities to the suburbs and back. Although the shift from rural to urban
areas and the growth of exurbs (extra-urban areas beyond suburbs) have contin-
ued into the 21st century, a repopulation of inner cities has revitalized numer-
ous downtown neighborhoods and attracted new residents. In a process called
gentrification, middle-class and affluent people move into struggling inner city
areas, investing in property improvement and new businesses. Gentrification
can be controversial, as lower-income residents are often displaced by increases
in rent and property values, and locally owned small businesses are frequently
unable to compete with new competition from incoming businesses.33
Rural Texas
Though Texas is primarily metropolitan, small-town Texas is still a reality for the
more than 14 percent of Texans who live in rural areas, which cover 84 percent gentrification
A relocation of middle-
of the state’s total land area. In rural Texas, a variety of challenges complicate
class or affluent people
the charms of small town life. Hospital closures and the difficulty of recruiting into deteriorating urban
doctors have increased the difficulty of accessing health care in rural communi- areas, often displacing
ties. Aging roads, water systems, and other public infrastructure continue to age low-income residents.
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"Has Lawrence Maynard——? What about his side?"
"I don't know—yet I do. There's some things you feel. I don't think I
could have loved him if I hadn't known he loved me first. Could I?"
"He's never said it, however?"
"A man's eyes and ways say things."
"Don't you talk like this to anybody but me, Dinah," urged Mr. Bamsey.
"Not likely. Is it wrong?"
"I'm moving in the matter; I'm moving," he answered. "You can't hide
much from me, and already I've had Maynard in my thoughts."
"You haven't?"
"Yes. I've seen a very good, common friend. And I'll tell you this. I
sounded Mr. Withycombe—the bed-lier. The young man often goes of a
Sunday to see him, and Enoch thinks well of him. But more than that. He's
spoke cautious with Maynard, and Maynard likes you. He granted you was
out of the common, in fact a remarkable pattern of woman."
She had his arm and her own tightened upon it.
"Foster-father!"
"So enough said. And now you'll understand why I'm marking time. The
rest be in the hands of God. You keep out of his way for a bit—Maynard, I
mean; and we'll watch how it goes."
"Nothing else matters now," she said.
"A lot matters now; but what matters be up to him."
"I didn't think it was possible to be so happy as I be this minute, foster-

father."
"Put it out of your mind, however, so far as nature will let you. We be
groping in the dark."
"No, no—it's all light—all light now."
"So far as he's concerned, we be in the dark," he repeated. "No doubt the
time's near when he'll offer for you, Dinah. And then he's got to come to
me. I remember the first evening he was to Green Hayes, and seemed a
thought under the weather and a little doubtful about his Maker. I said he'd
got a grievance against life, and I must hear all about that grievance, if such
there is."
"You'll never hear anything but the truth from him. He wouldn't do
anything that you wouldn't like. I'm feared of him in a way. He's very strict
and very stern sometimes. He's not what you call easy on wrongful doing.
He's better'n me."
"That no man ever was, or will be," said Ben. "I'm very glad you came
to me with this; for if you'd hung off much longer, I'd have had to see the
man. Now I shan't, and I'm not sorry. We know where we stand, because
you'm so open-minded, thank God, along with me. But we don't know—at
least we can't be sure we know—where he stands. It's up to Mr. Maynard to
unfold his feelings. And for sure he very soon will."
"And why should you reckon he advised me to be off from here so soon
as I could?" asked Dinah again. "Queerly enough I liked him for saying it,
and yet—yet you might think there might be a frosty reason."
"There might be. Time will show. You can't be off till we've found the
proper place for you to be off to. Now you run home about your chores.
Mother wants you in the garden. There's the last lot of rasps to be picked. I
didn't count on no more, but I was surprised to see enough to market yet."
She ran up the hill and he descended to a field of heavy oats. The
weather after a spell of sunny days began to break up and Mr. Bamsey
hoped to get his crop off the ground before it did so. But his mind was not
on his oats. He believed that Dinah must indeed leave him now, and
guessed that Maynard would think it wise to abandon his present work and
take her far away. Mr. Bamsey knew what this must mean for him. He did
not disguise from himself that he loved Dinah better than anything on earth,
while blaming himself unfeignedly for doing so.
CHAPTER XVIII
MAYNARD
Mr. Stockman, having decided that sea air and a fortnight of rest were
desirable to fortify him against another winter, had been absent from his
home and was only recently returned. He had visited a friend, who farmed
land in the neighbourhood of Berry Head, above Brixham, and he declared
himself very much better for the change of scene and companionship. He
related his adventures, told how he had trusted himself to the sea on more
than one occasion in a Brixham trawler, and also expatiated in Soosie-
Toosie's ear upon a woman whom he had met—the daughter of his friend.
"Mr. King has but one stay-at-home child, like me," he said, "and I
could wish you were able to see the way Ann King runs her father's house.
Not a breath against you, Susan—you know how I thank my God every
night on my knees for such a daughter; but there's a far-sightedness and a
sureness about Ann as I don't remember to have marked in any other
female."
"How old might she be?" asked Susan.
"Older than you by ten years I dare say; but it's not so much that as her
way of dealing with life and her sure head. The Elms Farm is bigger than
ours and mostly corn. They grow amazing fine wheat, to the very edge of
the cliffs; and Ann King reigns over the place and the people in such a way
that all goes on oiled wheels. She's always ahead of time, that woman—
bends time to her purpose and never is run about, or flustered. A great
lesson to a simple man like me, who never seems to have enough time for
his work."
Mr. Palk heard these things. There was growing between him and Joe a
shadow of antagonism. So faintly did this contest of wills begin that neither
appreciated it yet.
"And how many females do Miss King have at her word of command,
master?" asked Thomas, his subconscious self up in arms as usual when
Susan was even indirectly assailed.
Joe stared blandly at him.
"Hullo! I didn't know you was there, Thomas. I was talking to my

