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NEUROLINGUISTICS
THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF
NEUROLINGUISTICS
Edited by
GREIG I. DE ZUBICARAY
and
NIELS O. SCHILLER
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: De Zubicaray, Greig, editor. | Schiller, Niels Olaf, 1969– editor.
Title: The Oxford handbook of neurolinguistics / edited by Greig de Zubicaray & Niels O. Schiller.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and
index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018013813 (print) | LCCN 2018032934 (ebook) | ISBN 9780190672034 (updf) |
ISBN 9780190672041 (online content) | ISBN 9780190914868 (epub) | ISBN 9780190672027 (cloth :
alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Neurolinguistics.
Classification: LCC QP399 (ebook) | LCC QP399.O94 2018 (print) | DDC 612.8/2336—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018013813
CONTENTS
Preface
G I. Z N O. S
List of Contributors
Index
PREFACE
GREIG I. DE ZUBICARAY AND NIELS O. SCHILLER
NEUROLINGUISTICS
A Brief Historical Perspective
SHEILA E. BLUMSTEIN
N L B
N
There is a long history examining the effects of brain injury on language.
From the work of Paul Broca and Carl Wernicke, it was shown that lesions to
particular areas of the brain had specific and different consequences on
language behavior. Indeed, classical aphasiology, exemplified by the works
of Kurt Goldstein (1948), Henry Head (1926), and Alexander Luria (1966),
to name a few, provided detailed descriptions of the clinical syndromes that
emerged pursuant to lesions to particular areas of the brain. These clinical
syndromes identified a constellation of impaired and spared language
abilities centering on the following: speech output, its fluency and
articulation; auditory comprehension of sounds, words, sentences; naming;
repetition of words and sentences; and secondary language skills including
reading and writing. Among these syndromes, it is the language behavior of
patients who were clinically classified as Broca’s, Conduction, and
Wernicke’s aphasia that served as the primary foundation for the detailed
examination of the nature of the underlying language deficits.
From this work emerged the view that language for most individuals was
left- hemisphere dominant, and that there was a direct relation between
neural areas and language function (i.e., one could “predict” the aphasia
syndrome based on lesion site and vice versa). Indeed, the seminal
monograph Disconnexion Syndromes in Animals and Man, written by
Norman Geschwind (1965), built on the classical work of the nineteenth- and
twentieth-century “diagram makers.” The diagram makers, led by Wernicke
and Ludwig Lichtheim, identified brain regions that were “centers”
specialized for particular language functions, and they mapped out, in the
form of diagrams, these centers and the connections between them. In this
view, damage to these functional centers or to the connections between them
gave rise to the classical aphasia syndromes (for a detailed review, see
Levelt, 2013). Lesion localization was limited by the technology of the day,
and, as we will see, with increased advances, the accuracy of lesion-
symptom mapping could not be sustained in its entirety. Nonetheless, the
notion that there were functionally specialized neural centers with white and
gray matter connections between them was a major advancement in the field,
as it became the working model characterizing language deficits in aphasia
and language-brain relations more broadly.
While the aphasia syndromes provided a rich tapestry of spared and
impaired language abilities, they beg the question of what aspects of
linguistic function may be compromised. In particular, linguists have long
assumed that language is broken down into a hierarchy of structural
components, including sounds (phonetics and phonology), words (the
lexicon), sentences (syntax), and meaning (semantics). Each of these
components has its own set of properties or representations.
Considering language deficits in aphasia from this linguistic perspective, a
different set of questions arise, one that more directly addresses the nature of
language deficits in aphasia. Here, for example, one can ask whether the
basis of the auditory comprehension deficit in Wernicke’s aphasia is due to
an impairment in processing the sounds of speech, in mapping sounds to
words, in processing the meanings of words, or whether the nonfluent, often
agrammatic production deficit of Broca’s aphasics is due to an
articulatory/phonological impairment, a syntactic impairment, or simply to an
economy of effort. And more generally, one can ask whether linguistic
deficits in aphasia reflect impairments to representations or to the processes
that access them. This is not to say that there was no attempt by the early
aphasiologists to “explain” the nature of the deficits giving rise to aphasia.
For example, Broca proposed that the third frontal convolution (i.e., Broca’s
area) was the “center for articulated speech” and Wernicke proposed that the
auditory comprehension impairment of Wernicke’s aphasics was due to a
deficit in “auditory images.” However, what distinguished these classical
approaches to the syndromes of aphasia and the more modern era was that
the functional centers were defined descriptively absent a linguistic
theoretical framework, and the hypothesized functions were based on clinical
observations rather than being tested experimentally.
The beginning of the modern era in neurolinguistics began with linguistic
approaches to aphasia. There were two pioneers, Roman Jakobson and
Harold Goodglass, who most clearly led this new approach to the study of
the brain and language. Roman Jakobson was perhaps the first linguist to
consider the aphasias from a linguistic perspective, suggesting that the
breakdown of speech in aphasia and its development in children reflect
phonological universals of language (Jakobson, 1941, translated 1972), and
proposing that the output deficits in Broca’s and Wernicke’s aphasia reflect
impairments in syntagmatic and paradigmatic axes of language, with a
syntagmatic deficit giving rise to Broca’s aphasics’ syntactic deficit and a
paradigmatic deficit giving rise to Wernicke’s aphasics’ paragrammatic
deficit (Jakobson, 1956). Interestingly, in present-day parlance, this
distinction reflects a sequencing disorder for Broca’s aphasics and a word
selection disorder for Wernicke’s aphasics. Harold Goodglass, who
established the Boston Aphasia Research Center along with the neurologist
Norman Geschwind and led it from the mid-1960s to 1996, was among the
first to apply experimental methods drawn from psycholinguistics and
cognitive psychology to systematically examine the nature of linguistic
deficits in aphasia (Goodglass, 1993). It is this multidisciplinary approach,
focusing on the confluence of the study of the classical aphasia syndromes
with theoretical approaches to language and experimental methodology, that
gave birth to what we now call neurolinguistics.
