The Police in America: An Introduction

Charles Katz
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 ninth edition

The Police
in America
an introduction
Samuel Walker | Charles M. Katz
Ninth Edition

The Police
in America
an introduction

Samuel Walker
University of Nebraska at Omaha

Charles M. Katz
Arizona State University
THE POLICE IN AMERICA: AN INTRODUCTION, NINTH EDITION

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Walker, Samuel, 1942- author. | Katz, Charles M., author.
Title: The police in America : an introduction / Samuel Walker, University of
Nebraska at Omaha, Charles M. Katz, Arizona State University.
Description: Ninth Edition. | Dubuque, IA : McGraw-Hill Education, [2017] |
Revised edition of the authors’ The police in America, c2013.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016053271| ISBN 9781259140761 (alk. paper) | ISBN
1259140768 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Police--United States. | Police administration--United States.
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About the Authors

Samuel Walker Dr. Samuel Walker is Professor Emeritus at the University of

Nebraska at Omaha, where he taught for 31 years before retiring in 2005. He is the author of
14 books on policing, criminal justice policy, and civil liberties. He continues to write and
consult in the area of police accountability, with a special interest in police early intervention
systems and federal litigation against police misconduct.

Charles Katz Dr. Charles Katz is the Watts Family Director of the Center for Violence
Prevention and Community Safety and is a Professor in the School of Criminology and
Criminal Justice at Arizona State University. Dr. Katz earned his Ph.D. in Criminal Justice
from the University of Nebraska at Omaha in 1997. He is coauthor of Policing Gangs in
America (published by Cambridge University Press) and numerous articles on policing and
gangs. He is currently working with several large metropolitan police agencies evaluating
programs and practices.

iii
Contents in Brief

Preface XVI

P A R T
I Foundations 1
1 Police and Society 2
2 The History of the American Police 28
3 The Contemporary Law Enforcement Industry 70

P A R T
II Officers and Organizations 101
4 Police Organizations 102
5 Police Officers I: Recruitment and Training for
a Changing Society 130
6 Police Officers II: On the Job 166

P A R T
III Police Work 211
7 Patrol: The Backbone of Policing 212
8 Peacekeeping and Order Maintenance 250
9 The Police and Crime 282
10 Advances in Police Strategy 324

P A R T
IV Issues in Policing 367
11 Police Discretion 368
12 Legitimacy and Police–Community Relations 404
13 Police Corruption 454
14 Accountability of the Police 488

P A R T
V Challenges for a New Century 543
15 The Future of Policing in America 544

Glossary 569 | Name Index 581 | Subject Index 584

iv
Contents

Preface XVI

P A R T
I Foundations 1
C H A P T E R 1 A Special Case: The Police and Juveniles 23

Police and Society 2 Research and Policing: Evidence-Based

Programs 23
The Goals of This Book 3 Summary 24
Why Do We Have Police? 3 Key Terms 25
A Framework for Understanding the Police For Discussion 25
and Policing 4 Internet Exercises 25
A Democratic Police 5
Democracy and Accountability 5
A Legitimate Police 6 C H A P T E R 2
Procedural Justice 7 The History of the
Practices That Build Legitimacy 8 American Police 28
Legitimacy and Police–Public Interactions 8 Flashback: Moments in American
Legitimacy, Trust, and Race Relations 9 Police History 29
An Open and Transparent Police 10 The First American Police Officer 29
Practices That Create Openness and Flash Forward: 1950 29
Transparency 11
Why Study Police History? 29
An Accountable Police 12
The English Heritage 30
Police Accountability: Goals and Methods 12
Creation of the Modern Police: London, 1829 31
Accountability on Police Use of Force 12
Law Enforcement in Colonial America 32
Collecting and Analyzing Data on Use of Force 14
The Quality of Colonial Law Enforcement 32
Accountability in Routine Police–Public Contacts 15
Training to Prevent Bias in Police Activities 15 The First Modern American Police 33
Independent Investigations and Review The “Political Era” in American Policing,
of Critical Incidents 16 1830s—1900 34
An Effective Police 17 A Lack of Personnel Standards 35
The Complex Responsibilities of the Police 17 Patrol Work in the Political Era 35
Ineffective Strategies for Controlling Crime The Police and the Public 36
and Disorder 18 Corruption and Politics 37
Effective Strategies for Controlling Crime Immigration, Discrimination, and
and Disorder 21 Police Corruption 38
Partnerships with the Public 21 The Failure of Police Reform 39
A Special Case: The Police and the Mentally Ill 22 The Impact of the Police on Crime and Disorder 40

v
vi Contents
The Professional Era, 1900–1960 40
The Police Professionalization Movement 41
The Reform Agenda 41
The Achievements of Professionalization 42
Other Impacts of Professionalization 43
Police and Race Relations 44
New Law Enforcement Agencies 44
Technology Revolutionizes Policing 45
New Directions in Police Administration,
1930–1960 47
The Wickersham Commission Bombshell 47
Professionalization Continues 47
Simmering Racial and Ethnic Relations 48
J. Edgar Hoover and the War on Crime 48
The Police Crises of the 1960s 49
The Police and the Supreme Court 49
The Police and Civil Rights 51
The Police in the National Spotlight 52
The Research Revolution 53
New Developments in Policing,
1970–2016 55
The Changing Police Officer 55
Administrative Rulemaking and the Control
of Police Discretion 56
The Emergence of Police Unions 57
The Spread of Citizen Oversight of Police 57
Community Policing, Problem-Oriented Policing,
and Other Innovations 58
Data-Driven Policing 60
Racial Profiling and Discrimination 60
Federal Investigations of Police
Misconduct 61
Local Police and the War on
Terrorism 62
The National Police Crisis, 2014–2016 63
CASE STUDY: De-escalating Police–Citizen
Encounters 63
Summary 64
Key Terms 65
For Discussion 65
Internet Exercises 65
C H A P T E R 3
The Contemporary Law
Enforcement Industry 70
Basic Features of American Law
Enforcement 71
An “Industry” Perspective 71
An International Perspective 72
Size and Scope of the Law Enforcement
Industry 73
The Number of Law Enforcement Agencies 73
The Number of Law Enforcement Personnel 74
Understanding Law Enforcement Personnel Data 74
Civilianization 75
The Police–Population Ratio 75
The Cost of Police Protection 75
The Fragmentation Issue 76
Alternatives to Fragmentation 77
The Fragmentation Problem Reconsidered 79
Municipal Police 80
County Police 80
The County Sheriff 81
The Role of the Sheriff 81
Other Local Agencies 82
The Constable 82
The Coroner/Medical Examiner 82
Special District Police 83
Tribal Police 83
State Law Enforcement Agencies 85
Federal Law Enforcement Agencies 86
Federal Law Enforcement after September 11,
2001 86
The Private Security Industry 90
Minimum Standards: American Style 93
The Role of the Federal Government 93
The Role of State Governments 93
Accreditation 94
CASE STUDY: The Fraser/Winter Park (CO) Police
Department 94
Summary 96
Key Terms 96
For Discussion 96
Internet Exercises 96

P A R T
II Officers and Organizations 101
C H A P T E R 4 C H A P T E R
Police Organizations 102
The Quasi-Military Style of Police
Organizations 103
Criticisms of the Quasi-Military Style 103
Police Departments as
Organizations 105
The Dominant Style of American Police
Organizations 105
Police Organizations as Bureaucracies 105
The Problems with Bureaucracy 108
The Positive Contributions of Bureaucracy
in Policing 108
Informal Aspects of Police Organizations 108
Bureaucracy and Police Professionalism 110
Changing Police Organizations 110
Community Policing 110
Task Forces 112
COMPSTAT 113
Civil Service 115
Police Unions 116
Aspects of Police Unions 116
Collective Bargaining 117
Grievance Procedures 117
Impasse Settlement and Strikes 117
The Impact of Police Unions 120
Police Organizations and Their
Environment 122
Contingency Theory 122
Institutional Theory 122
Resource Dependency Theory 123
CASE STUDY: COMPSTAT in Chicago 124
Summary 125
Key Terms 125
For Discussion 125
Internet Exercises 126
Contents vii
5
Police Officers I: Recruitment and
Training for a Changing Society 130
The Changing American Police Officer 131
What Kind of Police Officer Do We Want? And for
What Kind of Policing? 131
The Police Personnel Process 132
A Career Perspective 133
Beyond Stereotypes of Cops 133
The Personnel Process: A Shared Responsibility 134
Recruiting Police Officers 134
What Kind of Job? What Kind of Person? 135
Minimum Qualifications 135
The Recruitment Effort 139
Choosing Law Enforcement as a Career 139
Applicants’ Motivations 139
Obstacles to Recruitment 140
Testing and Selecting Applicants 141
Selection Tests 141
Background Investigations 142
Predicting Police Officer Performance 142
Achieving Diversity in Police Employment 143
The Goals of Diversity 143
The Law of Equal Employment Opportunity 144
“Not Your Father’s Police Department”: Diversity
in Policing 144
Women in Policing 146
Employment Discrimination Suits 147
The Impact of Increased Diversity 149
Police Training: Progress and New Challenges 149
New Thinking about Policing and Training 150
The Police Academy 150
Training on the Use of Force 152
Tactical Decision-Making 153
Scenario-Based Training 153
Fragmented and Inconsistent Training 154
The Consequences of Inadequate Training 154
viii Contents

Training on Unconscious Bias 155 African American Officers on the Job 183
Training on Procedural Justice 155 Hispanic Officers 183
Field Training 155 Gay and Lesbian Officers 184
In-Service Training 156 The Intersection of Gender, Race, Ethnicity,
Training of Supervisors 157 and Sexual Identity 185

The Probationary Period 157 Does Diversifying a Department Change the

Police Subculture? 186
CASE STUDY: Improving Training for Domestic Violence
Incidents: A Problem-Oriented Approach 158 Rising Levels of Police Officer Education 186
Cohort Effects on Performance 187
Summary 159
Key Terms 159 Organizational Effects on Attitudes
and Performance 187
For Discussion 160
Attitudes toward Community Policing 188
Internet Exercises 160
The Relationship between Attitudes
and Behavior 189
C H A P T E R 6 Styles of Police Work 189
Police Officers II: Moving through Police Careers 190
On the Job 166 Salaries and Benefits 190
Reality Shock: Beginning Police Work 168 Career Development 191
Encountering Citizens 168 Promotion 191
Encountering the Criminal Justice System 169 Assignment to Special Units 192
Encountering the Department 169 Lateral Entry 193
Starting Out on the Job 170 Outside Employment 193
Impact of the Seniority System 170 Performance Evaluations 194
The Concept of a Unique Police Subculture 172 Traditional Performance Evaluations 194
The Original Concept 172
Problems with Performance Evaluations 195
The Capacity to Use Force as a Defining Feature
of Policing 174 Job Satisfaction and Job Stress 196
The Dangers of Policing: Potential versus Actual 175 The Sources of Job Satisfaction 196
Conflicting Work Demands 177 The Sources of Job Stress 197

New Perspectives on a Complex and Changing Job Stress and Suicide 198
Police Subculture 178 Community Policing and Job Satisfaction 199
The Changing Rank and File: The Impact Coping with Job Stress 200
of Diversity 179 The Rights of Police Officers 200
The Impact of Women Police Officers on the
Police Subculture 179
Turnover: Leaving Police Work 202
Women Officers on Patrol Duty 181 Decertification 203
Female versus Male Officers: Differences in Summary 203
Misconduct Issues 181 Key Terms 204
Sexual Harassment on the Job 182 For Discussion 204
African American Officers 182 Internet Exercise 204
 Contents ix

P A R T
III Police Work 211
C H A P T E R 7 Findings and Implications of the Kansas
Patrol: The Backbone of Policing 212 City Experiment 235