daughter, Thomas, not you, if you'll excuse me; and if you've got nothing
on your hands for the moment, perhaps you won't mind having a look over
the harness and reporting to me to-morrow. I was put about when I came
home to see a bit of rope where there did ought to be leather, Thomas. You
know what I mean."
"I was going to name it," answered Mr. Palk.
"Good; I'm sure you was; we'll go over the lot at your convenience—to-
morrow perhaps. I admire you a lot for making shift and saving my pocket.
It shows a spirit that I value in a man; but we must keep our heads up, even
under the present price of harness if we can; and when we've had a tell over
it, I'll go down to saddler at Ashburton and put it to him as an old
customer."
Joe returned from his holiday full of energy. He had to-day been at a
sale of sheep at Hey Tor village and was tramping with Maynard by road
behind fifty fine ewes from a famous breeder. He discoursed of sheep and
his man listened without much concentration.
They trudged together behind the raddled flock with a sheep-dog

attending them.
"The rare virtue of our Dartmoors is not enough known," declared Mr.
Stockman. "In my opinion, both for flesh and coat, there's no long-wooled
sheep in the world to beat 'em and few to equal 'em. Yet you'll find, even to
this day, that our Devon long-wools be hardly known outside the South
Hams and Cornwall. Mr. King had a friend from Derbyshire stopping at
Brixham—a very clever man and wonderful learned in sheep; but he knew
naught about our famous breed. They did ought to be shown at all the big
shows all over England, and then, no doubt, they'd come into their own, and
some of us who rears 'em would earn our just reward."
"That class ought to be included in all important shows certainly,"