E A S
L D A
Neurolinguistic approaches to the study of aphasia were guided by the view
that language is hierarchically organized into structural components and that
these structural components mapped directly to functionally defined neural
regions. Thus, the focus was on conducting parametric studies of linguistic
features of the classical aphasias. For Broca’s aphasics, the emphasis was on
potential syntactic impairments and phonetic/phonological deficits. Early
results suggested that indeed Broca’s aphasics not only had agrammatic
deficits in production, but also displayed auditory comprehension
impairments when the only cues available were syntactic in nature (Zurif &
Caramazza, 1976; Zurif, Caramazza, & Myerson, 1972). Moreover, studies
of the acoustic properties of speech production suggested that these patients
had articulatory/phonetic planning impairments (see Blumstein, 1981, for
review). For Wernicke’s aphasics, the question was whether their auditory
comprehension impairments were due to phonological deficits where
phonemic misperceptions might give rise to selecting incorrect words (e.g.,
hearing bear and pointing to pear) or were due to semantic impairments
reflecting deficits in the underlying meaning representations of words or in
accessing the meaning of words. Early results suggested that although these
patients do have deficits in perceiving phonological contrasts, it did not
predict the severity of their auditory comprehension impairments (Basso,
Casati, & Vignolo, 1977; Blumstein, Baker, & Goodglass, 1977; but see the
following section, “The Modern Era,” in this chapter). Those studies
examining word meaning indicated that the underlying representations of
words appeared to be relatively spared in aphasia, while access to meaning
and the time course of mapping sounds to word meanings was impaired
(Milberg & Blumstein, 1981; Swinney, Zurif, & Nicol, 1989; but see the
following section, “The Modern Era,” in this chapter). A broad range of
behavioral paradigms have been used in these studies, including
discrimination, identification, and psychophysical experiments of speech,
word and/or picture matching, lexical decision, hierarchical clustering, and
grammaticality judgments, to name a few.
Nonetheless, this approach using aphasia syndromes as a basis for
neurolinguistic investigations was not without its critics. They came from
two directions. One reflected a challenge to group studies using the classical
aphasia syndromes, and the other reflected a challenge to one-to-one
mapping between aphasia syndrome and lesion localization. With regard to
the former, it was proposed that clinical syndromes do not necessarily cut
across linguistic domains, and hence the study of patients grouped by aphasia
syndrome may not provide a window into the particular linguistic deficit
(Caramazza, 1984, 1986). Moreover, classification is a “messy” thing; there
is variability in severity across patients within the defining properties of the
syndrome, and some patients do not have all of the symptoms included in the
classification schema. Hence, in this view, group studies using the classical
aphasia syndromes are by their very nature fundamentally flawed (Schwartz,
1984).
To mitigate this concern, these researchers took a single case study
approach where detailed analyses were conducted of particular linguistic
deficits. The overarching goal was to use the effects of brain damage as a
window into current linguistic theories and theories of language processing
(Caramazza, 1986). However, in contrast to classical neuropsychological
case studies that described unique behavioral patterns in relation to lesion
localization, this approach was typically agnostic with respect to the lesion
status of the patient. Hence, while it provided interesting insights into the
linguistic nature of deficits in aphasia (see Rapp & Goldrick, 2006, for a
review), this case study approach did not consider the neural systems
underlying such deficits, and hence provided limited insight into the relation
between brain and language.
Turning to lesion localization of the aphasia syndromes, technological
advances in neuroimaging over the past 20 years have provided a cautionary
tale for the view that there is a one-to-one mapping between aphasia
syndrome and lesion. First, the lesions associated with the classical aphasias
were typically described incorrectly as only cortical. However, in fact,
lesions of patients commonly include both cortical and subcortical structures
(see Copland & Angwin, Chapter 33 in this volume). Second, lesions of
patients with aphasia are rarely focal; rather, they tend to be large,
encompassing a number of neural regions. If the lesions are focal, patients
typically present with transient aphasias, not the chronic syndrome profile of
the classical aphasias. Third, there is variability across lesion profiles. As
one might expect, no aphasic has exactly the same lesion profile. As a result,
there are differences across aphasics in the degree of damage in a particular
area, as well as in the extent to which a lesion extends to other areas of the
brain. Finally, research has shown that there is not a one-to-one relation
between aphasia syndrome and lesion localization. For example, not all
Broca’s aphasics have lesions in Broca’s area (BA45), nor do all patients
with damage in Broca’s area present with Broca’s aphasia (see Dronkers,
2000).
These issues notwithstanding, neurolinguistic investigations using the
aphasia syndromes have provided the basis for much of the modern era
spanning the last 20 years. The aphasia syndromes have provided a
theoretical framework for examining linguistic deficits, suggesting that the
temporal lobe is involved in accessing the meanings of words, that the
superior temporal gyrus is involved in auditory processing of speech, that
posterior temporal areas are involved in integrating auditory and articulatory
processes, and that the inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) is involved in processing
syntax and articulatory planning as well as in selection processes for words.