The Central Role of Patrol 213 The Newark Foot Patrol Experiment 236

The Functions of Patrol 214 New Questions, New Approaches 237

The Organization and Delivery of Patrol 214 Improving Traditional Patrol 237
Factors Affecting the Delivery of Patrol Services 214 Differential Response to Calls 237
Number of Sworn Officers 214 Telephone Reporting Units 238
Assignment to Patrol 216 311 Nonemergency Numbers 238
The Distribution of Patrol Officers 216
Non-English 911 Call Services 239
Assignment of Patrol Officers 218
Reverse 911 239
“Hot Spots” 218
Computers and Video Cameras in Patrol Cars 239
Types of Patrol 218
Foot Patrol 219 Police Aides or Cadets 240
One-Officer versus Two-Officer Cars 219 Directed Patrol and Hot Spots 241
Staffing Patrol Beats 220 Customer Feedback 242
Styles of Patrol 220 Beyond Traditional Patrol 242
Individual Styles 220 CASE STUDY: The Philadelphia Foot Patrol Experiment
Supervisors’ Styles 221 by Jerry Ratcliffe et al. 242
Organizational Styles 221 Summary 244
Patrol Supervision: The Role of Key Terms 245
the Sergeant 222
For Discussion 245
The Communications Center 223
The Nerve Center of Policing 223 Internet Exercises 245
911 Systems 223
Processing Calls for Service 224
Operator–Citizen Interactions 226
C H A P T E R 8
The Systematic Study of Police Patrol 226
Peacekeeping and Order
Standards for Systematic Social Observation 226
Maintenance 250
The Call Service Workload 228 The Police Role 251
The Volume of Calls 228 Calling the Police 252
Types of Calls 228 Public Expectations 252
Aspects of Patrol Work 230 Police Response 252
Response Time 230
Traffic Enforcement 253
Officer Use of Patrol Time 231
Drunk-Driving Crackdowns 255
Evading Duty 232
High-Speed Pursuits 232 Policing Domestic Disputes 256
The Effectiveness of Patrol 233 Defining Our Terms 256
Initial Experiments 233 The Prevalence of Domestic Violence 257
The Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment 234 Calling the Police 257
x Contents
Police Response to Domestic Disturbances 258
Factors Influencing the Arrest Decision 259
A Revolution in Policy: Mandatory Arrest 260
The Impact of Arrest on Domestic Violence 260
Impact of Mandatory Arrest Laws and
Policies 262
Other Laws and Policies 262
The Future of Domestic Violence Policy 263
Policing Prostitution 263
Policing the Homeless 266
Policing the Mentally III 267
Police Response to the Mentally III 268
Old Problems/New Programs 269
Policing People with HIV 271
Policing Juveniles 272
Controversy over the Police Role 273
Specialized Juvenile Units 273
On-the-Street Encounters 274
The Issue of Race Discrimination 275
Crime Prevention Programs 275
CASE STUDY: Responding to Chronically Inebriated
Individuals in Seattle, Washington 276
Summary 276
Key Terms 277
For Discussion 277
Internet Exercises 277
C H A P T E R 9 Drug Enforcement Strategies 303
The Police and Crime 282
The Police and Crime 283
Crime Control Strategies 283
Crime Control Assumptions 284
Measuring Effectiveness 285
Preventing Crime 285
Apprehending Criminals 286
Citizen Reporting of Crime 286
Reporting and Unfounding Crimes 288
Criminal Investigation 289
Myths about Detective Work 289
The Organization of Detective Work 290
The Investigation Process 291
The Preliminary Investigation 291
Arrest Discretion 291
Follow-Up Investigations 291
The Reality of Detective Work 292
Case Screening 292
Measuring the Effectiveness of Criminal
Investigation 293
The Clearance Rate 293
Defining an Arrest 294
Success and Failure in Solving Crimes 295
Case Structural Factors 295
Organizational Factors 296
Environmental Factors 297
Officer Productivity 297
The Problem of Case Attrition 298
The Use of Eyewitness Identification,
Criminalistics, and DNA in
Investigations 298
Eyewitness Identification 298
Criminalistics 299
DNA 299
Improving Criminal Investigations 300
Special Investigative Techniques 301
Undercover Police Work 301
Informants 302
Policing Drugs 303
Minorities and the War on Drugs 304
The Special Case of Marijuana 305
Demand Reduction: The D.A.R.E. Program 306
Policing Gangs and Gang-Related Crime 306
Gang Suppression 307
Gang Prevention: The G.R.E.A.T. Program 308
Policing Career Criminals 308
Policing Guns and Gun Crimes 309
Gun Suppression 309
Policing Hate Crime 311
The Scope and Nature of Hate Crime 311
The Police Response to Hate Crime 312
 Contents xi

Policing and Terrorism 313 Decentralization and Accountability 343

The Scope and Nature of Terrorism 313 Impact on Poor and Minority Communities 344
Domestic Terrorism 313 Conflicting Community Interests 344
Foreign Terrorism 314 But Does Community Policing Work? 344
Responding to Terrorism 314 The Roots of Problem-Oriented Policing 345
CASE STUDY: Untested Evidence in Law Enforcement The Problem-Solving Process 347
Agencies 316
Scanning 348
Summary 318 Analysis 349
Key Terms 318 Response 349
For Discussion 318 Assessment 349
Internet Exercises 318 Effectiveness of Problem-Oriented
Policing 349
C H A P T E R 10 Problem-Oriented Policing in Newport News 349
Advances in Police Strategy 324 Problem-Oriented Policing in San Diego 351
The Boston Gun Project: Operation Cease Fire 351
Impetus for Change in Policing 325
The Future of Problem-Oriented Policing 352
The Roots of Community Policing: The Broken Characteristics of Zero-Tolerance
Windows Hypothesis 326 Policing 353
Types of Disorder 327
The Effectiveness of Zero-Tolerance
Characteristics of Community Policing 327 Policing 355
Community Partnerships 329
Zero-Tolerance Policing in New York City 355
The Effectiveness of Community Partnerships 332
Operation Restoration 357
Organizational Change 333
Potential Problems with Zero-Tolerance Policing 357
Evidence of Organizational Change 335
But Does Zero Tolerance Policing Work? 359
Problem Solving 336
CASE STUDY: Using Social Media as a Virtual Form
Pulling It All Together: Implementing Community of Neighborhood Watch in Sacramento,
Policing at the Departmental Level 337 California 360
Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy (CAPS) Summary 360
Program 337
Key Terms 361
Community Policing: Problems and Prospects 342
For Discussion 361
A Legitimate Police Role? 342
A Political Police? 342 Internet Exercises 361

P A R T
IV Issues in Policing 367
C H A P T E R 11 A Richer Understanding of Police–Citizen
Police Discretion 368 Encounters 371

Discretion in Police Work 369 Potential Abuse of Discretion 372

A Definition of Discretion 370 Positive Uses of Discretion 373
New Perspectives on Police Discretion 370 Decision Points and Decision Makers 374
A Short History of the Study of Police Discretion 370 Patrol Officers’ Decisions 374
xii Contents
Detectives’ Decisions 375
Police Managers’ Decisions 375
Underlying Sources of Police Discretion 375
The Nature of the Criminal Law 375
Conflicting Public Expectations 376
Social and Medical Issues 377
The Work Environment of Policing 377
Limited Police Resources 378
Factors Limiting Patrol Officer Discretion 379
Legal Factors 379
Administrative Factors 379
Organizational Culture Factors 380
Factors Influencing Discretionary Arrest
Decisions 380
Situational Factors 380
Organizational Factors 384
Social and Political Factors 385
The Control of Discretion 385
The Need for Control 385
Abolish Discretion? 386
Enhancing Professional Judgment 387
Informal Bureaucratic Controls 387
Administrative Rulemaking: Controls through
Written Policies 388
Examples of Administrative Rulemaking 388
Principles of Administrative Rulemaking 390
Contributions of Written Rules 390
The Impact of Administrative Rulemaking 392
Ensuring Compliance with Rules 392
Codifying Rules: The Standard Operation Procedure
Manual 394
Systematic Rulemaking 395
Citizen Oversight and Policymaking 396
The Limits of Administrative Rulemaking 396
CASE STUDY: “Broken Windows” and Police
Discretion 397
Summary 398
Key Terms 398
For Discussion 398
Internet Exercises 399
C H A P T E R 12
Legitimacy and Police–Community
Relations 404
From Police–Community Relations
to Legitimacy 405
The National Police Crisis, 2014–2016 405
Legitimacy and Procedural Justice 406
The Many Communities in Police-Community
Relations 407
Understanding Race and Ethnicity 408
Official Data on Race and Ethnicity 408
The Major Racial and Ethnic Groups 409
Public Opinion about the Police 411
Factors that Affect Public Opinion about
the Police 411
The Impact of Controversial Incidents 414
Additional Perspectives on the Police
in American Society 415
The Police and American Society 415
The Police and Other Occupations 415
The American Police in International Perspective 416
Police Officer Perceptions of Citizens 417
Police–Citizen Interactions: Sources of
Police–Community Relations Problems
and Loss of Legitimacy 418
The Level of Neighborhood Police Protection 419
Delay in Responding to 911 Calls 420
Police Use of Deadly Force 420
Unconscious Bias and Police Use of Deadly
Force 422
Use of Physical Force 423
Patterns in Officer Use of Force 424
Stops and Frisks 425
Arrests 426
Arrests and the War on Drugs 427
The Complex Interaction of Demeanor, Race,
and Arrests 427
David Kennedy on the “Racial Divide” 428
Unconscious Bias, Stereotyping, and Arrests 429
Verbal Abuse and Racial and Ethnic Slurs 430
Traffic Enforcement and Racial Profiling 430
 Contents xiii

Building Legitimacy and Improving Police- Neighborhood Explanations 468

Community Relations 436 The Nature of Police Work 468
The Different Dimensions of Trust and Confidence The Police Organization 469
in the Police 436
The Police Subculture 469
Engaging the Community 438
Perspective: The Failure of the Police–Community Becoming Corrupt 470
Relations Unites in the 1960s 439 The Moral Careers of Individual Officers 470
Ending Police Misconduct 440 Corrupting Organizations 471
Engaging Immigrant Communities 441 Controlling Corruption 471
Immigration and Cultural Barriers in Policing 442 Internal Corruption Control Strategies 472
Language Barriers in Policing 442 The Attitude of the Chief 472
A Representative Police Force 443 Rules and Regulations 472
Citizen Oversight of the Police 444 Managing Anticorruption Investigations 473
Assign Officers on the Basis of Race or Ethnicity? 444
Investigative Tactics 474
Do Citizens Care about the Ethnicity
of the Officer? 445 Cracking the “Blue Curtain” 475

Special Training over Race and Ethnicity 445 Proactive Integrity Tests 475

Summary 446 Effective Supervision 476

Key Terms 446 Rewarding the Good Officers 476
For Discussion 447 Personnel Recruitment 476
Internet Exercises 447 Field Training 478
External Corruption Control Approaches 479
Special Investigations 479
C H A P T E R 13 Criminal Prosecution 479
Police Corruption 454
Mobilizing Public Opinion 482
A Definition of Police Corruption 455 Altering the External Environment 482
The Costs of Police Corruption 456 The Limits of Anticorruption Efforts 482
Types of Corruption 458
CASE STUDY: Hurricane Katrina and the New Orleans
Gratuities 458 Police Department 483
Bribes 458 Summary 483
Theft and Burglary 460 Key Terms 484
Sexual Misconduct 461 For Discussion 484
Internal Corruption 463 Internet Exercises 484
Corruption and Brutality 463
Levels of Corruption 464
Pervasiveness of Corruption within a Police
C H A P T E R 14
Organization 465 Accountability of the Police 488
Theories of Police Corruption 466 What Do We Mean by Police Accountability? 489
Individual Officer Explanations 466 The Dilemmas of Policing in a Democracy 490
Social Structural Explanations 466 A Historical Perspective on Accountability 490
xiv Contents
Accountability for What the Police Do 491
The Traditional Approach to Measuring Police
Effectiveness 491
Alternative Measures and Their Limitations 492
COMPSTAT: A Neighborhood-Focused Approach 494
Accountability for How the Police Do
Their Job 494
Internal Mechanisms of Accountability 495
Routine Supervision of Patrol Officers 495
Coaching, Mentoring, Leading, and Helping 498
Organizational Culture and Accountability 498
Command-Level Review of Force Incidents:
The Emerging Standard 499
Corrective Action: Informal and Formal 500
Performance Evaluations 500
Internal Affairs/Professional Standards
Units 501
The Discipline Process 502
Appropriate Levels of Discipline 503
Openness and Transparency for Disciplinary
Actions 504
Standards for Investigating Citizen Complaints 504
Using Discipline Records in Personnel Decisions 505
The “Code of Silence” 505
Early Intervention Systems 506
Officers with Performance Problems 506
The Nature and Purpose of an EIS 507
Performance Indicators and Thresholds 507
Interventions for Officers 509
The Multiple Goals of an EIS 510
P A R T
V Challenges for a New Century 543
C H A P T E R 15
The Future of Policing
in America 544
Police Technology 545
Major Technology Applications 545
The Use of Technology in the Field 548
The Future of Police Information Technology 552
Technologically Advanced Weapons 553
The Effectiveness of an EIS 511
Risk Management and Police Legal Advisors 511
Accreditation for Law Enforcement
Agencies 512
The Nature of Accreditation 512
Pros and Cons of Accreditation 513
External Mechanisms of Accountability 513
Guiding the Police through the Political Process 513
The Courts and the Police 514
Federal “Pattern or Practice” Suits 518
The Collaborative Reform Approach: An Alternative
to Litigation 522
Injunctions to Stop Patterns of Police
Misconduct 423
Criminal Prosecution of Police Officers 523
Citizen Oversight of the Police 524
Blue-Ribbon Commissions 527
The Digital Revolution and Police Accountability 527
The News Media as a Police Accountability
Mechanism 528
Public Interest Groups and Accountability 529
Accountability and Crime Control: A Trade-Off? 530
Conclusion: A Mixed Approach to Police
Accountability 531
CASE STUDY: Policing Los Angeles under a Consent
Decree: The Dynamics of Change at the LAPD:
Executive Summary 532
Summary 533
Key Terms 534
Internet Exercises 534
Crime Analysis 554
Types of Crime Analysis 554
Crime Mapping 555
The Outlook for Police
Employment 556
Opportunities in Local, County, and State
Law Enforcement 557
Local, County, and State Salaries 558
 Contents xv

Opportunities in Federal Law Enforcement 558 Personnel Challenges 562

Federal Salaries 558 Role Change 563
The Future of Police Research 559 CASE STUDY: Evaluating the Impact of Officer-Worn
Does Research Do Any Good? 559 Body Cameras in Phoenix, Arizona, Project
Focus 564
Politics and Research 560
Summary 565
Police Practitioner–Researcher Relationships 560
Key Terms 566
The Future of Federal Support for Research 561
For Discussion 566
Impact of the War on Terrorism 561
Internet Exercises 566
Role Expansion 562
Racial and Ethnic Profiling 562

Glossary 569 | Name Index 581 | Subject Index 584

xvi Contents

Preface

The Police in America: An Introduction provides a comprehensive introduction to the

foundations of policing in the United States today. Descriptive and analytical, the text
is designed to offer undergraduate students a balanced and up-to-date overview of
who the police are and what they do, the problems they face, and the many reforms
and innovations that have taken place in policing. The book is designed primarily for
undergraduates enrolled in their first police or law enforcement course—such as an
introduction to policing, police and society, or law enforcement systems.