admitted Lawrence. "At their best they can't be beat."
"And they ought to be shown in their wool," added Mr. Stockman. "The
difficulties ought to be got over, and it should be done for the credit of the
county, not to say Dartmoor."
They debated this question till the younger man wearied of it and was
glad when a farmer on horseback overtook them. He had been a seller, and
he approved of Joe's opinions, now repeated for his benefit. Maynard
walked a little apart and found leisure to think his own thoughts. They
revolved about one subject only, and reverted to it with painful persistence.
He was in love with Dinah Waycott and knew that she was in love with
him. The something that was left out of her made this all the more clear, for
she relied on no shield of conventions; she had a way to slip a subject of the
clothes it generally wore, in shape of speech.
She had exerted no wiles, but she could not be illusive, and the obvious
qualities of Dinah which had appealed to Johnny's first love had also, for
different reasons, overwhelmed Maynard. Many men by these very qualities
in her would have been repulsed. Experienced men might have missed
those elements in Dinah that, for them, make a woman most provocative
and desirable; but in the case of this man, his own experience of life and his
personal adventure combined to intensify the charm that her peculiar nature
possessed. He had known nothing like her; she contrasted at almost every
possible point with what he had known; she shone for him as an exemplar
of all that was most desirable in feminine character. He could not believe
that there were many such women, and he doubted not that he would never
see such another. He had tried to adopt a fatherly attitude to Dinah and, for
a considerable time, succeeded. The view he took of her at their first
acquaintance, when she was betrothed to John Bamsey, persisted after the
breaking of the engagement; but the very breaking of the engagement
enlarged this view, and the freedom, that could no longer be denied to her
after that event, had improved their knowledge of each other until both
learned the same fact. Then Maynard could play a fatherly friendship no
more, nor could the figment of an elder brother serve. He loved her and she
loved him. A thing he had never considered as possible now complicated a
life that for seven years he had striven with all his might to simplify; and
the new situation extended far beyond Dinah, for it was calculated to alter
his own agreement and undertaking with himself. These covenants had been
entered into with himself alone. Circumstances had long ago combined, at a
certain period of his early, adult life, to change the entire texture of
existence, deflect its proposed purpose and throw down the goal he set out
to attain. And with the changes wrought in temporal ambitions had come
others. Life thus dammed ceased to flow. His future collapsed and in its
place appeared a new purpose, if negation could be called a purpose. That
had sufficed, though at a cost of mental corrosion he did not guess; but now
it seemed that a closed book was thrown open again and he stood once
more facing outlets to life that even implied happiness. His existence for
seven years, it appeared, had not been a progression, but a hiatus. Yet he
knew, even while he told himself this, that it must be a delusion and a
juggle with reality; since no man can for seven years stand still.
There was need for a jolt forward now, and the problem appeared
simple enough as to the thing he must do, but shattering when he saw it
done. He was deeply agitated, yet through the inexorable shot a thread of
unexpected hope and beauty. To cut this thread, which had crept so
magically into the grey fabric of existence and touched the days of his
crepuscular life with the glimmering of an unguessed sunrise, promised to
be a task so tremendous that it was not strange he hesitated. For did any
vital necessity exist to cut it? He could not immediately convince himself,
and every natural instinct and impulse combined to cry out against such a
necessity.
He had reached an attitude of mind, and that long before he met Dinah
Waycott, which now suffered no shock from the personal problem. He had
dealt in generalities and pondered and meditated on human conduct in many
aspects. The actual, present position, too, he had debated, and even asked
himself how he might expect to act under certain circumstances. But the
possibility of those circumstances ever arising had not occurred to him, and
now that they had done so, he saw that his view and his judgment were only
one side of the question in any case. The visionary figure of a woman had
turned into a real one, and as such, her welfare and her future, not his own,
instantly became the paramount thing. What he might have deemed as
sudden salvation for himself, namely, a good and loving woman in his life,
took another colour when the woman actually appeared. The temptation
now lay in this. He knew Dinah so well, that he believed, from her
standpoint, she might look at the supreme problem as he did; and for this
very reason he delayed. Reason argued that, did Dinah see eye to eye with
him, no farther difficulty could exist, while if she did not, there was an end
of it; but some radical impulse of heredity, or that personal factor of
character, which was the man himself, fought with reason at the very heart
of his being and made the issue a far deeper matter for Maynard now.
The horseman left Mr. Stockman and galloped forward, while Joe
regarded his retreating figure with mild amusement and turned to Lawrence.
"Did you hear that?" he asked, and the other replied that he had not.
"I've vexed him—just the last thing ever I meant, or intended. It's a
funny world. If you mind your own business and stick to it, the people say
you're a selfish, hard-hearted creature, with no proper feeling to humans at
large. And if you seek to mind other people's business, and serve 'em, and