Critically, these studies have shown, across patient groups and lesion sites,
similar patterns of performance as a function of linguistic structural
complexity. For example, for all patients, structurally more complex
sentences are more difficult to comprehend and also to produce, and the
perception and production of phonologically similar words result in
increased errors compared to words that share few phonological attributes.
Despite claims that deficits are “selective” to a particular component of the
grammar (e.g., syntax), nearly all aphasics, regardless of syndrome, display
impairments that affect multiple linguistic components of language, although
the severity of the impairment and the underlying functional impairment may
differ.
Taken together, these studies were among the first to suggest that neural
systems underlying different components of the grammar are broadly tuned,
recruiting neural systems rather than functionally encapsulated neural regions
(see the following section, “The Modern Era,” for further discussion).
Nonetheless, although patients across syndromes may appear to share a
common impairment to a particular aspect of language, the patterns of
performance of the patients may differ, suggesting that different functional
impairments emerge as a function of lesion site. For example, both Broca’s
and Wernicke’s aphasics show lexical processing impairments. However,
examining access to words that share phonological attributes and hence are
lexical competitors (e.g. hammer vs. hammock), lexical candidates appear to
stay active longer than normal for Wernicke’s aphasics. In contrast, Broca’s
aphasics fail to select the target from among competing lexical alternatives
(Janse, 2006; Utman, Blumstein, & Sullivan, 2001; Yee, Blumstein, &
Sedivy, 2008). These findings support the structural integrity of the lexical
system in these two groups of patients since lexical access is influenced by
whether lexical items are competitors or not, but suggest different processing
impairments in each group, presumably reflecting the distinct functional roles
of temporal and frontal lobe structures in lexical access.
T M E
It is difficult to demarcate when the “modern era” began, as science typically
progresses incrementally. Nonetheless, there are a number of factors that
contributed to what characterizes today’s approach to neurolinguistics. One
has to do with the increased influence of computational models that focus on
the nature of information flow in the language system (cf. Dell, 1986;
Marslen-Wilson, 1987; McClelland, 1988). These models enriched earlier
structural models in which components of the grammar were separate,
encapsulated modules (cf. Fodor, 1983). Additionally, computational models
have been used to characterize language impairments in aphasia in terms of
processing deficits (Dell, Schwartz, Martin, Saffran, & Gagnon, 1997;
McNellis & Blumstein, 2001; Mirman, Yee, Blumstein, & Magnuson, 2011;
Rapp & Goldrick, 2000).
Neurobiologically inspired computational models, beginning with the
Parallel Distributed Processing (PDP) models of the 1980s (Rumelhart &
McClelland, 1986) and continuing through contemporary models
(Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, Schlesewsky, Small, & Rauschecker, 2015;
Horwitz, Friston, & Taylor, 2000; Wennekers, Garagnani, & Pulvermuller,
2006), are a major advance as they seek to develop neurally plausible
models of how the brain processes speech and language. For example, the
use of neuron-like elements allow for graded responses to stimulus input, and
Hebbian learning mechanisms can characterize word learning (Garagnani,
Wennekers, & Pulvermuller, 2007). Hebbian learning has also been used to
simulate lexically guided tuning effects on speech perception (Mirman,
McClelland, & Holt, 2006).
Without question, the single most important factor that has influenced the
current state of the art in neurolinguistics research is technological advances
that have revolutionized our ability to map structural and functional
properties of the brain. It is beyond the scope of this introductory chapter to
review all of the methods, the advantages and disadvantages of each, and
their contributions to our understanding of the neural basis of language, but
suffice to say they provide a broad spectrum of tools that afford different
sources of information about neural activity. To briefly consider a few,
functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) has had perhaps the greatest
influence because it is a noninvasive procedure that allows for examining
neural activation patterns with parametric manipulations of linguistic
constructs (see Heim & Specht, Chapter 4 in this volume). Other important
methods that are now a part of the toolbox of the neurolinguist include
transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) that allows for the creation of
“virtual lesions” (see Schuhmann, Chapter 5 in this volume), and
electrophysiological measures such as event-related potentials (ERPs; see
Leckey & Federmeier, Chapter 3 in this volume) and
magnetoencephalography (MEG; see Salmelin, Kujala, & Liljeström,
Chapter 6 in this volume) that provide crucial information about the time
course (in ms) of processing. Enhanced structural information comes from
magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), which has provided advances in
understanding the structural properties of the normal brain and in mapping
lesions using voxel-based lesion mapping (Bates, Wilson, Saygin, Dick,
Sereno, Knight, & Dronkers, 2003; see Wilson, Chapter 2 in this volume).
Additional insights come from diffusion tensor imaging (DTI), which
measures white matter fiber tracts and connections between different parts of
the brain (see Catani & Forkel, Chapter 9 in this volume).
These technological advances have enriched and deepened the ability to
study the neural processing of language and have opened up new avenues of
research, including examining neural systems underlying language processing
in the normal brain, comparing the relation between language processing in
the normal brain with that of the diseased brain, charting potential changes in
the neural systems underlying language across the life span, and investigating
the plasticity of the neural system in persons under conditions of natural
recovery or as a result of rehabilitation techniques. These research areas are
by no means all inclusive, but they underscore how technological advances
can open up new and critically important avenues of research that hold the
promise of providing deeper insights into our understanding of language and
the brain. Let us consider a few of these as a window into the
neurolinguistics of today.