Changes in the Ninth Edition

The ninth edition of The Police in America: An Introduction has undergone extensive
revision. In response to reviewer feedback, we have not only updated all of the statisti-
cal information but also provided new examples of several important issues throughout
the book. We have also included coverage of the latest research and practices in polic-
ing. Some of the most important changes we have made for the ninth edition are as
follows:
∙ Chapter 1, “Police and Society” has been completely revised to use the Presi-
dent’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing as a framework for understanding
the police in America,.
∙ Chapter 2, “The History of the American Police,” has been expanded to
include discussion of the national police crisis of 2014–2016 and its impact.
∙ Chapter 3, “The Contemporary Law Enforcement Industry,” has been revised
and updated to include the most current data of law enforcement organizations.
∙ Chapter 4, “Police Organizations,” has been revised to include the most
important new research on law enforcement organizations.
∙ Chapter 5, “Recruitment and Training for a Changing Society,” has been
completely revised to incorporate the important new developments related to
police training.
∙ Chapter 6, “Police Officers II: On the Job,” includes a completely revised
discussion of the police officer subculture and its impact on police officer
behavior.
∙ Chapter 7, “Patrol: The Backbone of Policing,” was revised to include the lat-
est research on innovations in police patrol.
∙ Chapter 8, “Peacekeeping and Order Maintenance,” has been expanded to
include the latest research on policing traffic, domestic violence, and other
social problems.
∙ Chapter 9, “The Police and Crime,” has been extensively revised to include
the latest research on policing gangs, drugs, and terrorism.
xvi
 Preface xvii

∙ Chapter 10, “Advances in Police Strategy” has been revised to include new
perspectives on the goals and effectiveness of recent police innovations.
∙ Chapter 11, “Police Discretion,” was revised to include new perspectives on the
complexity of officer exercise of discretion.
∙ Chapter 12, “Legitimacy and Police-Community Relations,” has been revised
to incorporate the new interest in and reforms related to legitimacy because of
the national police crisis, 2014–2016.
∙ Chapter 13, “Police Corruption,” has been revised to incorporate new
perspectives and research on police corruption.
∙ Chapter 14, “Accountability of the Police,” has been extensively revised to
include material and the full range of both internal and external
accountability mechanisms.
∙ Chapter 15, “The Future of Policing in America,” has been updated to include
discussions of the latest developments related to technology, employment, po-
lice research and terrorism.

Overview of the Contents

Part I, “Foundations,” provides students with an introduction to policing in America.
It explains the role of the police in the United States, along with the realities of police
work and the many factors that shape policing. It also traces the history of the police
from the creation of the first modern police department through the many new devel-
opments that can be found in policing today. The section concludes with a discussion
of the characteristics of the contemporary law enforcement industry, including a
­section on the Department of Homeland Security.
Part II, “Officers and Organizations,” begins with an explanation of the char-
acteristics of police organization, the role and influence of police unions, and a dis-
cussion of the theoretical rationales for why police organizations behave the way they
do. It also includes an explanation of police recruitment, selection, and training
practices, as well as a discussion of the characteristics of American police officers.
The section covers the reality shock that officers encounter when beginning their job,
the concept of police culture, and the relationship between the attitudes of the police
and the behavior of the police.
Part III, “Police Work,” includes explanations of what the police do and how
they do it. Among the subjects covered are the functions of patrol, the delivery of
services, and the effectiveness of traditional policing strategies. This section also
discusses the various problems that the police face while on the job and the strategies
they use to respond to these problems. The section closes with a discussion of
­advances in police strategy, such as community policing, problem-oriented policing,
and zero-tolerance policing.
Part IV, “Issues in Policing,” covers the various problems that police officers
and police organizations encounter. The chapter on police discretion explains the
nature of police discretion, sources of discretion, and how police organizations have
attempted to control discretion. The section also includes a chapter on legitimacy and
police–community relations. Attention is placed on citizen perceptions of the police,
police perceptions of citizens, and sources of police–community relations problems.
xviii Preface

Special emphasis is placed on race and ethnicity and its implications for policing in
the United States. This section includes chapters on police corruption and police
­accountability, which discuss different types of police misbehavior and the strategies
used to hold the police accountable.
Part V, “Challenges for a New Century,” concludes the book with a chapter on
the future of policing in America.

Pedagogy
A number of learning devices are included to make the text easier to teach and, for
students, easier to learn, enlivening the material with practical, concrete examples
and applications:

∙ Boxes called “Police in Focus” discuss a series of important issues in

policing. This feature is designed to highlight particularly important points
and can serve as the basis for class discussion. In each case, references are
provided for students who want to pursue the issue further.
∙ Sidebars throughout the book expound on important concepts and feature
contemporary issues related to the chapter.
∙ Cross-reference icons direct students to material elsewhere in the text that can
further illuminate chapter topics.
∙ Chapter-opening outlines guide students through each chapter.
∙ Key terms are highlighted in the margins, boldfaced in the text, listed at the end
of the chapter, and defined in a comprehensive glossary at the end of the book.
∙ End-of-chapter case studies—real-world examples that highlight major
concepts or ideas from each chapter—enable students to begin to apply what
they have learned.
∙ “Internet Exercises” at the end of each chapter can be used by students for
further web-based study.
∙ “For Discussion” questions at the end of each chapter can be used to stimulate
classroom discussion.
 Preface xix

The ninth edition of The Police in America: An Introduction is now available online with
Connect, McGraw-Hill Education’s integrated assignment and assessment platform.
Connect also offers SmartBook for the new edition, which is the first adaptive reading
experience proven to improve grades and help students study more effectively. All of the
title’s website and ancillary content is also available through Connect, including:
∙ An Instructor’s Manual for each chapter.
∙ A full Test Bank of multiple choice questions that test students on central
concepts and ideas in each chapter.
∙ Lecture Slides for instructor use in class.
 ®

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xxii Acknowledgments

Acknowledgments
Samuel Walker would like to thank his colleagues and friends in the world of polic-
ing and police accountability in particular. Special thanks go to former student and
now friend and professional colleague Charles Katz for being a great coauthor.
Charles did the bulk of the work on this, the ninth edition, and Sam is very apprecia-
tive of that.
Charles Katz would like to thank the many people who have contributed to the
completion of this edition and to acknowledge his colleagues at Arizona State Uni-
versity, who have always been supportive and who have been willing to lend a helpful
hand when asked. Special thanks, too, to four people in particular: to Charles’s par-
ents and his wife Keri, who have always been loving and supportive (this book, and
his other work, is just as much a result of their dedication and efforts as his own), and
to his coauthor Sam Walker. Sam has always been supportive, whether it be profes-
sionally or personally, and his insights continue to influence Charles today.

Samuel Walker
Charles M. Katz
 P A R T

© David Frazier/Getty Images

Foundations
C H A P T E R 1 Police and Society
C H A P T E R 2 The History of the American Police
C H A P T E R 3 The Contemporary Law Enforcement Industry

1
 1
C H A P T E R
Police and Society
CHAPTER OUTLINE
The Goals of This Book
Why Do We Have Police?
A Framework for Understanding the
Police and Policing
A Democratic Police
Democracy and Accountability
A Legitimate Police
Procedural Justice
Practices That Build Legitimacy
Legitimacy and Police–Public
Interactions
Legitimacy, Trust, and Race
Relations
An Open and Transparent Police
Practices That Create Openness
and Transparency
© David Frazier/Getty Images
An Accountable Police
Police Accountability: Goals and
Methods
Accountability on Police Use of
Force
Collecting and Analyzing Data on
Use of Force
Accountability in Routine Police–
Public Contacts
Training to Prevent Bias in Police
Activities
Independent Investigations and
Review of Critical Incidents
An Effective Police
The Complex Responsibilities of the
Police
 Ineffective Strategies for A Special Case: The Police and the Summary
Controlling Crime and Mentally Ill Key Terms
Disorder A Special Case: The Police and For Discussion
Effective Strategies for Juveniles
Internet Exercises
Controlling Crime and Disorder Research and Policing: Evidence-
Partnerships with the Public Based Programs

The Goals of This Book

The Police in America provides a comprehensive picture of policing in the America.
It describes what police do (see Chapter 7); the different problems that arise; the
decisions that officers make; and who those officers are, including who applies to be
police officers and how they are selected. It also covers important issues in day-to-
day policing, such as police patrol and how it has changed over the years (Chapter 7),
police officer exercise of discretion (Chapter 11), and legitimacy and community
relations (Chapter 12). Police personnel issues include how police officers are se-
lected, the demographic profile of police officers today (Chapter 5), the factors that
shape officer behavior (Chapter 6), and how police organizations operate (Chapter 4).
Chapter 2 examines the history of policing in America and how traditions that were
created many decades ago continue to influence policing today.
Before we begin, in this chapter we provide a framework for understanding the
police in America. The framework that follows is adapted from the Final Report of the
President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing. The Task Force was the first-ever pres-
idential commission or task force devoted exclusively to the police. The Final Report
brought together all the best current thinking about the police in America today.

Why Do We Have Police?

Why do we have police? What purpose do they serve? What do we want them to do?
What do they do that other government agencies do not do? How do we want them to
do these things? How do we make sure they do what we want? What do we do if they
engage in misconduct?
These are all basic questions related to the role of police in society. Most
Americans think they know what the police are: They are the officers who patrol the
street where they live. Why do we have them? Most people would answer that they
are there to fight crime and protect us.
Unfortunately, the answers most people give are too vague and simplistic. P
­ olicing We examine the
is extremely complex.1 The police have multiple responsibilities involving controlling police and crime in
crime, maintaining order, and providing miscellaneous services to the p­ ublic. Even the detail in Chapter 9.

idea of “fighting crime” is complex. Which crimes? There is an old cliché that says, “if
the police enforced all the laws on the books, we would all be in jail.”
The police solve this dilemma by using their discretion not to enforce all the
laws all the time. People stopped by an officer while driving are often let go with a
warning, even though they were speeding. But do the police make good decisions
when not enforcing the law? There are no easy answers to this question. We examine
police discretion in detail in Chapter 11.
3
4 Part I Foundations

The task of maintaining order is just as complex. What exactly do we mean by

“order”? One person’s idea of disorder is their neighbor’s idea of a fun party. One
group’s idea of an offensive protest march is another group’s idea of freedom of
speech and assembly, protected by the First Amendment. When does a protest cross
the line? When it blocks the entrance to a building? Day-in and day-out, the police
make difficult decisions about these problems. We discuss order maintenance in
­detail in Chapter 8.
What do we want the police to do to accomplish their tasks? When asked, most
people say they want more police patrols in their neighborhood. But is that the most
effective way to control crime? As we will learn in this book, adding more police
patrols to what already exists does not reduce crime.2 There are other alternatives,
innovations that have developed in recent years that are effective and represent
“smart policing.”
What should we do when police officers do things that are improper? What
is the proper remedy to a fatal officer-involved shooting that appears unjustified?
Many people think we should leave the investigation and discipline of such
incidents to the police. After all, don’t they know best? Many other people
disagree strongly with that view. They don’t believe the police are capable of
fairly investigating themselves, and they want independent external review of
officer conduct. As we will learn in this book, this is a bitterly contested political
issue, and the debate over it continues today. We cover police accountability in
detail in Chapter 14.
For a discussion of
Finally, it is difficult to define the kind of organization that a police department
the different local, or law enforcement agency represents. The answer may seem obvious, but it is not.
state, and federal
law enforcement
There are literally thousands of police departments in the United States, including
agencies, see 15,388 local departments.3 City police and county sheriff’s departments have
Chapter 3. different roles and responsibilities, and significant differences exist in the
responsibilities of county sheriff’s departments. State law enforcement agencies,
meanwhile, also vary in many important respects. Some are limited entirely to
highway patrol. Others have general law enforcement responsibilities. Some are
independent state agencies, while some others are branches of the state attorney
general’s office. Federal agencies all have very specific missions, defined by federal
law. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is the principal federal law
enforcement agency, but the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) and Immigration and
Customs Enforcement (ICE) have specific responsibilities, as well.