help the folk along, and lend a hand where you may, then they lift their
voices and call you a meddling Paul Pry and a busybody and so on. That
man's just told me to look after my own affairs, because I went out of my
way to give him a valuable tip about his!"
"More fool him," said Maynard. "The fools are the hardest to help."
"Nothing but the people themselves keep me from doing a great deal
more good in the world than I might," declared Joe. "The will is there, and I
think I may say the wit is there; but my fellow creatures choke me off."
"They're jealous of your sense I reckon."
"No doubt some be, Lawrence. But 'tis cutting off your nose to spite
your face, when you quarrel with a man who might be useful, just because
you hate to think he's got a better brain than you have."
"A very common thing."
"Not a mistake of the wise, however. For my part I've lived long enough
to see that jealousy, look at it all round, is the feeblest and silliest vice we
humans suffer from. There's nothing to it but wretchedness and wasted
energy. Jealous I never could be of any living creature, I assure you."
But though Joe despised jealousy, such was his humour, that within an
hour, for the sake of personal amusement he sought to awake the futile
flame in another breast.
Melinda Honeysett was waiting at Falcon Farm when the men returned,
but she had come to see Lawrence Maynard, not Mr. Stockman. He,
however, entertained her while his man was looking after the sheep. Indeed,
he insisted on Melinda joining him in a cup of tea. He had not seen her
since his return from Brixham, and now the rogue in Joe twinkled to the top
and he began to enumerate the rare qualities of Miss King. He knew that
Melinda regarded herself as holding a sort of proprietary right over him,
and he much enjoyed this shadowy bondage and often pretended to groan
under it. But now he launched on the task of making Melinda jealous for his
private entertainment. With Soosie-Toosie the enterprise had failed. She
humbly accepted the accomplishments of Ann King and praised her genius
so heartily that Joe soon dropped the subject; but for Melinda it came as a
new idea, and this enthusiasm on Mr. Stockman's part for a paragon at once
unknown and eligible, caused Mrs. Honeysett just that measure of
exasperation her first male friend desired to awaken.
"My!" said Melinda, after listening to the glowing story of the farmer's
daughter, her virtues, her resource, her financial ability and her practical
knowledge of affairs; "I didn't know there were any angels to Brixham. Do
she fly about, or only walk, like us common women?"
"No, she walks," said Joe, delighted at his instant success; "but even in
walking she never wastes a footstep, like most of us. Never wastes
anything, and yet not close. Just a grasp of all that matters and a large scorn
for all that don't. And as to being an angel, Melinda, you may say she is that
—just in the same sense that you and Soosie-Toosie and all nice women are
angels. Only that. She's a thorough human woman and, simply judged as a
woman, a very fine piece indeed."
Mrs. Honeysett laughed somewhat harshly.
"Don't you drag me and Susan in. I'm sure he needn't do that, need he,
Soosie? Such poor creatures as us—not worthy to hold a candle to this here
Jane King."
"Ann King," corrected Joe.
"You and me will go and take lessons, and ax her to teach us how to
look after our poor fathers," said Melinda to Miss Stockman. "We're such a
pair of feckless, know-naught fools that it's time we set about larning how a
parent did ought to be treated. And, by the same token, I must get back to
mine. He's bad and getting worse. I only came to see Maynard, because
father wants to have a tell with him—to-night if possible. Poor father's
going down hill fast now—all, no doubt, because I've not understood how
to nurse him and tend him and live my life for him alone. If he'd only had
Ann King to look after him, I dare say he'd be well again by now."
Joe, greatly daring, pushed the joke a little deeper.
"You mustn't say that. There's nobody like you to look after a sick man,
Melinda, and I'm sure Miss King couldn't have done it very much better and
steadier than you have. But perhaps it might be a clever thought to invite
her up along. I dare say she'd make time to pay us a visit, if I told her as you
and Soosie-Toosie were very wishful to make her acquaintance and gather
in a bit of her far-reaching sense. She's always as willing as I am myself to
throw a bit of light."
"Ax her to come then," said Mrs. Honeysett. "'Twill be a great blessing
for me and Susan to go to school to her. And something to see a really wise
creature in Buckland, because we'm such a lot of God-forsaken zanies here
—men and women alike."
She rose breathing rather deeply.
"No tea, thank you," she said. "I've changed my mind. I'll go home and
pray for the light of Ann King to fall on my dark road. And when she comes
along, you ask her if she'll give a poor, weak-minded widow a little of her
sense. Tell her I'm one of they women that thinks the moon be made of
green cheese, will 'e? And say I believe in pixies, and charms for warts, and
black witches and white witches and all that. And you can add that I was
one of them idiots that always gave men credit for nice feeling and good
sense and liked to believe the best about some men and stuck up for 'em,
even when I heard 'em run down and laughed at. Tell her all that; and say as
I'm going to give certain parties a rest in future, because, though a poor
worm and not worthy to be seen alongside her, yet I've got my pride, like
the cleverest of us. And give Lawrence Maynard father's message, Soosie,
if you please."
"Come back, you silly gosling!" shouted Joe; but Melinda did not come
back. He laughed very heartily, yet not loud enough for the departing
woman to hear him.
"Lord! To think now!" he said. "I've took a proper rise out of her, eh?"
"You have," admitted Susan ruthfully. "And if you done it on purpose, it