There is a vast literature that has examined the neural substrates of
language using fMRI. Among the many contributions of functional
neuroimaging studies, there are two sets of findings that have challenged
earlier theoretical assumptions. The first concerns the extent to which the
organization of language is strictly modular, with components of the grammar
having a distinct neural locus, and the second concerns the nature of
information flow between and among components of the grammar.
Turning to the modularity of components of language, fMRI studies
investigating the neural areas involved in processing different components of
the grammar have shown that the neural substrates of phonetics/phonology,
the lexicon, syntax, and meaning do not recruit a single neural area dedicated
to its processing, but rather each recruits a broadly distributed network or
processing stream (for reviews, see Binder, Desai, Graves, & Conant, 2009;
Hickok, 2009; Hickok & Poeppel, 2007; Kaan & Swaab, 2002; Blumstein &
Myers, 2013; Price, 2012). Thus, the brain is not divided into functionally
dedicated “linguistic” modules. For example, although the superior temporal
gyrus and superior temporal sulcus appear to be recruited in the early
auditory processing of the speech signal, neural activation occurs in other
areas, including the middle temporal gyrus (MTG), parietal areas including
the angular gyrus (AG) and supramarginal gyrus (SMG), and frontal areas
including the IFG (e.g., Hickok & Poeppel, 2007; Scott & Wise, 2004).
Although they appear to have different functional properties, these neural
areas work together as part of a single system involved in the perception of
speech. Similar findings have emerged in examining neural activation
patterns of the lexicon, syntax, and semantics (Vigneau, Beaucousin, Herve,
Duffau, et al., 2006). Interestingly, precursors to these fMRI findings are
found in the behavioral studies of the aphasia syndromes. Here, Broca’s and
Wernicke’s aphasics display impairments in multiple components of the
grammar, including speech, lexical, syntactic, and semantic processing,
although the severity and the functional basis of the deficit appear to differ
across these groups (Blumstein, 1995).
The fMRI findings have also shown that information flow between
components of the grammar is interactive such that activation in one
component of the grammar directly influences activation in other components
of the grammar. Thus, for example, the lexical structure of words has a
modulatory effect not only on neural areas involved in lexical access (SMG),
but also in areas involved in phonological and phonetic processing (IFG and
pre-central gyrus) (Peramunage, Blumstein, Myers, Goldrick, & Baese-Berk,
2011). Such evidence is consistent with cascading models of language
processing in which information at one level of processing influences
processing downstream from it. Such findings challenge those models in
which processing within one component of the grammar is separate from and
independent of processing in other components (e.g., Levelt, Roelofs, &
Meyer, 1999).
An important, relatively new direction that the field has taken is to
examine the neural systems underlying language using more than one
neuroimaging and/or electrophysiological method. As indicated earlier, the
lesion method has limitations because lesions tend to be very large, making it
difficult to assess what neural areas contribute to, or are “responsible” for,
the particular language impairment. Related issues arise from fMRI studies
(see Heim & Specht, Chapter 4 in this volume). Typically, multiple neural
areas show activation, and researchers infer the functional role of these
areas, often drawing from current models of the neural architecture of
language. Thus, it is not clear what actual role these areas may play, or if
they are even involved in the linguistic “function” under investigation (Price,
Mummery, Moore, Frackowiak, & Friston, 1999; Rorden & Karnath, 2004).
Moreover, areas other than the classical language areas may be activated.
However, it is not known what role, if any, these play in language processing.
Two methods have provided a critically important window into this potential
challenge. The first is to couple fMRI results with MRI analyses of lesion
data, and the second is to couple fMRI with TMS. In both cases, it would be
expected that either a real or “virtual” lesion to a particular neural region
that was activated under normal conditions using fMRI would result in a
behavioral deficit or a decrement in processing.
Finally, the modern era has witnessed a renewed interest in localization
using voxel-based lesion mapping to examine the effects of brain injury on
language processing (Bates, Wilson, Saygin, Dick, Sereno, Knight, &
Dronkers, 2003; see Wilson, Chapter 2 in this volume). With greater
precision in quantitatively identifying and measuring the location, size, and
extent of lesions, new results extend and clarify past findings. In particular, in
contrast to earlier findings, it has been shown that phonological perception
impairments predict auditory language comprehension deficits in Wernicke’s
aphasics, although these patients may also display deficits in accessing word
meaning (Robson, Keidel, Lambon Ralph, & Sage, 2012). Furthermore,
contrary to the view that the lexical-semantic network is preserved in
aphasia, degradation of semantic structure does occur in aphasic patients
with lesions extending to the anterior temporal lobe (Jeffries & Lambon
Ralph, 2006; Walker, Schwartz, Kimberg, Faseyitan, et al., 2011).
Neurolinguistics in the modern era has also begun to play a central role in
the adjudication and development of a number of competing theories of
language. Here, the notion is that activation of particular neural areas will
distinguish between/among the claims made by these theories. For example,
there are current opposing views as to whether lexical representations are
“embodied” or symbolic (amodal) (for reviews, see Jirak, Menz, Buccino,
Borghi, & Binkofski, 2010; Kiefer & Pulvermuller, 2012). If embodied,
reflecting our experience with words and the sensorimotor systems that are
activated in the use of these words, then there should be activation in the
particular sensorimotor system that is represented in that concept when
hearing or using a word (for example, to “pick up” a paper requires hand
motor activity, whereas to “kick” a ball requires foot motor activity; see
Pulvermüller, Shtyrov, & Ilmoniemi, 2005). If symbolic, there would not be a
systematic relation between a word’s meaning and activation of the
sensorimotor systems it relates to, and amodal neural areas would be
activated.