A Framework for Understanding the Police and Policing

President’s Task Force on
21st Century Policing
The issues surrounding policing are extremely complex. To make sense of them, we
use the 2015 report of the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing as a
useful framework for understanding the basic principles of good policing. In a series
of public hearings around the country, the Task Force learned about all the best new
ideas in policing and incorporated them into its final report.4
The Task Force’s framework addressed the following issues: a democratic po-
lice, a legitimate police, an open and transparent police, an accountable police, and
an effective police. These key principles are closely linked and reinforce each other.
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 5

A Democratic Police
The United States is a democracy, which means that the people ultimately control the
agencies of government. This includes the police. In totalitarian societies, the people
have no control over law enforcement agencies. If they are not happy with what the
police are doing, there is nothing they can do about it. Police in totalitarian societies
are also not governed by the rule of law; they only follow the dictates of the supreme
ruler. Democracy and the police means that the police are both answerable to the democracy and the
people and accountable to the rule of law. police
In the United States, mayors appoint police chiefs, and city councils provide
the budget. Governors appoint the head of state police agencies, and state legislators
appropriate their budgets. The president of the United States appoints the directors of
federal law enforcement agencies: the directors of the FBI and the DEA, and all the
other federal agencies. Congress appropriates their budgets.
The political control of the police, while an essential part of democracy, raises For a discussion of
a number of difficult problems. For many years in history, elected officials used the the history of politics
and the police, see
police for personal or political benefit, appointing their friends as police officers and Chapter 2.
using the police to protect illegal drinking and gambling (see Chapter 2). We call that
“politics.”5 Making sure that the police are responsive to the public but are not used
for improper purposes is a major challenge for the American police.
The President’s Task Force made a number of recommendations to ensure that
the police are responsive to the people they serve. These recommendations include
holding regular public meetings with residents of the community (Recommendation
4.5.1); conducting surveys of the public they serve (Recommendation 1.7); making
official policies and procedures publicly available, on their websites; and establish-
ing some form of civilian (citizen) oversight of the police (Recommendation 2.8).

Democracy and Accountability

Public control of the police has its dangers, however, and there have been many in-
stances in our history when those dangers became tragic realities. The worst case
involves policing in the southeastern United States, during both the slave era and
Reconstruction, when the police and the entire criminal justice system were used to
maintain a racial caste system, put in place by duly elected white majorities.6 That
system was formally dismantled during the civil rights era, through a combination of
court rulings upholding the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of Equal Protection
of the Law and federal civil rights laws.
In the rest of the country, local majorities supported “get tough on crime” For a discussion of
practices by the police that violated standards of due process. The Supreme the Supreme Court
and the police, see
Court curtailed these practices with decisions affirming constitutional guaran- Chapter 14.
tees against unreasonable searches and seizures (Mapp v. Ohio) and the right to
an attorney during police investigations (Miranda v. Arizona). In the wake of
the events in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014, a federal investigation found that
elected city officials were using the police to generate revenue to support the
city’s budget.7 The result was a pattern of heavy-handed law enforcement, par-
ticularly with regard to traffic tickets, that violated the Fourteenth Amendment
and created a serious problem with police–community relations, which erupted
in riots in August 2014.
6 Part I Foundations

POLICE Justice Department Investigations

in FOCUS
of Local Police Departments

S ince 1997, the Civil Rights Division of the U.S.

Justice Department has investigated and reached
settlements with about 25 local police departments.
The settlements are in the form of a “consent decree”
or a “settlement agreement.” There has been great
controversy over this program. Community activists
argue that it is a necessary and effective means of cor-
recting systemic police misconduct. Critics charge that
the federal government is overstepping its authority.
Others argue that the resulting consent decrees or set-
tlement agreements are too expensive. Finally, the po-
lice and local authorities argue that there were no
systemic patterns of police abuse in the first place.
Let’s take a look at the Justice Department pro-
gram. Both the initial investigations and the resulting
settlements are available on the website of the Special
Litigation Section (visit http://www.justice.gov/crt/
conduct-law-enforcement-agencies; scroll down and
click on “Cases and Matters”; look for the state and
then the case name or police department). Some of the
important settlements involve Seattle, New Orleans,
Cleveland, and Ferguson, Missouri. Let’s examine
these documents in terms of the following issues:
∙ What legal authority does the Justice Department
have to investigate a local police department?
The rationale is always stated in the first pages
of the investigation letter or the settlement
agreement. Does the Justice Department have
the authority to investigate a police department
because it has failed to control crime? To put
it another way, is incompetence and
mismanagement a violation of federal law?
∙ What policies or practices by a police
department constitute violation of federal civil
rights law? What kind of police conduct
constitutes a “pattern or practice” of the
violation of the rights of local residents? Pick
one or more settlements and review the
document quickly. Does the Justice Department
make a persuasive case that a pattern or practice
of police misconduct exists?
∙ What kinds of reforms do the settlements or con-
sent decrees require? What reforms are intended
in terms of how a police department controls its
officers’ use of force? Are there any changes in
the responsibilities for sergeants? If so, what are
they now supposed to do?
∙ What aspects of the consent decrees or
­settlements are consistent with the elements of
the framework discussed in this chapter? Is there
anything that is likely to promote legitimacy? Or
achieve greater openness and transparency?
What reforms are likely to enhance the account-
ability of officers?
∙ Many of the settlements require police
­departments to establish an early intervention
system (EIS). What exactly is an EIS? How is it
supposed to hold police officers accountable for
their actions?
∙ What kinds of changes to a police department’s
training program are required by settlements or
consent decrees?
∙ How long does a consent decree or settlement
last? In your opinion, is this too long, and unfair
to the local department, or is it not long enough
to accomplish the necessary reforms?
∙ In your opinion, are the reforms required by
­federal consent decrees or settlement agreements
likely to increase the department’s effectiveness
in responding to crime and disorder? Or are they
likely to interfere with effective crime-fighting
and the control of disorder? Explain.

A Legitimate Police
legitimacy The police in a democracy need to be legitimate.8 Legitimacy means more than just
the police following the rule of law. It means that the people they serve have trust and
confidence in them: trust that comes from respectful treatment; trust that the police are
conducting themselves in a lawful manner; and confidence that they are controlling
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 7

crime and disorder effectively. The President’s Task Force recommended that “[l]aw
enforcement culture should embrace a guardian mindset to build public trust and
legitimacy. Toward that end, police and sheriff’s departments should adopt proce-
dural justice as the guiding principle for internal and external policies and practices
to guide their interactions with citizens they serve” (Recommendation 1.1).
The “guardian” mindset is the opposite of the “warrior” mindset, in which
police officers see their work as combat and too often view members of the public as
the “enemy.” When the police view people as the enemy, they are less likely to be
responsive to their needs and more likely to use force when it is not necessary. Sue
Rahr, a member of the President’s Task Force, explained that in 2012 her staff at the
Washington State Criminal Justice Training Commission “began asking the ques-
tion, ‘Why are we training police officers like soldiers?’” Even though police offi-
cers wear uniforms and are authorized to use firearms, they have very different roles.
Rahr further explained that “[t]he soldier’s mission is that of a warrior: to conquer.
The rules of engagement are decided before the battle. The police officer’s mission
is that of a guardian: to protect. The rules of engagement evolve as the incident un-
folds. Soldiers must follow orders. Police officers must make independent decisions.
Soldiers come into communities as an outside, occupying force. Guardians are mem-
bers of the community, protecting from within.”9
Rahr’s observation touches on all of the issues we discuss in this chapter. A
guardian mindset involves cultivating trust and legitimacy in the police, being open
and transparent about police activities, holding both the organization and individual
officers accountable, and, finally, adopting the recognized best practices from around
the country in order to be effective in controlling crime and maintaining order.

Procedural Justice
Procedural justice is now recognized as an essential guiding principle for good procedural justice
policing. The theory of procedural justice developed out of the field of social
psychology. It holds that, for example, in dealing with an organization, people are
concerned not just with what happens to them but also with how they are treated. In
policing, this means the difference between getting a traffic ticket (the substantive
outcome) and how the officer acted: for example, being rude, being polite, not
answering the person’s questions, explaining the reason for the stop, and so on.
Research consistently finds that people notice how they are treated by police officers
and that it makes a difference to them. In Chicago, Wesley Skogan found that
80 percent of whites expressed a “favorable” attitude about whether the police “clearly
explained why they wanted to talk with them,” but only 48 percent of African Americans
and 63 percent of English-speaking Hispanics expressed a similar attitude.10 Not
only do people notice and remember how the police treat them, but there are large
racial and ethnic gaps in those perceptions. We examine the legitimacy of the police
further in Chapter 12.
Tom Tyler’s research has found that when people have a sense of procedural
justice, they are more likely to obey the law.11 Consequently, the President’s Task
Force concluded that “[d]ecades of research and practice support the premise that
people are more likely to obey the law when they believe that those who are enforc-
ing it have authority that is perceived as legitimate by those subject to the authority.
8 Part I Foundations

The public confers legitimacy only on those whom they believe are acting in procedur-
ally just ways. In addition, law enforcement cannot build community trust if it is seen
as an occupying force coming in from outside to impose control on the community.”12
What procedural justice teaches us, then, is not only that the police have the
responsibility for controlling crime but also that their activities, when done properly,
can have the effect of promoting law-abiding behavior. The police don’t just keep the
peace; they build the peace in our communities.

Practices That Build Legitimacy

There are many ways in which the police can build trust and legitimacy. These steps,
moreover, do not interfere with crime control efforts, and in fact, as we will explain,
they can help to enhance effective crime control.
For a discussion of The President’s Task Force recommended that “[i]n order to achieve external
the role of legitimacy, law enforcement agencies should involve the community in the process of
legitimacy and
police—community developing and evaluating policies and procedures” (Action Item 1.5.1). When
relations, see community residents understand a police department’s policies on the handling of
Chapter 12.
domestic violence incidents, the treatment of homeless people, and the use of officer
body-worn cameras, they will feel more confident that the police are handling each
of these situations properly, and this will help to build greater trust in the police. As
we will see shortly, many steps designed to build trust and legitimacy include the
department’s taking steps to provide greater openness and transparency regarding its
operations.
If people do not feel that their police departments have a sound policy for
­handling domestic violence incidents, for example, there should be opportunities for
them to voice their concerns to the department. To this end, the President’s Task Force
recommended that “[l]aw enforcement agencies should schedule regular public
­forums and meetings where all community members can interact with police and help
influence programs and policy” (Recommendation 4.5.1). Such public events give
community members a chance to express their concerns and have a constructive
­dialogue with high-ranking police officials, which helps to build trust and legitimacy.
The effectiveness of community meetings, of course, depends on how they are
conducted. If they are completely controlled by police officials in charge of the meet-
ing, with only limited opportunity for members of the public to voice their concerns,
then they will likely be counterproductive. In their study of the Chicago community
policing effort CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), which had an exten-
sive program of neighborhood meetings with local residents, Wesley Skogan and
Susan Hartnett observed that “[m]aking [police] beat meetings work was hard.” The
four most commonly discussed issues were drug dealing, “youth problems,” traffic
enforcement, and “police disregard for citizens.” In the end, the meetings “created
important opportunities for participation” by neighborhood residents.13

Legitimacy and Police—Public Interactions

Trust in the police and legitimacy depend very much on how police officers interact
with people in routine encounters: traffic stops, 911 disturbance calls, neighborhood
problems, and so on. Procedural justice research has found that it is important for
officers to treat people with respect, regardless of who they are or their condition.
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 9

Respectful policing includes the police introducing themselves, explaining the rea- respectful policing
son they are there (the reason for a traffic stop, for example), listening to people, and
answering their questions.
It is extremely important that police officers speak respectfully to people.
There has been a long and unfortunate tradition of rude and offensive language by
police officers, including offensive racial and ethnic epithets. Almost 40 years ago,
the Kerner Commission, which had been appointed to study the urban riots of the
1960s, found that “verbal discourtesy” occurred in 15 percent of all encounters be-
tween officers and community residents.14 The problem continues today. To address
this problem, the President’s Task Force recommended that “[b]ecause offensive or
harsh language can escalate a minor situation, law enforcement agencies should
underscore the importance of language used and adopt policies directing officers to
speak to individuals with respect” (Recommendation 4.4.1).
As we will explain shortly, prohibiting offensive language is also an important
accountability measure, a means of holding officers to a high standard of perfor-
mance when dealing with people in the community. We discuss this subject again in
the section on accountability, where we emphasize the point that all procedures de-
signed to enhance accountability by controlling officer misconduct have a direct im-
pact on legitimacy.
One police practice that offends the public and undermines trust and legiti-
macy involves formal or informal department quotas that require officers to write a
certain number of traffic tickets or make a certain number of arrests each month or
year. Quotas are also wrong in principle since they require officers to write tickets or
make arrests they would not otherwise make. The President’s Task Force recom-
mended that the police “should refrain from practices requiring officers to issue a
predetermined number of tickets, citations, arrests or summons, or to initiate investi-
gative contacts with citizens for reasons not directly related to improving public
safety, such as generating revenue” (Recommendation 2.8).
The most serious case of the abuse of quotas was exposed in the 2015 Justice
Department report on Ferguson, Missouri, site of the August 2014 shooting of
­
Michael Brown, an unarmed African American, by a white police officer.15 The city
of Ferguson was using the police department as a source of revenue to meet the
­annual budget, pressuring the department to write traffic tickets, for example, to gen-
erate fines. As a result, the massive enforcement of minor offenses had the effect of
creating a sense of oppression among African Americans in the community.