weren't a very clever thing to do. Melinda's fiery, but a good friend and a
great admirer of yours, father. Now you've vexed her cruel."
"You never larn all there is to know about a female," he said. "I meant to
get her wool off—just for a bit of honest fun; but I can't say as I ever
understood she felt so deep how clever she was. She's a vain, dear creature."
"It weren't that," explained Susan. "She ain't vain, though she knows her
worth, and so do everybody else know it; but what she is proud of,
naturally, be your great fondness for her. She knows you put her first, and
she knows you're a clever man and wouldn't put her first if there wasn't a
reason. And her father be going to die presently and—and God knows
what's in her thoughts, of course. And then to hear that Miss King be worth
all the women you've ever seen in your life put together, and be the top
flower of the bunch, and such a wonder as was never seen by mortal man—
why, of course, Melinda took it to heart a bit. Who wouldn't?"
"You didn't," said Joe.
"No, I didn't, because I know my place, father. I'm not so clever as

Melinda. I'm a poor thing, though well intending. But Melinda's a fine thing
and you know in your heart that a virgin woman, like Miss King, however
clever she be, couldn't teach Melinda nothing about how to look after a
man."
"Fun be thrown away on you creatures," said Joe. "You're terrible thick-
headed where a joke's the matter, Soosie; but I did think as Melinda was
brighter."
He turned to Palk, who had just entered for his tea. Thomas had heard
the word thick-headed applied to Susan.
"Did you ever know a woman as could see a clever bit of fun, Tom?"
The horseman reflected.
"Women's fun ban't the same as ours," he answered. "No doubt they've
got their own pattern of fun. But there ain't much time for Miss Stockman to
practise laughing in this house."
"Ah! You can be so comical as any of us when you'm in a mind for it,
Thomas," said his master.
CHAPTER XIX
LIGHT OF AUTUMN
Sent to find granite and bidden to choose a boulder that would split out,
so that needful stone posts might be fashioned from it, Lawrence Maynard
climbed the Beacon and loitered here and there, examining the great stones
that heaved their backs or sides from the earth. For the master of Falcon
Farm was a Venville man and claimed moor rights extending over stone and
turbary.
Lawrence marked certain masses and thrust in sticks beside them, that
presently Joe Stockman might himself ascend and determine, from his
better knowledge, which blocks would yield the needful pillars. For the
farmer was skilled in granite and declared it to be a good-natured stone in
understanding hands.
Lawrence was mastered by his own thoughts presently, and with the
pageant of late autumn flung under his eyes, he sat down where a boulder
protected him from the fierce wind and brooded. From time to time the
vision of things seen broke in.
Upon this canvas, so hugely spread, Nature painted her pictures in

punctual procession, and in some measure Maynard valued them. Indeed,
under the present stress and storm that unsettled the weather of his mind, he
found himself more pervious than of old to the natural impressions of the
Vale.
To-day a north wind shouted overhead, drove the scattered clouds

before it and hummed in organ notes upon the great mass of granite that
capped the Beacon. Then copper red ribbons of beech fell broadly into the
depths below—and, against their fire, the plantations of the pine wove
darker patterns, where they descended in a gradual arc over the shoulders of
the hills, until the air and space wrought magic upon their distances and
swept them together in one glowing integument for the low lands. There it
was as though a mighty tiger skin had been flung down upon the undulating
earth, so rich in orange-tawny and russet were the forest reaches, so black
the slant shadows thrown by the low sun at spinney edge, along the
boundary of hanging woods, or where open fields broke horizontally into
the kingdom of the trees. There shone green meadows against the flame of
the fall around them; and the ploughed fallows heightened colour by their
contrast. They intruded their tessellate designs, wrought out in a network of
squares and triangles and rhomboidal forms; they climbed the hills,
penetrated the valley depths and ceased only where the upland ramparts
barred their progress with heath and stone. Shadows flew to dim the
splendour and then again reveal it; nor was the clarity of the air purchased
without cost, for unseen moisture drenched it and sometimes took shape of
separate storms, sweeping in a low, grey huddle over the earth they hid, yet
divided by great sunny spaces. They drew their veils over half a league of
the land at a time, then dislimned and vanished again. And far away,
beyond the last peaks and saliencies southward, stretched a horizon of
dazzling and colourless light, where sea girdled earth and Devon rolled dark
against the liquid brilliance of the Channel lifted beyond it.
The Vale, with its river winding through the midst, was a frame for
these far-away passages of light and darkness—a setting and boundary, rich
but restrained; for under the sleight of distance, the glories of the colour,
each touch a tiny leaf of gold or crimson, were cooled and kneaded with
shadow and tempered by the blue November air.
To appreciate the detail of the spectacle, the throb and palpitation of so