There are a number of other questions raised by competing theories that
are currently being “tested” using neuroimaging techniques. These include the
following:
• Are speech perception representations motor (articulatorily or
gesturally based) consistent with claims of the motor theory of speech
perception (Liberman, Cooper, Shankweiler, & Studdert-Kennedy,
1967; for neural evidence, see Fadiga, Craighero, Buccino, &
Rizzolatti, 2002; Wilson, Saygin, Sereno, & Iacoboni, 2004), or
acoustic (auditorily based) consistent with early distinctive feature
theories and the acoustic theory of speech perception (Jakobson, Fant,
& Halle, 1961; Stevens & Blumstein, 1981; for neural evidence, see
Chang, Rieger, Johnson, et al., 2010; Cheung, Hamilton, Johnson, &
Chang, 2016; Lotto, Hickok, & Holt, 2009)?
• Is the influence of contextual factors on degraded speech perceptual
(Marslen-Wilson & Tyler, 1980) or post-perceptual (Norris, McQueen,
& Cutler, 2000)?
• Is language modular (Federenko & Thomspon-Schill, 2014), or is it
built on domain general functions, processes, and/or computations
(Blumstein & Amso, 2013; Kelly & Martin, 1994)?
While the jury is still out, and the debates continue, further evidence from
neurolinguistics using state-of-the-art imaging and analysis techniques holds
the promise of not only distinguishing among the claims made by these
theories, but potentially developing new and unique theories.
F D C
While it is clear that the processing of language recruits a broad network of
areas, the functional role of these areas needs to be more clearly delineated,
as typically the functional role of these regions is inferred, based on
traditional models of the neural organization of language. A focus on
networks examining functional and/or effective connectivity (Friston, 1994;
Horwitz, Friston, & Taylor, 2000), rather than individual neural regions, is a
critical next step for understanding the complexities of language processing.
Moreover, while it is clear that components of the grammar activate a neural
processing stream, the direction of information flow has not been fully
mapped out (for overviews of grammatical processing, see, in this volume,
Kemmerer, Chapter 30; Thompson & Mack, Chapter 31). Indeed, as
described earlier, there is an ongoing debate in the literature about the extent
to which information flow is bottom-up, with contextual influences on
sensory processes reflecting executive decision-related processes, or
whether information flow is also top-down, with higher-level information
sources influencing lower levels of sensory processing (Guediche,
Blumstein, Fiez, & Holt, 2013). Here, functional connectivity analyses and
methods sensitive to the time course of processing, such as MEG and ERP,
coupled with the good spatial resolution afforded by fMRI, hold the promise
of providing useful insights. Further questions along these lines are to
understand how linguistic information across modalities is integrated. How
do production (articulatory) processes influence perception (auditory)
processes (see, in this volume, Hickok, Chapter 20; Poeppel, Cogan,
Davidesco, & Flinker, Chapter 26)? How does visual information in speech
production integrate with auditory information in speech perception? (see, in
this volume, Newman, Chapter 14; Corina & Lawyer, Chapter 16; Rapp &
Purcell, Chapter 17)? How does literacy (reading) affect the neural
organization of language (access to speech, words, meaning) (see, in this
volume, Paz-Alonso, Oliver, Quiñones, & Carreiras, Chapter 24; Jasinska &
Landi, Chapter 25)?
A yet unanswered question is what role the right hemisphere plays in
linguistic processing. Contradictory information comes from fMRI and lesion
studies. In particular, fMRI studies commonly show activation not only in the
left hemisphere, but also in homologous areas of the right hemisphere during
linguistic tasks. And yet, patients with right hemisphere lesions do not
typically display linguistic deficits (although they do show impairments in
the pragmatics of language and discourse processing). Current findings using
fMRI to examine neural changes during recovery in aphasia suggest that
initially aphasics with unilateral left hemisphere lesions show increased
activation of right hemisphere structures. However, those who recover the
best show progressively less right hemisphere activation with increased
activation in perilesional areas of the left hemisphere (Pizzamiglio, Galati, &
Committeri, 2001). How then can fMRI findings be reconciled with lesion
results to determine the role of the right hemisphere in linguistic processing
(see Van der Haegen & Cai, Chapter 34 in this volume)?
Finally, a major challenge for the field is to resolve what appear to be
contradictory claims about the functional role of certain neural areas, as
different linguistic and/or cognitive “functions” have been attributed to the
same neural areas. For example, the IFG has been implicated in speech
production and perception (Hickok & Poeppel, 2007; Price, 2012), phonetic
categorization (Myers, Blumstein, Walsh, & Eliassen, 2009), syntactic
processing (Grodzinsky & Friederici, 2006), semantic processing (Binder,
Desai, Graves, & Conant, 2009), and executive decision-making (Badre &
Wagner, 2007; Thompson-Schill, D’Esposito, Aguirre, & Farah, 1997).
Similarly, the superior temporal sulcus has been implicated in speech
perception and in a broad range of cognitive domains, including face
processing, biological motion, social perception, theory of mind, and
audiovisual integration (Hein & Knight, 2008).