Legitimacy, Trust, and Race Relations

Building trust and legitimacy requires that a police department have a workforce that is For a discussion of
representative of the community, in terms of race, ethnicity, and gender. The President’s diversity and the
employment of
Task Force recommended that “[l]aw enforcement agencies should strive to create a police officers, see
workforce that contains a broad range of diversity including race, gender, language, life Chapter 5.
experience, and cultural background to improve understanding and effectiveness in deal-
ing with all communities” (Recommendation 1.8). In the 1960s, the lack of African
American officers in major city departments undermined trust and was a contributing
factor to the riots of the period. The city of Cleveland, for example, was 34 percent
­African American, but only 7 percent of the officers were African American.16
10 Part I Foundations

Maintaining a representative police force is a continuing challenge. The U.S.

population continues to change, and many cities experience significant changes in
their population composition over relatively short periods of time. Immigration con-
tinues to transform our communities, in big cities and small communities, just as it
did 100 years ago.
The arrival of new community members for whom English is not their native
language has created significant communication problems. People need to be able to
communicate with 911 operators if they want to report a crime. (Some departments
have contracts with agencies that provide immediate interpreter services.) Officers
need to be able to communicate with all the people present at a domestic violence
incident or when responding to a street-corner situation that might escalate into a
disturbance. (Many departments provide incentive pay for offices who are bilingual,
especially those who speak Spanish in communities with large Spanish-speaking
populations.) The President’s Task Force recommended that “[l]aw enforcement
agencies should ensure reasonable and equitable language access for all persons
who have encounters with police or who enter the criminal justice system” (Action
Item 1.9.2).
Another issue that undermines trust and confidence in the police is that,
We examine past
and current police— ­historically, police departments have refused to admit that they make mistakes. This
community relations is especially true in the case of controversial officer-involved shooting incidents or
problems in detail in
Chapter 12. ­excessive-force cases. This issue has long been a factor in aggravating race relations.
Racism and discrimination have been a part of U.S. history (see Chapter 2), and the
history of policing has been no exception.
As a consequence, the President’s Task Force recommended that “[l]aw en-
forcement agencies should acknowledge the role of policing in past and present in-
justice and discrimination and how it is a hurdle to the promotion of community
trust” (Recommendation 1.2). This recommendation is a part of being open and
transparent, but it obviously has significant impact on building legitimacy as well.
For a discussion of The Police Executive Research Forum pointed out in a 2015 report that “a
use-of-force great deal of damage can be done to police–community relationships if [depart-
reporting, see
Chapter 11.
ments] fail to comment or to act following a questionable incident” involving the use
of force. It cited a case in which the chief of police in Houston, Texas, in response to
a serious excessive-force incident that had been recorded, quickly contacted com-
munity leaders and called a press conference at which he said that the officers in-
volved had been relieved of duty because of their actions.17 In short, admitting
mistakes and explaining what actions a department is taking can pay dividends in
terms of legitimacy.

An Open and Transparent Police

One of the most important ways police departments can build trust and legitimacy is
openness and to be open and transparent about their operations. Openness and transparency in-
transparency volves the police explaining to the public what they do and how they handle certain
critical situations, such as domestic violence incidents. One way to accomplish this
is for police departments to make their policies available to the public. Historically,
American police departments have been closed bureaucracies, unwilling the share
any information about their operations with the public (see Chapter 2).18
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 11

Practices That Create Openness and Transparency

Making department policies available contributes to public understanding of the
­police and helps to build legitimacy. Involving members of the community in the de-
velopment of new policies and the revision of existing policies also enhances public
understanding, provides an opportunity for the revised policies to address community
concerns, and gives the community a sense of ownership in the resulting policies.
The President’s Task Force recommended that “[t]o embrace a culture of
transparency, law enforcement agencies should make all department policies avail-
able for public review and regularly post on the department’s website information
about stops, summonses, arrests, reported crime, and other law enforcement data
aggregated by demographics” (Action Item 1.3.1). Along the same lines, the Task
Force recommended that departments “should collaborate with community members
to develop policies and strategies in communities and neighborhoods disproportion-
ately affected by crime . . .” (Recommendation 2.1).
As already mentioned, to address community concerns about police practices,
the Task Force recommended that departments “should schedule regular forums and
meetings where all community members can interact with police and help influence
programs and policies” (Recommendation 4.5.1). Public forums provide an oppor-
tunity for people to express their concerns and for the police department to answer
their questions.
Openness and transparency are also enhanced if departments “engage com-
munity members” in officer training programs (Recommendation 5.2). This should
include both preservice police academy training and regular in-service training. Par-
ticularly valuable insights can be contributed by community experts on such issues
as race relations, homelessness, juvenile justice, and domestic violence. Community
experts can explain their views of current problems and needs, along with best prac-
tices in their areas.
Community members are concerned about the composition of police depart- For a discussion of
ments, and whether officers represent the community in terms of race, ethnicity, and police—community
relations, see
gender. To address these concerns, the President’s Task Force recommended that Chapter 12.
police departments should also “report and make available to the public census data
regarding the composition of their departments including race, gender, age, and
other relevant demographic data” (Recommendation 2.5).
The composition of a police force is extremely relevant to trust and legitimacy.
If, for example, Hispanics are significantly underrepresented, the Hispanic commu-
nity is less likely to feel that the police understands and serves them. The lack of
­officers with Spanish-language skills, moreover, is likely to inhibit the ability of the
department to respond effectively to 911 calls, disorder incidents, and traffic stops.
Making data available about the composition of the police force is also an
­accountability issue. If the data show that African American, Hispanic, or female
officers are significantly underrepresented in a particular department, that informa-
tion can become the basis for corrective action. The department can then work in
partnership with relevant community groups to develop recruitment strategies that
will help to establish a more representative police force.
Finally, as a means of building and maintaining open relationships with the
community, the President’s Task Force recommended that police departments require
their officers “to identify themselves by their full name, rank, and command . . . and
12 Part I Foundations

provide that information in writing to individuals they have stopped . . .” (Recom-

mendation 2.11). Enabling people to identify by name the officer they encountered,
whether it was a positive or negative experience, puts a name to a face and commu-
nicates the message that the department is not trying to hide what it is doing and who
is doing it. Historically, police–community relations have not been positive when
people have felt the police are strangers, or even an occupying army.

An Accountable Police
Police Accountability: Goals and Methods
The police should be accountable to both the public and to the law for their opera-
accountability tions. Accountability is one of the basic elements of a democratic police. As we
explained at the beginning of this chapter, the elected representatives of the people
give law enforcement agencies direction and provide their budgets. Mayors and city
council members should have good information on what their police departments are
doing so that they can make informed decisions about a new chief, the police depart-
ment’s budget, or any problems with police activities.
For a discussion of Law enforcement agencies are also accountable to the law. They should not be
police accountability, doing anything illegal. The law takes many forms: criminal law, criminal procedures,
see Chapter 14.
court decisions, and internal police policies. Holding the police accountable to the
law is one way to guard against improper political influence on the police that in-
volves favoritism and arbitrary or discriminatory law enforcement. Accountability to
the law requires good internal accountability procedures. Officers are far less likely
to be involved in questionable shooting incidents if the department has a use-of-force
policy that represents current best practices, has academy and in-service training
programs that reinforce that policy, and requires sergeants on the street to closely
monitor and supervise the officers under their command. James J. Fyfe’s research
found that a good policy on the use of deadly force, based on the defense-of-life prin-
ciple, significantly reduced the number of shootings in the New York City Police
Department (NYPD).19
There is no single way of achieving police accountability. As we will learn in this
book, much controversy exists over the best means of accountability. Police depart-
ments should have policies governing officer use of force. But what is the best use-of-
force policy? How strict or permissive should it be? This is a major controversy today.
Who should review incidents to determine whether an officer violated either the law or
departmental policy? Should police departments be allowed to police themselves ex-
clusively? Or should there be external agencies to investigate and police the police? Is
citizen oversight a necessary and proper approach to policing the police? If so, what
authority should a citizen oversight agency have? These are complex, difficult, but
very important questions. We discuss these and other questions in Chapter 14.

Accountability on Police Use of Force

The use of force by police officers is a critically important issue with regard to ac-
countability. First, the police have extraordinary powers: the power to stop and detain
people on the street; the power to conduct a frisk or a search; the power to arrest;
and, finally, the ultimate power to take someone’s life. In one of the most important
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 13

POLICE The Role of Local Police in Homeland Security

in FOCUS

Since September 11, 2001, many local police agencies
have become involved in matters related to homeland
security. Maguire and King note that since 9/11 the
police are “developing new areas of investigative ex-
perience, cooperating much more with federal law en-
forcement and intelligence agencies, working more
closely with the military, increasing their levels of sur-
veillance over their communities, and paying more at-
tention to the safety of critical infrastructure.” The first
municipal police agency to expend a significant
amount of resources on homeland security was the
NYPD. In 2002, then–Police Commissioner Raymond
W. Kelly established a Counterterrorism Bureau. As a
result, New York City police officers are stationed in
such cities as London, Tel Aviv, and Hamburg, work-
ing on a variety of issues involving counterterrorism.
Some critics believe that this kind of attention to
homeland security diverts attention and resources
away from more traditional policing responsibilities.
Regardless, the day-to-day activities of most general
service law enforcement agencies, and most police
officers, do not involve addressing issues related to
homeland security. This is because police agencies
typically focus on issues of local concern and center
their officers’ attention on small subsections of com-
munities called beats and precincts. Unless a sus-
pected terrorist is believed to be in the agency’s
jurisdiction, most local police departments do not ex-
pend a substantial amount of resources on searches
for terrorists. However, some local police agencies
have become more involved with protecting particular
places from potential terrorist activity. This effort has
largely involved developing emergency response
plans and providing preventive patrols in locations
where the risks of terrorism are higher, such as stadi-
ums, parks, and other locations that host large public
gatherings. Therefore, although some local police
agencies participate in homeland security efforts,
homeland security plays a small role in most police
organizations.
Source: Edward Maguire and William King, “Trends in the Policing
Industry,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences
593 (2004): 15—41; David Thacher, “The Local Role in Homeland
Security,” Law & Society Review 39 (2005): 635—676.

essays on policing, Egon Bittner argues that the capacity to use coercive force is the
defining feature of the police.20 No other profession has powers comparable to those
of the police. This makes it all the more urgent for police departments to have good
policies on all types of use of force.
To control police use of force, the President’s Task Force recommended that
“[l]aw enforcement agencies should have comprehensive policies on the use of force
that include training, investigations, prosecutions, data collection, and information
sharing. These policies must be clear, concise, and openly available for public inspec-
tion” (Recommendation 2.2). In short, police department policies on the use of force policies on the use of
need to cover when and in what circumstances officers are authorized to use force, force
including both deadly force and physical force; training that ensures all officers know
their department’s use-of-force policy; procedures for thoroughly and fairly investigat-
ing use-of-force incidents to determine whether an officer acted according to the de-
partment’s policy; and mandatory use-of-force reports to facilitate investigations and
to permit the department to identify problems that need to be corrected.
In recent years, the idea of officers de-escalating encounters with people has
gained wide acceptance.21 Police leaders recognize that many officer use-of-force
incidents could have been avoided if the officer had de-escalated the encounter, us-
ing verbal techniques when appropriate. Too often, officers respond to what they
perceive as disrespect by escalating the encounter with verbal disrespect or use of
14 Part I Foundations

force. Accordingly, the President’s Task Force recommended that “[l]aw enforcement
agency policies for training on use of force should emphasize de-escalation and alterna-
tives to arrest or summons in situations where appropriate” (Recommendation 2.2.1).
de-escalation De-escalation does not involve a permissive or overly lenient style of policing.
It is a technique that should be used when appropriate (and certainly not when there
is a clear threat of a physical attack on an officer) and as an alternative to the offi-
cer’s escalating an incident and using unnecessary force. The respected Police Ex-
ecutive Research Forum recommended that officers learn both the tactics and the
value of “tactical disengagement.”22 Not every situation requires a formal police
­action. De-escalation avoids unnecessary use-of-force incidents, which have a dam-
aging impact on community relations and trust and confidence in the police. And if
a department decides to adopt a formal de-escalation policy, it should follow the
President’s Task Force recommendation to engage community members in the devel-
opment of that policy (Action Item 1.5.1) and then to make the policy public, by
putting it on its website (Action Item 1.3.1).