much fire, it had been necessary to descend among the forest glades, where
were revealed the actual pigments of all this splendour and the manner of
Nature's painting, touch by touch. Thence the scene, whose harmonies rang
so subdued from the height of the Beacon above, resolved itself into a riot
of colour. Larch and ash were already grey, and the lemon of the birch, the
gold of the elm flashed out against the heavier bronzes and coppers of oak
and beech. The wood smoke that rose so thinly seen from aloft, here
ascended from a fire in a column of gentian blue under the sunshine, purple
against shadow. Carpets of colour extended where the trees broke—textures
of scarlet whortle and crimson blackberry, bright ivy, jewels of moss and
glittering dead grass. The spindle flashed its fruits, and aglets and haws
sparkled beneath it on briar and bough. There, too, the sheltered fern had
not been beaten flat as on the open heaths above. It rose shoulder high,
delicate in dead but unbroken filigrees, with many a spider's gossamer and
iridescent web twinkling rainbows upon its amber frondage. The dusky
regiments of the conifers intensified the blaze. Green, or glaucous green, or
of a solid darkness, they massed, and, against them, stems of maiden
birches leapt upward to the last of their foliage, like woodland candlesticks
of silver supporting altar-flame within these far-flung sanctuaries.
Intermittently Maynard allowed his thoughts to dwell upon these things

spread under his eyes; and he even dipped sometimes into the communion
of the trees and pictured all that lay beneath him; he could spare a moment
to reflect upon the ceaseless battle under the splendour, and how every tree
of these countless thousands had fought through half a century for its place
in the sun. But for the most part his reflections turned upon himself, though
unconsciously the outward pageant became enwoven with the inward
gloom, as long afterwards he discovered.
He had taken life in an uncompromising spirit of old; he had displayed a

strength of purpose and a grip of his own values in some measure
remarkable for a man, at that time barely beyond his majority. And now,
into a life that he had deemed cut away once and for all from all further
human complexities, was come this unexpected and supreme problem. Yet
such rifts and gleams as had of late been thrust through his grey existence
must now be shut out. For a time he considered with himself whether this
should be so; but he weighed Dinah's fate more tenderly in the balance than
his own. For him, indeed, the facts did not preclude possibility of actual
temptation; but he had yet to learn how they would affect her. Had he cared
to take consolation there, he might have done so; but what had encouraged
hope in another man, discouraged him. His temptations were not proof
against his principles, and he foresaw that more than a narration of facts
might be necessary when the day came for bare speech with Dinah. The
necessity for any return to the past had never been anticipated by Maynard;
but he had long seen now that one certainly involved the other. The need for
confession troubled him little; the time of trial must come with Dinah's
reception of his confession. He hoped that she might take such an instant
decision that deeper distresses would be avoided; and yet the very hope
seemed cowardly to him; and sometimes he felt a desire above or below his
own view of rectitude. What promised distress in one mood opened the
gates to a new and a blessed life in another.
He was come, however, to the inevitable place of open dealing: he must

tell her all that still remained hidden from her. With a sense of relief he felt
that more could not be done until that position had been reached; and for
the present he put away from himself any thought of what would follow his
revelation in her mind, or the great final decision that must be called for
from his own.
Then he dropped his affairs for a little while and let the sense of the
immense and outspread earth drift into his thoughts. It heartened him and
inspired him to a dim resolution that a man might glean something from the
purposes of a world so large and splendid, so that he, too, should rise
worthy of his place in it, and largely and splendidly order his own part amid
the great scheme of things. But he guessed all the time that such poetry only
played over the surface of forthcoming events. It had less power of reality,
than the bubbles on a wave to influence its way. The final pattern of things
lay deep within himself. No man or woman could ever alter the terms of his
own destiny, or change the principles under which he willed to live. So he
imagined.
CHAPTER XX
THE HUNTER'S MOON
The thought of their next meeting was in the minds of both Dinah and
Lawrence, and the girl also guessed that they had reached a position only to
end in one way. Even so, her own unconscious desires were running before
the facts. It is certain that she had gone a little farther along the road of love
than he had; but only because upon her path there were no obstacles and she
could not guess, or imagine, the hindrances lying upon his. She knew that
he loved her and conceived of no reason why he should not tell her so. She
had, of course, come to lift him into the supreme reality of her existence.
She waited for him and began to wonder at the delay. Sometimes,
indeed, as time passed and for two weeks they had not met, a shadow fell
upon her; but it was fleeting. She could not long doubt of him even in the
small hours, when life was at its lowest.
The days began to close in and winter was at the door again before he
spoke. Then only chance precipitated the event, when, to the unhidden joy
of both, they met in the street at Ashburton, on a Saturday afternoon of late
November.
Any passing fear that Dinah might have felt vanished before his look as
he shook her hand, and he was inspired to action by the pure happiness that
lighted her face and shone without restraint upon it.
"I was going to write to you to-morrow if you'll believe me," he said.
"But this is better. Are you free?"
"Yes. I've come in to do some chores for Mrs. Bamsey."
"And I'm running errands for Falcon Farm. Neddy Tutt's milking this
evening. How would it be if we were to have a cup of tea together?"
"I'd love it. Lord! I am thankful to see you, Lawrence! Sometimes I