One yet unanswered question is whether the field of neurolinguistics will
ultimately lead the way to the development of new models and theories of
language processing. The intersection of mind (language) and brain is
uniquely the purview of neurolinguistics, and understanding brain
organization, function, and processes provides constraints on models and
theories of language. Here, there is room for cautious optimism. If, for
example, evidence shows that language is built on more general domain
computations, then it may provide the impetus to develop new models of
language processing that do not rely on “specialized” vocabularies or
representations at each level of the grammar.
Neurobiologically plausible computational models will undoubtedly play
an even greater role than they do currently. As described earlier, such efforts
have already begun. However, to provide new insights into the neural basis
of language, these models will also need to reflect the complexities inherent
in language processing. That is, they will need to be able to not only reflect
the functional architecture inherent within a linguistic level (e.g., the
phonological and statistical properties giving rise to lexical density), but
also model how such information affects processing throughout the system.
Further, such models will also need to consider how new words are added
throughout the life span without destabilizing the network. For example, they
will need to differentiate a production of a word that is idiosyncratic (i.e.,
produced in a nonstandard way by a speaker) from one that is a new entry,
and they will have to allow for creating a new representation of a word as it
is being introduced into the lexicon. At early stages, its frequency of
occurrence would be greater than zero but still of a very low frequency, and
thus the word would be potentially incorrectly classified as a nonword.
Finally, computational models will need to be able to scale up, including a
large number of stimuli and a broad range of linguistic parameters that not
only respect the functional architecture of the language system, but also cut
across levels of linguistic processing.
One area where contributions from neurolinguistics may be unique and
critically important is in the area of language rehabilitation. Basic
understanding of the theoretical foundations of language and its neural
instantiation provides a critical bridge to rehabilitation. As we understand
the functional role that particular areas play within the neural system,
targeted rehabilitation treatments may be developed that more likely tap the
underlying deficit. That is, rather than treating a particular language
impairment in aphasia as a unitary deficit across patients who have varying
lesion profiles and symptom complexes, different rehabilitation programs
should be developed that reflect the functional role of the neural areas that
are lesioned. Thus, as described earlier, although damage to either temporal
or frontal structures results in deficits in lexical selection, damage to
temporal structures appears to result in a failure to inhibit lexical
competitors, whereas damage to frontal structures appears to result in an
inability to select among competing alternatives. Although both types of
aphasics then display lexical access impairments, the deficits are not the
same, and the nature of therapy developed for these patients should
presumably differ.
Additionally, as it becomes clearer that language shares more general
processes with other cognitive domains, rehabilitation programs can apply
general cognitive principles to language rehabilitation strategies. Some
recent results suggest that such approaches have potential to enhance
language recovery. For example, variability of linguistic input is the norm in
real-world environments and appears to enhance language communication.
Experimental studies and rehabilitation programs, however, typically remove
such variability; they present stimuli controlling for variability in order to
home in on the particular linguistic parameter being targeted for rehab. There
are some hints in the literature that aphasic participants’ performance is
facilitated when presented with stimuli that are not typical or that may vary
from the norm. As an example, Kiran and Thompson (2003) showed that
exposure to atypical exemplars of words in a semantic category generalized
to naming of both atypical and typical members of the category in aphasic
participants; exposure to typical members did not generalize to atypical
members or other members of the category.
Finally, theoretical approaches to language generally consider it to be
static—never changing either within the environment, within the individual,
or across the life span. We know that this is not correct. Language is
processed under multiple conditions of variability—the environment is noisy,
there is variability in speech production of individuals as well as in their
perceptual “acumen,” and there are changes in language processing over
time. Yet, both speakers and listeners maintain stability in processing under
such “adverse” conditions. We know little about how the neural system
accommodates these multiple sources of variability, and what conditions
give rise to changes to the neural substrate in development, aging, or pursuant
to brain injury. Ultimately, theories of language will have to account for such
variation, and neurolinguistics is positioned to provide the foundation for the
development of these new models.
In summary, the history of research in neurolinguistics has provided an
evolving picture of the neural basis of language. We have witnessed how the
field has progressed from a singular focus on the aphasias to the application
of a broader palette of methodologies. These methods, in conjunction with
the lesion method, have enriched and revolutionized our understanding of
language and its neural basis and have provided both new insights and new
challenges. No doubt new technological advances will be developed in the
next decade, as will richer computational models of language processing.
Together, they will enhance neurolinguistics, leading us to a deeper
understanding of language—its representations, organization, and processes
—and the neural systems underlying it—their structure, connections,
computations, and intersection with other cognitive domains.
A
This research was supported in part by National Institutes of Health (NIH)
grants R01 DC006220 and R21DC013100. The content is solely the
responsibility of the author and does not necessarily represent the official
views of the NIH or the National Institute on Deafness and Other
Communication Disorders.
R
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PART I
THE METHODS
CHAPTER 2
STEPHEN M. WILSON
I
OUR earliest insights into the neural underpinnings of language came from
studies of patients with acquired aphasia, that is, deficits in producing and/or
comprehending language, due to brain damage. Descriptions of aphasia can
be found in the medical literature dating back to about 400 B.C.E. (Benton &
Joynt, 1960), and there is even a possible reference to aphasia with right
hemiplegia in the Bible, dating back to a similar time: “If I forget you,
Jerusalem, may my right hand forget its skill. May my tongue cling to the roof
of my mouth if I do not remember you” (Psalm 137:5–6, New International
Version). The association of aphasia with a motor deficit in the right hand
could conceivably reflect an understanding that language is localized to the
left hemisphere (Benton, 1971). In the early nineteenth century, physicians of
the phrenological school, including Gall, Spurzheim, and Bouillaud,
postulated that language was a function of the frontal lobes, based in part on
observations of patients with frontal lobe damage and deficits in speaking
(Bouillaud, 1825; Gall, 1825; Spurzheim, 1815). In 1836, Marc Dax, a
French neurologist, even prepared a paper in which he observed an
association between aphasia and damage to the left hemisphere (Dax,
1836/1865); however, there is no evidence that the paper was actually
presented at the conference for which it was prepared (Levelt, 2013).