Collecting and Analyzing Data on Use of Force

For a discussion of A basic strategy for holding individual officers and departments accountable for
the control of police their use of force is the collection and analysis of data on use-of-force incidents. It is
discretion in the use
of force, see
today a standard best practice for police departments to require that officers com-
Chapter 11. plete a use-of-force report any time they use force. The reporting officer’s sergeant
should critically review the reports, requiring more detail and explanation if the ini-
tial report is inadequate, and then forward the report up the chain of command.
At a higher level of command in the department, a review team should analyze
all the force reports over time to identify recurring problems that need to be cor-
rected by changes in policy, training, or supervision, and to identify officers who are
involved in significantly more force incidents than other officers. In many depart-
ments this team is known as the Use of Force Review Board. It is important, for ex-
ample, to know whether there are racial or ethnic disparities in persons against whom
force is being used, or whether use of force appears to be problematic in certain situ-
ations, such as in encounters with people having a mental health crisis.23
With respect to data on other activities, the President’s Task Force recom-
mended that law enforcement agencies “should be encouraged to collect, maintain,
and analyze demographic data on all detentions (stops, searches, summons, and ar-
rests)” (Recommendation 2.0). The analysis of traffic stop data, for example, can
determine whether a pattern of racial profiling exists. In this way a police department
can identify and correct a problem before more people are victimized and the issue
becomes a public controversy.
The President’s Task Force also recommended that departments have a policy
on the release of information about individual force incidents, and stated that pub-
licly released information should include “a summary statement regarding the cir-
cumstances of the incident by the department as soon as possible and within
24 hours.”24 The failure of departments to release information about what happened
in a controversial force incident is a major grievance for community groups. The
prompt release of information would represent openness and transparency on the
part of the department and help to build trust and legitimacy.
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 15

The state of Texas in 2015 went even further than the President’s Task Force,
with all law enforcement agencies making details of all shooting incidents available
on their websites. This includes the police departments in the cities of Houston,
­Dallas, and Austin.25
As we discussed in the section on legitimacy, the use of quotas on the number
of arrests or traffic tickets is an issue of great concern to the public. It is also an im-
portant accountability issue, since quotas result in tickets or arrests that would not
otherwise be made. The President’s Task Force made a strong recommendation
against quotas (Recommendation 2.9).

Accountability in Routine Police—Public Contacts

Building legitimacy and trust in the police requires that officers conduct themselves
in a professional manner in routine contacts with people. To this end, the President’s
Task Force recommended that police training programs “should ensure that basic
officer training includes lessons to improve social interaction as well as tactical
skills” (Recommendation 5.7). As mentioned earlier, procedural justice involves
­officers introducing themselves in encounters (and providing their identifying infor-
mation in writing), explaining why they have intervened, listening to what people
say, and answering their questions.
A far more serious issue involves patterns of systematic bias in routine police systematic bias
law enforcement activities. Systematically stopping, searching, and arresting African
Americans has been labeled racial profiling. Racial profiling has several adverse
consequences. First, stops, searches, and arrests based on race or ethnicity are a vio-
lation of the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Second, patterns
of biased policing damage police–community relations and seriously damage the
legitimacy of the police. The President’s Task Force strongly recommended that all
law enforcement agencies adopt policies prohibiting all forms of discrimination in
police activities, and urged them to “adopt and enforce policies prohibiting profiling
based on race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, age, gender, gender identity/­
expression, sexual orientation, immigration status, disability, housing status, occupation,
or language fluency” (Recommendation 2.13).
Searches of persons is another police activity that needs to be controlled. Un-
der the law, when someone has been arrested, an officer can conduct a search “inci-
dent to the arrest.” Searches when there is no arrest are far more problematic,
however. Officers can request consent to search. Many people give consent because
they are intimidated by police authority and are afraid of what might happen if they
refuse. The President’s Task Force recommended that departments should have a
policy requiring officers to “state the reason for the search if one is conducted”
(Recommendation 2.11).

Training to Prevent Bias in Police Activities

Training is essential if officers are to comply with a department’s policy on bias-free For a discussion
policing. The President’s Task Force recommended that departments “should ensure of the problem of
bias and police—
both basic recruit and in-service training incorporates content around recognizing community relations,
and confronting implicit bias and cultural responsiveness” (Recommendation 5.9). see Chapter 12.
Most people who are not familiar with the details of policing focus on preservice
16 Part I Foundations

police academy training. At least as important, and in many respects more important,
is regular in-service training. It is easy for officers to either forget their academy
training or fall into bad habits under the pressure of the job. Consequently, annual
in-service refresher training on such critical issues as communication skills and use
of force is extremely important. Almost every state requires a certain number of
hours of in-service training each year.
Bias, particularly with regard to race and ethnicity, can be unconscious as well
as conscious and deliberate. It is unlikely that many officers say to themselves, “I am
going to stop that driver because he is black.” Research, however, has found that
unconscious bias unconscious bias plays an important role in policing. This involves officers acting
on the basis of deeply embedded stereotypes about racial or ethnic groups, involve-
ment in crime, or the perceived “dangerousness” of certain people. One study, using
simulated encounters between officers and citizens, found that “[o]fficers with nega-
tive attitudes toward Black suspects and negative beliefs regarding the criminality of
Black people tended to shoot unarmed Black suspects more often in the simulation
than officers with more positive attitudes and beliefs toward Blacks.”
For a discussion of The President’s Task Force recommended that, with respect to training, police
all aspects of police departments should ensure that “both basic recruit and in-service training incorpo-
training, see
Chapter 5. rates content around recognizing and confronting implicit bias and cultural
responsiveness” (Recommendation 5.9). The project on Fair and Impartial Policing
explains that “[i]mplicit bias might lead [an] officer to automatically perceive crime
in the making when she observes two young Hispanic males driving in an all-Caucasian
neighborhood or lead an officer to be ‘under-vigilant’ with a female subject because
he associates crime and violence with males.”26 Whether conscious or unconscious,
bias in police actions has a negative impact on trust and legitimacy and needs to be
eliminated.
An important part of new officer training involves post-academy field training,
where a new officer is partnered with a field training officer who provides close
monitoring and instruction. The President’s Task Force recommends that “[t]he U.S.
Department of Justice should support the development and implementation of im-
proved Field Training Officer programs” (Recommendation 5.13).

Independent Investigations and Review of Critical Incidents

One frequent criticism of the police, especially in the case of officer-involved shoot-
ings, is that departmental internal investigations are not independent, thorough, and
free of bias in favor of the officer being investigated. In response to this issue, the
President’s Task Force recommended that there should be “mandate[d] external and
independent criminal investigations in cases of police use of force resulting in death,
officer-involved shootings resulting in injury or death, or in-custody deaths” (Action
Item 2.2.2). Additionally, in those cases where there is probable cause to believe that
the officer committed a crime, the Task Force recommended “the use of independent
prosecutors in cases of police use of force resulting in death, officer-involved shootings
resulting in injury or death, or in-custody deaths” (Recommendation 2.2.3).
The handling of citizen complaints by police internal affairs units has been a
long controversy. Civil rights groups have alleged that these units are biased in favor
of officers and as a result do not conduct thorough and bias-free investigations.
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 17

­ esearch has found, for example, that internal affairs investigators sometimes ask
R
hostile questions to complainants and leading questions to officers under investiga-
tion, helping them to explain their actions.27 To provide independent complaint
­investigations, civil rights groups have long demanded citizen review of the police,
meaning that complaints would be investigated by a separate agency, independent of
the police department, which would make recommendations to the police chief.
The President’s Task Force recommended that “[s]ome form of civilian over-
For a discussion of
sight of law enforcement is important in order to strengthen trust with the commu- citizen oversight,
nity” (Recommendation 2.8), and that local communities should determine for see Chapter 14.
themselves which form of oversight is appropriate. According to the National Asso-
ciation for Civilian Oversight of the Police (NACOLE), there are now over 100
­citizen oversight agencies across the country.28
There are two basic forms of citizen oversight of the police.29 Complaint re- citizen oversight
view boards investigate individual citizen complaints, determine the disposition of
the complaint (sustained, not sustained, or unfounded), and make a recommendation
to the police chief for action. Police auditors or inspectors general, by contrast, do
not investigate complaints but instead are designed to investigate the policies and
practices of the police department for the purpose of identifying problems that exist
and recommending improvement. In 2015, for example, the inspector general for the
NYPD examined the reporting of use-of-force incidents by department officers and
found many systemic problems. The department’s use-of-force policy was “vague
and imprecise, providing little guidance” to officers; the process for “documenting
and reporting force incidents [was] fragmented;” and the patrol guide did not “prop-
erly instruct officers to de-escalate encounters with the public.”30
Auditors and inspectors general have, for example, investigated patterns in the
use of force, the deployment of canines, the quality of use-of-force investigations,
data on civil suits against police departments, and many other issues. Auditors and
inspectors general issue public reports that represent an important element of open-
ness and transparency for the departments for which they are responsible. To the
extent that their recommendations result in the reform of police practices, they con-
tribute to accountability.

An Effective Police
The Complex Responsibilities of the Police
We want the police to be effective in fulfilling their three major responsibilities:
controlling crime, maintaining order, and providing services to the public. First,
however, we need to have a good understanding of the complex responsibilities of complex responsibilities
the police, and the nature and complexities of each to the three major areas. The of the police
development of effective policing is inhibited by the many myths and stereotypes
about police work. The most enduring myth is that the police are primarily crime
fighters, devoting most of their efforts to patrolling neighborhoods to deter crime,
investigating crimes, and arresting criminals. The reality of police, however, is very
different from that.31
The myth of the crime fighter endures for several reasons. The entertainment
media, in movies and television police programs, feature crime-related stories
18 Part I Foundations

For a discussion b­ ecause they offer drama, fast-paced action, and violence. Think for a moment about
of police crime- the latest Hollywood cop movie: How many car chases were there? How many
fighting, see
Chapter 9. shootouts? The news media also overemphasize crime and the police. A study of
crime and the news media concluded that “crime stories are frequently presented and
prominently displayed,” and the number of these stories is “large in comparison with
other topics.”32 An old cliché of television news is that “if it bleeds, it leads.” A vio-
lent crime has a human element: a victim who engages our sympathies, and a danger-
ous perpetrator. There is often an element of drama: Will the police catch the offender?
crime-fighter image The police perpetuate the crime-fighter image themselves. They present
themselves to the community as the protectors of public safety. Crime fighting is a
way for the police to tell the public they are doing something and doing something
important. And as we discussed earlier, the crime-fighting image encourages the
police to adopt a “warrior” mindset, which too easily can involve practices that harm
community relations and undermine legitimacy.33 This mindset can cause officers,
for example, to resort to use of force in situations where alternative tactics, such as
de-escalation, are more appropriate.
Most important, the crime-fighter image does not represent an accurate picture
of the reality of police work. Studies of 911 calls and direct observations of police
patrol work have established that the vast majority of police work involves order
maintenance and peacekeeping (Exhibit 1–1). Reporting data from a major study of
police services shows that crime-related calls represent only 19 percent of all 911
calls for service.34 The emphasis on crime fighting prevents us from intelligently
evaluating the full scope of police activities. It also creates unrealistic public expec-
tations about the ability of the police to prevent crime and catch criminals. Movies
and TV shows, for example, give the impression that the police are highly successful
in solving crimes, when in fact only 20 percent of all reported Index crimes are
solved. The police themselves suffer from the emphasis on crime fighting. Particu-
larly important, this emphasis devalues the tasks of settling disputes to maintain
­order and providing services to people who have an emergency and need assistance.
Responding to crime and disorder is a difficult challenge. It is far more than
simply patrolling the streets. In the sections that follow, we look at some of the strat-
egies for addressing both crime and disorder.