began to think I never was going to no more."
"You had to see me once more, anyway. Where shall we go out of the
way, so as I can talk?"
"Anywhere you please."
He considered.
"There's a little teashop in Church Street with a back parlour. I've been
there once or twice, but they don't know nothing about me. We'd have the
room to ourselves I reckon. I must go to gunsmith for the governor and get
a hundred cartridges. Then I'm free."
"I never thought I was in for such a treat when I woke up this morning,"
said Dinah.
"No treat, my dinky maid. I wish to God it was a treat. I've got a lot on
my mind when I look at you."
"A shared trouble soon grows light," she said; yet his heavy voice
chilled her. They walked side by side, and to walk by him cheered Dinah
again. The cartridges awaited Lawrence and in twenty minutes they were at
the little eating-shop in Church Street. It was a languishing establishment,
out of the beaten track. A woman behind the counter smiled at Maynard and
recognised him.
"A pot of tea and some bread and butter and cake, missis," he said; then
he entered a small parlour behind the shop. The woman lighted a gas jet
over their heads, in the corner that Lawrence chose farthest from the door.
Presently she brought a tray with their tea upon it, and then she left them.
The time was past four.
"Will you pour the tea, Dinah?"
"Yes, I will then," she said. "Be you happy to see me, Lawrence?"
"You know it. I'd sooner see you than anything in the world. Shall I tell
her to light a blink of fire? She would. 'Tis a thought cold in here."
"No, no; I'm not cold. Talk—talk to me. Let me hear you talk."
He leant across and took her hand.
"Let me hold it a minute. I like to feel it. You know a bit of what I'm
going to tell you; but only a terrible little bit. I wish there was no more than
that to tell."
She held his hand tightly.