The modern field of neurolinguistics began in earnest with a series of
papers by Paul Broca in the first half of the 1860s. Broca’s first paper was a
case report of a patient who could not produce spoken language, and who
came to autopsy just a few days after Broca examined him (Broca, 1861).
Broca found that although the patient’s brain was damaged quite extensively,
the epicenter of the damage appeared to be the inferior frontal gyrus of the
left frontal lobe, leading him to hypothesize that this brain region is
responsible for our ability to speak aloud. Broca’s claim generated great
interest, and before long, numerous similar cases had been described. A few
years after his first case, Broca observed the striking fact that virtually all
reported cases of aphasia involved damage to the left hemisphere, almost all
involved concomitant paralysis of the right hand, and aphasia rarely occurred
after damage to the right hemisphere. From these observations, he concluded
that language must be localized in the left hemisphere (Broca, 1865).
Ten years later, Carl Wernicke, a young German physician, reported two
patients with damage to the posterior superior temporal lobe and deficits in
language comprehension (Wernicke, 1874), suggesting for the first time that
there was not a single language area, but multiple language areas with
distinct functions. Wernicke developed an extraordinarily prescient theory of
the neural organization of language. Ludwig Lichtheim, a German
neurologist, refined and expanded on Wernicke’s model (Lichtheim, 1885),
laying a firm foundation for the field of neurolinguistics as we know it today
(Caplan, 1987; Levelt, 2013).
Three main approaches to patient studies can be identified in the literature.
In the first, which we will call the cognitive neuropsychological approach,
researchers undertake comprehensive investigations of single patients in
order to document patterns of impaired and spared functions in one or more
components of the language system, and make inferences about the normal
functional architecture of the language system. In the second approach, which
we call the syndromic approach, researchers study groups of patients
defined by sharing a clinical syndrome (e.g., Broca’s aphasia) or a clinical
feature (e.g., agrammatism), in order to characterize the precise nature of
linguistic deficits, co-occurrence of symptoms, patterns of recovery, and so
on. The third approach we will call the lesion-deficit correlation approach.
Here, researchers investigate the relationships between damage to different
brain regions and different kinds of language deficits, so as to uncover the
functional neuroanatomy of the language system. Some studies blend aspects
of more than one of these three approaches. All three approaches assume that
language functions as a modular system, the components of which can be
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small sponge cakes. I was not a little surprised at their mode of
cooking a cauliflower which I had inquired for; after a great many
“toute a l’heure’s,” it made its appearance, boiled as soft as batter,
and mixed up with oil, vinegar, and pepper, like a salad!
The wine was excellent, and the glass circulated freely. Who
thought I, would not travel in a voiture, to live thus cheerily, and at so
trifling an expense, for it will scarcely appear credible, that the
proprietor had engaged to convey me to Toulouse, a distance of one
hundred and twenty-five miles, occupying five days on the journey,
and providing me with every necessary, beds included, for thirty-five
francs, equal to about five shillings and ten pence English money per
day!
I cannot but express myself grateful, for the interest this kind-
hearted woman evinced in my favour, on the present occasion; but
this is not the only time, that I have been indebted for support and
success, to a fair advocate.
In the present case, in order to put this surly fellow into good
humour, I thought well to advance him a couple of five franc pieces,
but without producing the effect I had anticipated; for finding myself
suffering from headach, which I attributed to want of due exercise, I
made signs for him to halt, while I might get out of the coach, with
the intention of walking for a time; he only, however, replied, with
much coolness, “toute a l’heure;” and notwithstanding my repeated
request, was quite indisposed to accommodate me, until I
manifested my intention of jumping out: he now thought well to stop
his horses, and proffer his assistance; however, I refused it, and
succeeded in finding the back part of the coach, where I secured my
hold by means of a piece of cord (which when travelling I make a
rule to carry always in my pocket), and which, in the present
instance, served me as a leading string; I then followed, in this way,
on foot for several miles, to the no small amusement of the villagers,
who laughed heartily, and even shouted after me. I had, however,
the satisfaction of getting rid of my headach, and succeeded in
completely tiring myself. We did not reach our breakfast point before
two o’clock, and proceeding again at four, arrived proportionately late
at the end of the day’s journey.
While our supper was getting ready, I went, under protection of the
soldier’s wife, to call upon Mrs. W⸺, a lady who had kindly offered
to assist in procuring me a reception, for the winter, in some
respectable French family. I was fortunate enough to find her at
home; when she expressed much surprise at the manner in which I
had travelled so far, and informed me, that preparatory
arrangements had been made for my residence in the family of
Colonel du B⸺. In returning to the inn we experienced some
embarrassment; for my conductress had been so long absent from
her native city, that we had much difficulty, in consequence of the
narrowness and intricacy of the streets, in finding our way back to
the inn.