Ineffective Strategies for Controlling Crime and Disorder

For a discussion of
The first principle in effective crime control is that the police must not engage in
police order tactics and behavior that are either illegal, or damage their relations with the public,
maintenance or are simply ineffective. For this reason, the President’s Task Force recommended
responsibilities, see
Chapter 8. that “[l]aw enforcement agencies should consider the potential damage to public
trust when implementing crime fighting strategies” (Recommendation 1.6). Almost
50 years ago, the Kerner Commission argued that “aggressive preventive patrol,”
which in some cases involved “roving task force[s] moving from neighborhood to
neighborhood,” damaged community relations.35 In today’s terms, we would say that
it undermines legitimacy. Saturation patrols of high-crime neighborhoods, for ex-
ample, create the impression among many community residents of a military occu-
pation. “Sweep” arrests, where the police arrest large numbers of gang members, have
been used in the past and found to be both illegal and ineffective in controlling gangs
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 19

E X H I B I T 1—1
Citizen Calls for Police Services, by General Problem Types and Subcategories
Number Percent Percent of
Type of Problem of Calls of Total Category
Violent Crimes 642 2
1. Homicide 9 1
2. Sexual attack 26 4
3. Robbery 118 18
4. Aggravated assault 74 12
5. Simple assault 351 55
6. Child abuse 38 6
7. Kidnapping 26 4
Nonviolent Crimes 4,489 17
1. Burglary and break-ins 1,544 34
2. Theft 1,389 31
3. Motor vehicle theft 284 6
4. Vandalism, arson 866 19
5. Problems with money/credit/documents 209 5
6. Crimes against the family 29 1
7. Leaving the scene 168 4
Interpersonal Conflict 1,763 7
1. Domestic conflict 694 39
2. Nondomestic arguments 335 19
3. Nondomestic threats 277 16
4. Nondomestic fights 457 26
Medical Assistance 810 3
1. Medical assistance 274 34
2. Death 38 5
3. Suicide 34 4
4. Emergency transport 203 25
5. Personal injury, traffic accident 261 32
Traffic Problems 2,467 9
1. Property damage, traffic accident 1,141 46
2. Vehicle violation 543 22
3. Traffic-flow problem 322 13
4. Moving violation 292 12
5. Abandoned vehicle 169 7
Dependent Persons 774 3
1. Drunk 146 19
2. Missing persons 318 41
3. Juvenile runaway 121 16
4. Subject of police concern 134 17
5. Mentally disordered 55 7
Public Nuisances 3,002 11
1. Annoyance, harassment 980 33
2. Noise disturbance 984 33
3. Trespassing, unwanted entry 302 10
4. Alcohol, drug violations 130 4
5. Public morals 124 4
(continued)
20 Part I Foundations

E X H I B I T 1—1   (continued)
Number Percent Percent of
Type of Problem of Calls of Total Category
6. Juvenile problem 439 15
7. Ordinance violations 43 1
Suspicious Circumstances 1,248 5
1. Suspicious person 674 54
2. Suspicious property condition 475 38
3. Dangerous person or situation 99 8
Assistance 3,039 12
1. Animal problem 755 25
2. Property check 616 20
3. Escorts and transports 86 3
4. Utility problem 438 14
5. Property discovery 240 8
6. Assistance to motorist 154 5
7. Fires, alarms 112 4
8. Crank calls 114 4
9. Unspecified requests 425 14
10. Other requests 99 3
Citizen Wants Information 5,558 21
1. Information, unspecified 248 4
2. Information, police-related 1,262 23
3. Information about specific case 1,865 34
4. Information, nonpolice-related 577 10
5. Road directions 189 3
6. Directions, nontraffic 55 1
7. Requests for specific unit 1,362 25
Citizen Wants to Give Information 1,993 8
1. General information 1,090 55
2. Return of property 156 8
3. False alarm 176 9
4. Complaint against specific officer 105 5
5. Complaint against police in general 350 18
6. Compliments for police 20 1
7. Hospital report to police 96 5
Internal Operations 633 2
1. Internal legal procedures 63 10
2. Internal assistance request 134 21
3. Officer wants to give information 298 47
4. Officer wants information 132 21
5. Other internal procedures 6 1
Total Calls 26,418 100

Source: Eric J. Scott, Calls for Service: Citizen Demand and Initial Police Response (Washington, DC: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1981), 28—30.
 Chapter 1 Police and Society 21

and crime. Today, there are more sophisticated and effective strategies for addressing
gangs and gang-related crimes, many of which are labeled focused-deterrence pro-
grams. For example, the Cincinnati Initiative to Reduce Violence (CIRV), which em-
ployed focused deterrence, was effective in reducing gang-related homicides.36
Between 2000 and 2013, the NYPD conducted a massive stop and frisk pro-
gram, reaching a peak of 685,724 stops of people in 2011 (up from 97,296 in 2002).
Community groups protested, charging that the program discriminated against African
Americans (52.9 percent of all stops) and Hispanics (33.7 percent). Slightly more
than half (55.7 percent) of those stopped were frisked, but frisks were extremely
unproductive. Only 1.9 percent of frisks found a gun. In short, the stop and frisk
program damaged community relations and was ineffective in controlling crime.37 In
2013, a federal district court ruled that the NYPD’s stop and frisk ­program as prac-
ticed was unconstitutional, in violation of the Fourth Amendment protection against
unreasonable searches and seizures and also of the Fourteenth Amendment guarantee
of equal protection of the law.38

Effective Strategies for Controlling Crime and Disorder

A number of effective strategies for controlling crime and disorder have emerged in
recent years. Most are based on the best research and knowledge about crime and
disorder and about what it is possible for the police to accomplish.39
Problem-oriented policing (POP) is a widely used program that has been problem-oriented
­effective in responding to both crime and disorder. Information about POP programs policing
is available on the website of the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing.40 As devel-
oped by Herman Goldstein, POP involves disaggregating the police workload into
specific problems (for example, household burglaries, drunk driving, graffiti), iden-
tifying recurring problems, developing working partnerships with community
groups, and together developing strategies to reduce or eliminate a specific prob- For a discussion of
lem.41 POP represents a proactive approach, which is very different from the reactive problem-oriented
approach of simply responding to 911 calls. The category of disorder, for example, policing, see
Chapter 10.
can be disaggregated into separate problems: domestic disturbances, juvenile rowdi-
ness, and chronic alcoholism on the street. A different strategy would be developed
for each problem.

Partnerships with the Public

Problem-oriented policing involves a new role for the police. Officers function as
community organizers, working with community groups, discussing community
problems and developing possible responses, and in many cases negotiating with lo-
cal government service agencies, such as the sanitation department or the parks and
recreation department, to obtain better services for the neighborhood. The principle
of working partnerships with community groups is now recognized as an important
element of effective strategies for controlling crime and disorder. The President’s
Task Force strongly recommended “working with neighborhood residents to copro-
duce public safety. Law enforcement agencies should work with community residents
to identify problems and collaborate on implementing solutions that produce mean-
ingful results for the community” (Recommendation 4.5).
22 Part I Foundations

Partnerships with community groups contrast sharply with traditional police

practice in which the police presented themselves as the professional experts on
crime fighting, who had nothing to learn from ordinary citizens. The police generally
told community people what they should do (install secure locks on doors, report
suspicious activity, and the like) but did not seek their opinion about crime condi-
tions or how best to respond to them. As already mentioned, CAPS, the Chicago
community policing experiment, involved regular neighborhood meetings between
the police and area residents.42
Involving community groups as partners pays several dividends. First, neigh-
borhood residents know a lot about conditions in the area. Most important, they
know about the issues that concern them the most: drug sales in an abandoned house,
a neighborhood park that is not a safe place, and so on. Second, community partner-
ships give neighborhood residents a sense of ownership in the strategy that is chosen,
and a commitment to help make it work. Third, this approach greatly enhances the
legitimacy of the police, which pays dividends in many other ways.
Since the 1980s, police experts have recognized that effective policing requires
a police department to have the cooperation of members of the public. Community
residents play a vital role in (a) reporting crimes to the police; (b) notifying the po-
lice about neighborhood problems (for example, open drug-dealing on certain street
corners or in certain houses, graffiti on certain blocks); (c) being witnesses in crimi-
nal cases; and (d) participating in police-sponsored anticrime programs. Police
­
experts define these activities as “co-producing” police services.43

A Special Case: The Police and the Mentally Ill

Responding to incidents in which a person is having a mental health crisis has
­become an increasing part of routine police work.44 Such incidents present major
challenges for police officers in terms of choosing the right course of action. In many
incidents, the person has a gun, a knife, or another dangerous object. As a starting
point, police departments should have clear policies on how to respond to such inci-
dents. The policy should be reinforced with both academy training and regular in-
service training for all officers. Local mental health professionals should be involved
in all training programs.
For a discussion of One of the most popular approaches to responding to mental-health-related
police handling of incidents is with crisis intervention team (CIT) training. CIT programs can take one
mental-health-
related cases, see
of two forms. One approach is to have a certain number of officers with specialized
Chapter 8. CIT training who are available to respond to mental health crisis incidents. An alter-
native approach is for all officers in the department to receive CIT training. The
training involves giving officers background on mental health issues so that they can
recognize certain symptoms and assess potential dangers. Also, officers are trained
in how to talk to people having a mental health crisis in order to de-escalate situa-
tions. Finally, training includes guidelines on the proper use of force when it ­becomes
necessary. The President’s Task Force recommended that police departments “should
make Crisis Intervention Training (CIT) a part of both basic recruit and in-service
officer training” (Recommendation 5.6).
CIT International explains the crisis intervention approach that is consistent
with many of the principles we have been discussing. 45 The first core element
Another random document with
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yhteenliittyvästä perspektiivistä eikä tulevaisuuden koleasta
sarastuksesta, vaan elävät aurinkoisessa, suloisessa nykyisyydessä.

Nyt me rakastamme toisiamme; nyt omaamme toisemme; nyt

olemme nuoria, voimakkaita tunteissamme, rohkeita mieleltämme.
Nykyisyyden hetket välkkyvät niin voimakkain loistein etteivät ne
kalpene vanhuuden etäisimpinäkään päivinä.

Olen polvistunut hurmaavasta kiitollisuudesta siksi, että hän on

sanonut rakastavansa minua, siksi, että hän on käyttänyt juuri tätä
suurta sanaa, jonka edestä itse ajatuskin väistyy kuin sitovan valon
edestä, ja jota väreilevät huulet vain kuiskien lausuvat; jonka edessä
me vaistomaisesti suljemme silmämme, siksi että katsettamme, jota
taivaan salama häikäsee, samalla kohtaa intohimon tuli.

Kun kesäillat pitenivät, istuimme mekin kauvemmin keskustellen.

Olimme molemmat yksin maailmassa. Emäntäni oli matkustanut

pois ja hänen vanha palvelijansa lähti joka päivä, annettuaan minulle
päivällistä, tyttärensä luokse, toiseen kaupunginosaan. Hän oli
iloinen saadessaan mennä, ja minun puolestani sai hän niin
mielellään, niin mielellään olla poissa.

Pienen puutarhatilkun ympärillä törröttivät talot liidutuin, sokein

ikkunasilmin; minun ikkunani ainoastaan oli puhdas ja avonainen ja
hänen ikkunansa oli osaksi kirjojen peitossa.

Koko päivän työskentelin ja uneksin — uneksin ja harmittelin

hulluuttani, kun rakastin. — Mutta iltasin tuli hän luokseni ja kertoi
päivänsä kokemuksista, ja unelmat ja harmit katosivat ja jälelle jäi
ihana tieto siitä, että nykyhetki oli minun.
 Oli niin helppoa puhella ensi aikoina, ajatukset tulivat niin
täyteläisen rikkaina. Mutta vähitellen kävivät välihetket pitkiksi ja
painostaviksi. Alussa olivat ne olleet niin valoisia kuin varhainen ilta,
mutta nyt kun ne kestivät kauvemmin, pysähtyivät ajatukseni, ja
hänen katseensa kävi synkäksi ja miettiväksi.

Pieni oka painautuu sydämeeni ja pistää, kun muistan, että minä

välihetken katkaisin sinä iltana, jolloin sireenit tuoksuivat
väkevämmin kuin muulloin ja ilma oli lämmin.

»Sanokaa minulle,» virkoin nopeasti, kun pitkä vaitiolo oli nostanut

hänen kasvoilleen tumman ilmeen. »Miksi olette niin synkän
näköinen? Sanokaa se minulle? Olemmehan ystävät?»

Sanani herättivät myrskyn, jonka hillitsemätöntä vauhtia en olisi

odottanut.

»Ystävät?» sanoi hän hiljaisella tukahutetulla äänellä. »Ei! Emme

koskaan ystäviä! Minä rakastan sinua, minä rakastan sinua!»

Hän veti minut tiukasti luoksensa ja aivan kuin hurmaantuneena

omista sanoistaan, toisti hän ne lukemattomat kerrat, kietoen
käsivartensa lujasti hartiani ympäri ja painaen huulensa poskilleni.

Päivät, jotka seurasivat, eivät olleet pitkiä. Aamusta iltaan

suunnittelin vastaista yhteiselämäämme. Kuinka voisin varjella
itseäni ja häntä tottumuksen velvollisuudelta? Kuinka suojelisinkaan
yhdyselämäämme? Me työskentelisimme kumpikin tahollamme ja
kun hän tulisi kotiin, väsyneenä ja liikutettuna vaikeuksista, joita hän
maailmassa kohtaisi, kertoisi minun syleilyni hänelle, että minun
luonani löytyi sydänrauhaa ja lempeyttä, minun luonani kodin
lämmittävää, tyynnyttävää lepoa.
 Joka aamu sain häneltä kirjeen:

»Tulethan illalla alas, niinkuin ennenkin, rakkaani?» — Ja minä

tulin.

Eikö minun olisi pitänyt niin tehdä? Onko hän voittanut minut liian
helposti? En tiedä; sen tiedän vaan, etten ole voinut enkä tahtonut
toimia toisin. Hän yksin hallitsee sydäntäni; en tahdo teeskennellä en
ole sitä hänelle sanonut, mutta olen tullut hänen luoksensa penkille,
sireenipensaston juurelle.