"I love you. I've known it a long time, Dinah. That's the little bit I think
you know. If that was all——"
"It is all—all on earth that matters to me," she said quietly. "And I did
know. I wouldn't believe myself for a long time; but it was vain fighting
against it. If it happens to you, you must know. I wouldn't have doubted,
perhaps, if I hadn't loved you back so fierce. That made me doubt, because
it seemed too good to be true and a long way past my deserving. Now the
rest don't signify. Nothing's so big as knowing you love me, Lawrence."
"The bigger thing is that it can't be."
She shrank and he felt her hand grow limp. He took his from it and
considered how to begin speaking. Meantime she spoke.
"That's a hard thing—not a bigger thing," she said quietly; "it can't alter
what is."
"You must hear from the beginning. If I'd ever thought this would
happen, I'd have gone long ago. But it came like a thief, Dinah."
"Same with me. Go on—tell why not—quick."
"I'm married," he said.
She bent her head and leant back and shut her eyes.
"That's the only thing that could come between you and me. I'm
married. It's a mad tale, and I was the madman, so most people said. Maybe
you will, too; maybe you won't. I shall know in a minute. Yet, if I thought
what I was going to say would make you hate me, I wouldn't say it. But it
won't do that."
She was looking at him with wet eyes.
"How could I hate you? Love's love. I'd see a way to love you through it
if you killed her."
"When I went into the world after father died, I was took by a relation
of my mother's at Barnstaple, you must know; and there was that in me that
made for getting on. I done very well, and when my mother's sister, who
had a little dairy, found the sort I was, she reckoned to do me a good turn
and suit herself also. By twenty years old I knew the business inside out and
all that goes to it; and when I was twenty-one, my aunt, who was a widow,
bargained with me to let her go out and drop the shop and be paid a regular
income for her lifetime. When she died I was to have all. It worked very
well for a year and a half, and I found I'd got a turn for the business, and
opened out a bit, and bought a few cows for myself and even had thoughts
of going higher up into the middle of the town and starting a bigger place
and having a department for teas and refreshments and so on.
"But that wanted a woman, and then, just at the right moment as it
seemed, a woman came along—the very woman on all the earth for the
business. It looked as if Providence was out on my side and nothing could
go wrong."
"You loved her?"
"I did. Yes, I loved her, Dinah. I wouldn't have thought twice about
marrying any woman I didn't love."
"I suppose you wouldn't."
"No more than you could. She was called Minnie Reed, and she came to
live not far ways off from where my aunt lived. She was twenty and had a
widowed mother along with her, and they didn't lack for means. My old
lady took to Mrs. Reed and didn't think it amiss when, presently, I began to
make chances for seeing Minnie. In a way it was her great cleverness, more
than herself, that took me first. I was all for cleverness at that time, Dinah—
all for knowledge and learning; and I found, a good bit to my surprise, that
Minnie Reed had got a lot more book learning than any young creature I'd
ever come across before. Her mother explained she'd been educated above
her station and so on; and she certainly had. Her very speech was nice—far
ways above what you'd expect. And from admiring her cleverness, I got to
admire her. She had a bit of money too—a thousand pounds put away in a
very fine investment. Her mother told my aunt that; and she took good care
to tell me; because my old lady was as thick as thieves with Mrs. Reed by
now, and they both wanted to see Minnie married to me.
"Looking back I can't say much about what I felt. I only knew I was
very wishful to win her if possible, and I soon found she was quite
agreeable. Always pleasant, cool, collected she was. She liked me and had
an easy, friendly manner; yet I'll swear she always held herself a cut above
me. She never said so, perhaps she didn't even think so, but unconsciously
she let me feel, somehow, that was in her mind. Not that I cared. I was in a
stage to her then that I thought so too. My havage was of no account, and I
felt she was superior, along of education and natural quick wits. An old
head on young shoulders she had. I do believe most honest that she cared
for me, and felt happy to think she was going to share my life and push on
my business. But from the day we got tokened she didn't turn half so much
to love-making as work. And I wasn't the soft, cuddling sort neither; and if
anything could have drawed me to her more than I was drawed, it would
have been the fashion she set to mastering my business and all its details.
She took it up with all her wits, and soon showed that she was a
masterpiece at it. She liked business and she had a head for saving. She
understood more about money than I did, though I thought myself pretty
clever at it. But I felt a gawk beside her, and she soon showed me how to
make more. In fact, her thoughts soared higher than mine from the start, and
I knew I'd have such a right hand in that matter as few men in my position
could ever have expected.
"I think I knew my luck, and it suited me very well, as I say, that she
didn't want a lot of love-making, for I was busy as a bee and not given to
that sort of thing. And she was on the cold side too—so I reckoned. In fact
she made it clear in words. For she'd thought about that, like most subjects.
She held the business of love-making and babies and so on was only a small
part of life, and that men thought a lot too much about that side of marriage
and took women too seriously. She said certain things with an object, and
gave me an opening to ax a few questions; but I was too green to take up
the hint, and she said afterwards that she thought I agreed with her.
"We were married and started in the train for our honeymoon. We was
going to Exeter for a week and then coming home again, for neither of us

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PRACTICING TEXAS POLITICS.

Lyle C. Brown Baylor University

Joyce A. Langenegger Blinn College

Sonia R. García St. Mary’s University

Robert E. Biles Sam Houston State University

Ryan T. Rynbrandt Collin College

Veronica Vega Reyna Austin Community College

Juan Carlos Huerta Texas A&M University—Corpus Christi

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CHAPTER 1: The Environment of Texas Politics 1

CHAPTER 2: Federalism and the Texas Constitution 42

CHAPTER 3: Local Governments 80

CHAPTER 4: Political Parties 125

CHAPTER 5: Campaigns and Elections 155

CHAPTER 6: The Media and Politics 192

CHAPTER 7: The Politics of Interest Groups 238

CHAPTER 8: The Legislative Branch 273

CHAPTER 9: The Executive Branch 315

CHAPTER 10: The Judicial Branch 363

CHAPTER 11: Finance and Fiscal Policy 393

CHAPTER 12: Public Policy and Administration 435

CHAPTER 13: The Criminal Justice System 477

Chapter 1: State Powers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

Public Interest Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 Executive Powers of the Governor . . . . 328

Fiscal Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 Immigration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 472

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Careers in Political Science

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1.2 Describe the relationship between

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Mexican Texas Around the time of Mexican independence, Anglo American

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he Land and Population