But perhaps the more interesting feature of the family group, was
Mademoiselle la Sœur. This lady, somewhat advanced beyond the
noontide of life, was a diminutive woman, with one eye, and largely
attached to the charms of tabac, which contributed to give her voice
a strong nasal tone; but in addition to this penchant for snuff, she
enjoyed also the pleasures of the table; was fond of high-seasoned
dishes, onions, garlic, and wine; her converse was of the merry kind;
she was fond of whispering into one’s private ear; and with these
talents, seemed also wonderfully adapted for sociality, as she
cultivated a large circle of acquaintance in the town, and made it a
rule to return with a whole budget full of news for our amusement.
There are in this city some good squares, particularly the Place
Royal, in which are situated the town-house and theatre; the Place
St. George; the Place St. Stephen, containing the cathedral; and
also the Place de Bourbon, which with its neighbourhood is the more
eligible point for the residence of a stranger.
Some of the walks around the town are very fine, but the access to
them unpleasant, in consequence of the offensive smells proceeding
from the narrow streets in their vicinity; this is particularly the case as
you approach the fine bridge over the Garonne.
A theatre was open during a part of the winter, and we had two or
three public concerts, as well as a variety of private ones by amateur
performers, particularly during the season of the carnival, which
finished on the 14th of February, and exhibited all its usual variety of
masks, grotesque characters, and buffoonery; these concerts were
only given on the Sunday afternoon.
“M⸺
Pax illi ⸺”
Soon afterward, the city of Toulouse was thrown into a high state
of consternation, in consequence of the assassination of the Duc de
Berri; the imaginations of the inhabitants recurred to the sanguinary
scenes of the French revolution, in which this town had no small
share, and anticipated a return of its horrors. After this event, the
following invitation was addressed to the various English residents:
“Eglise reformée de Toulouse. Nos tres chers frères en Jesus
Christ.
I must not, however, leave this city, without paying a due tribute of
respect to the worthy family with whom I have been resident, whose
innumerable acts of kindness, and attention to a whimsical invalid,
will ever claim his gratitude.
For the first three days, I lived with this gentleman at his lodgings,
having however my sleeping-room at the Hotel de Midi; after which
time, I had the good fortune to place myself in the family of Madame
the Countess de M⸺, who occupied a noble mansion, agreeably
situated near the town, replete with every convenience, and
comprising beautiful gardens, embellished with terrace walks,
fountains, and a bosquet, where, to my surprise, the nightingale
sang all day long. For some reason or other, Madame found it
convenient to dispose of a part of her house; one portion was
occupied by two French officers with their families, and another by a
Russian officer. The suites of apartments were, however, perfectly
distinct, and there was little intercourse between the above and her
own family, which inhabited the better part of the house, and
consisted of herself, two daughters, and a relative, M. de C⸺.
I was exceedingly happy in this family, and with the friend who
accompanied me from Toulouse, made various excursions into the
surrounding neighbourhood; we particularly enjoyed the walks on the
banks of the river and lake, where the air was much cooler and more
agreeable, than on the road, at this time becoming dusty and
troublesome. The scenery, about two or three miles from the city, is
said to be romantically beautiful. On our return, we used,
occasionally, to take a warm bath, which was peculiarly refreshing,
and with respect to which, I noticed a luxury, which I had never
before remarked,—namely, a clean sheet thrown over the surface of
the bath, which you descend into, and are enveloped in.
There are also some delightful public walks about the town, as the
Perût, whence is a view of the Mediterranean, and Cevennes
mountains; the esplanade; and the botanic gardens. The city is also
surrounded by boulevards, of which I was able to make the tour in
forty minutes. The markets at Montpellier are well supplied with
meats and fish of all kinds; with poultry, vegetables, and fruits in
abundance. The vin ordinaire of the country, is termed vin de St.
George, which is good, and full bodied, and sold from the cask as
low as five or six sous the full quart bottle, although, after bottling
and refining, the wine merchant charges twenty sous for a small
wine quart. There is, however, another sort, termed vin de Lednon,
which is lighter, but highly flavoured, and consequently more
estimated, selling at thirty sous the bottle. A variety of other wines
may also be procured.
Anxious for the benefit I expected to derive from the waters of Aix,
I hastened my departure from Nismes on the 11th of July. I had only
a single companion in the diligence, an interesting young student of
seventeen or eighteen years of age, on his way from college to meet
some friends at Beaucaire, and as highly delighted with his
emancipation from scholastic trammels, as a young midshipman at
going on shore after a long cruise. At one place we took a glass of
liqueur together, and on my offering to pay for it, he laughed at me,
and said I was joking. At eight o’clock we reached Beaucaire, where
he left me. At this place great preparations were making for the
annual fair, which lasts about three weeks, and is of much
importance, as merchants attend it from all parts of Europe.
It was not easy to find a family like that of the Countess de M⸺,
at Montpellier, particularly at this season, when every one who could
afford to support the smallest establishment in the country, was, on
account of the excessive heat, gone out of town. At length I fixed
myself with Madame R⸺, the widow of an officer of dragoons, with
three children, the eldest a girl of fourteen. A rich old gentleman, her
cousin, M. B⸺, also resided with her, and they kept, in conjunction,
two carriages and three horses, and occupied three different country
houses.
The commerce of this great mercantile city was at this time much
depressed, owing to the heavy duties imposed upon goods imported
by American vessels; which however they managed to evade, in
some degree, by unshipping their cargoes at Nice, or Genoa, into
French coasters.
At four o’clock we left the inn, but the town-gates were yet closed,
and some time elapsed before they were opened to us; at length an