Ja hän on sanonut, ettei kukaan ole ollut niin hyvä hänelle, kuin
minä; ettei kukaan nainen ole niin suloinen, niin viisas kuin minä, ja
ennen kaikkea, että hän rakastaa minua.

Hymyillen olen ajatellut, että samoja sanoja lausuvat kaikki miehet

naisille, joita he ihailevat, mutta hymyilyn ohessa on jonkinlainen
mielipahakin tuntunut.

»Sinä olet viisaampi, kuin muut naiset: sinä et ole toisten naisten
kaltainen», sanovat he ja ilmaisevat vaan täten, kuinka ala-arvoisina
he ylipäänsä naisia pitävät.

Mutta turhamainen sydän iloitsee kuitenkin jokaisesta hellästä

sanasta.

Ja kuitenkaan ei parhain ole sanoissa: se on äänen sävyssä,

katseessa, siinä selittämättömässä, joka meitä ympäröitsee ja joka
minulle sanoo, että ainakin tänä hetkenä olen hänelle kaikki.

Naisten tapaan kysyn, kun hän kauvan on istunut ääneti, käsi

ympärilläni:
 »Mitä ajattelet? Minuako? Kaikkeako?» ja saan aina saman
vastauksen:

»En ajattele mitään, tunnen vaan. Tunnen olentosi läheisyyttä,

tuota suloisuutta, että me kaksi olemme yhdessä.»

Ja minä saatan vain painaa pääni hänen rintaansa ja tuntea, että

maailma ei voi minulle suurempaa onnea tarjota.

Maljakkoni on täynnä primuloita; älkööt ne liian pian kuihtuko!

Heinäkuu.

Kaksikymmentä pitkää kesäpäivää häiritsemättömässä onnessa!

Eikö minun tule olla iloinen, että elämä on tarjonnut niin paljon?

Kun kaksikymmentä päivää on kulunut, täytyy meidän erota;

hänen pitää matkustaa.

Hänellä ei ole isää, ei äitiä eikä sisaruksia. Sen verran tiedän,

vaan en muuta hänen elämänsä ulkonaisista piirteistä. Minä aavistan
hänen mielipiteitään monissa asioissa, luulen, että hänellä on
järkähtämätön tahto, mutta itse asiassa en tunne miestä, jota
rakastan.

Hän sitävastoin — ah, hän saa tietää jokaisen ajatuksen

sielussani, minulla ei ole mitään salattavaa enkä ole mitään
salannut. Hän on herrani. Hän sanoo toisinaan, että olen arka ja
kylmä, ja se on totta; mutta sekin johtuu toivosta olla hänelle
mieleen. Hän ei haluaisi, että antaisin hyväilyjä tai hyviä sanojakaan
enemmän, kuin mitä hän haluaisi.

Siinä suhteessa on hän sellaisen miehekkyyden perikuva, joka itse

tahtoo tahtoa, eikä hän siis vastaa haaveellisia kuvittelultani.

Olin nimittäin kuvitellut miestä, joka ymmärtäisi ja ehkäpä myöskin

heltyisi siitä, että nainen antaisi hänelle enemmän rakkautta, kuin
mitä hän pyytäisi, mutta sellainen mies ei ole armaani.

No niin, hänen tulisi matkustaa, ja minä olisin sillä aikaa

sukulaisissani maalla. — Mieluimmin olisin minä jäänyt huoneeseeni
ja puutarhaani; mutta, kuinka yksinäinen ihminen onkaan, aina pitää
arkimaailma lukemattomilla kahlehtivilla tempuilla hänestä kiinni, ja
minä läksin, jottei kukaan kummeksisi miksi yksin olisin kaupungin
pölyssä.

Mutta päivät olivat pitkät, yöt pitemmät ja epäilyksien

katkeroittamat.

Muistelin nyt, että kaikkien niitten hellien sanojen joukossa, joita

hän minulle oli sanonut, ei milloinkaan ollut pienintäkään viittausta
yhteisestä tulevaisuudestamme. — Alituista hellyyttä, sydämellistä
rakkautta, mutta tämä aina vaan nykyhetkeksi, ja se sai alussa
minunkin uskomaan että tämä oli kaikki.

Itkin pitkinä, valoisina kesäöinä, jolloin epäluulo ja luottamus

keskenään kamppailivat, ja väsynein ajatuksin nukahdin
aamupuoleen, alkaakseni seuraavana iltana kamppailuni uudelleen.

Kun erosimme, olimme sopineet, että kymmenen päivän päästä

tapaisimme toisemme jälleen sopessamme, joka minulle oli paratiisin
yrttitarha, siksi että me kaksi olimme yksin siellä. Ja me kohtasimme
toisemme, mutta kuinka?

Hänen otsansa oli poimuissa, huulet puserretut kapeaksi viivaksi

ja katse oli ilman lämpöä. Ja minä tiesin itsestäni, että epäluulo väijyi
silmissäni, jotka eivät uskaltaneet kohdata hänen katsettaan.

Pitkän aikaa seisoimme ääneti vastatusten, sitten kiedoin itkien

käteni hänen kaulaansa ja painoin pääni hänen rintaansa. — Hän ei
kysynyt, miksi itkin, puristi minua vain rintaansa, silitti tukkaani ja
kuiskasi yksinäisiä, helliä sanoja.

Mutta tämän kohtaamisen jälkeen tiesin ja tunsin minä, että hän

soljui pois luotani — pian — ja ettei minulla olisi oikeutta eikä tahtoa
pidättää häntä. — Ja tieto tästä kypsytti myöskin erään päätöksen
minussa.

Niistä käsityksistä, joita kasvatus oli minuun istuttanut n.k.

naisellisesta arvokkuudesta, olin jo osittain vapautunut, ja
viimeisenkin kiinnipitämisen halun itkin pois hänen sylissään.

En koskaan vaatisi porvarillisia oikeuksia rakkauteni vastineeksi!

Sen tulisi olla vapaan lahjan. Eihän rakastaminen ole ainoastaan
puoleensa vetämistä, vaan myöskin uskollisuudessa pysymistä!
Jollei hän tätä ymmärtäisi, pitäisi minun koettaa olla suvaitsevainen
— niinkuin sitä tulee olla rakasta ystävää kohtaan, jolla on toinen
usko.

Keskikesän ja purppuranpunaisten ruusujen kuukauden viime

päivinä oli ilma tukahuttava ja kuuma; pian loppuisi tuoksu ja lämpö.
Hänen katseensa etsi minun katsettani arkana ja kysyvänä, ja minä
tunsin, kuinka hän taisteli irroittaakseen minut sydämestään ja
elämästään. Hän kyllä tulisi taistelussa voittamaan, sen tiesin, ja
ääni minussa huusi: »Miksi, miksi?» Mutta mitään kysymystä ei tullut
huulieni yli, köyhän ylpeänä vaikenin.

Nyt tapahtui aina, kun iltasin erosimme, että hän kiitti minua
hyvyydestäni (hän ei olisi sitä tehnyt, jos hän olisi katsonut itsellään
olevan oikeutta siihen) ja hän pidätti minua ja sanoi hyvää yötänsä
niin hellästi — — toivoinpa melkein, että olisin ollut hänelle
vähemmän rakas. Hänen olisi silloin ollut helpompi sanoa eroa
tuottavat sanansa.

Mutta hetkiseksi vain saatoin kohota niin epäitsekkäisiin

mietelmiin; seuraavana hetkenä katsoin lohdutukseksi sitä, että hän
piti minusta juuri niin intohimoisesti, kuin hän piti.

Kun nyt kirjoittelen tätä, muistelen kaihomielin erästä tapausta,

joka säilyy elämäni kultaisimpana muistona.

Ensi kertaa oli hän kanssani meillä ja minun huoneessani. En

tiedä mikä häneen niin vaikutti, kun hän katseli ympärilleen siellä,
mutta hänet valtasi liikutus, jota hän ei voinut hillitä.

Hän oli polvillaan edessäni, tarttui minuun kylmin, vapisevin käsin,

huulten lausuessa katkonaisia, pyytävää rakkautta, rukoilevaa
valitusta ja vakuutuksia sisältäviä sanoja.

Olen ylpeä, että hän rakastaa minua juuri niin, mutta minuun koski
ja minua pelotti nähdä väkevää heikkona ja että hän niin oli
unohtanut kaiken muun maailmassa, paitsi minut ja tunteensa. — Ja
vapisevalla säälillä annoin hänelle sen ainoan, mitä saatoin antaa —
viileitä, arkoja hyväilyjä, tyynnyttääkseni hänen rajusti liikutettua
mieltänsä.
 Elokuu.

Niin tuli emäntäni kotiin, ja hillitseminen, johon hänen läsnäolonsa

meidät pakotti, oli hyvä meille molemmille.

Seurasi nyt muutaman viikon rauha, jolloin kolmannen henkilön

läsnäolo — henkilön, joka lempeänä ja hiljaisesti, mutta eräänlaisella
uteliaalla mielenkiinnolla tarkkasi meitä — sai meidät palauttamaan
ensi aikojemme puheliaan ystävyyssuhteemme, jonka hauskuutta
nyt enensi tieto siitä, että sanojen takana piili niin paljon
sydämellisyyttä ja yksimielisyyttä.

Kumminkaan en tuskin tunniksikaan unohtanut, että isku sattuisi,

eroamisen raskas portti tulisi sulkeutumaan välillemme.

Eikä hänkään sitä unohtanut. — Jos hän näinä päivinä puhuikin

paljon enemmän, kuin mitä tapansa oli juodessaan kanssamme
teetä puutarhassa iltaisin, niin tapahtui se sen vuoksi, että hän tahtoi
antaa minulle mukaani — erottuamme — niin paljon kuin suinkin
olemustaan muistoksi.

Vaikeata oli pidättää kysymystä: »Kuinka kauan?» joka piili

jokaisessa väreilevässä sydämeni tykinnässä, mutta minä kestin
sen, ja nykyisyys, tuo kiitävä, tuskinpa olemassa-oleva, koska se on
jo poissa, kun siihen yrittää tarttua, sai suoda minulle harhaonnensa.

Elokuun lopussa.
 Tänään on elämäni sammunut, onneni murskaantunut! Hän on
matkustanut ja tuntuu, kuin kaikki tunteeni olisivat kuoleentuneet ja
jäätyneet.

Pääni on kylmä ja selvä. Muistan hänen jokaisen sanansa,

niinkuin en koskaan ennen ole voinut muistaa ja jonka vuoksi en ole
voinutkaan antaa minkäänlaista kokonaiskuvaa keskusteluistamme.

Päivällisaikaan sain häneltä kirjeen, lyhyen, niinkuin ennenkin.

»Tule alas puutarhaan kello neljä. Minun täytyy puhua kanssasi.

Rakas lapseni, voinetko antaa anteeksi?»

En tiedä miten aika kului. — Luulenpa polvillani rukoilleeni

Jumalaa auttamaan itseäni ja muistan, että kyyneleeni vuotivat
herkeämättä ja ilman nyyhkytyksiä.

Varmaankin olin kalpea, kun hänet kohtasin, sillä kun hän näki
minut, peitti hän kädellään hetkeksi silmänsä, kuin tahtoisi hän
karttaa tuskallista näkyä. — Sitten syleili hän minua ja suuteli. Hänen
huulensa olivat kylmät; kuoleentunut oli kaikki ihanuus, joka meitä oli
lämmittänyt; oli niin kuolonhiljaista ympärillämme.

Ja sitten alkoi hän puhua. Hänen äänensä tuntui pakotetulta ja

sanat tulivat lyhyinä ja katkonaisina.

»Työni täällä on päättynyt.» sanoi hän. »Minun tulee matkustaa —

matkustan tänä iltana.»

»Matkustatko?» kysyin minä. Kesken syvintä hiljaisuutta kuulin

juoksevan veden ääntä, se lirisi ja kohisi korvissani ja pauhun takaa
kuului oma ääneni heikosti etäältä.
 Ääretön minuutti kului, ennenkuin hän vastasi. — Niin, kuinka se
oli hänelle vaikeata, mutta kieleni ei totellut tahtoani antaakseni
sanan lohdutukseksi.

»Sinä et voi minua seurata — — olen sidottu toiseen» — — Hän

vei minut sireenimajan penkille, missä niin usein olimme istuneet.
Pidellen jääkylmää kättäni omassaan puhui hän nopeasti: »Sinä et
voi sitä ymmärtää, mutta niin se on — olen usein aikonut puhua
tästä — — — jo aikaa sitten — mutta en ole voinut. — Minä rakastan
sinua.»

»Sinä — rakastat — minua?» Kuivat huuleni antoivat sanoilleni

kovemman soinnun, kuin mitä tahdoin, mutta en voinut niitä pidättää.

»Niin, minä rakastan sinua,» toisti hän. »Luuletko sinä, että

janoinen mies, jolla on vaivalloinen tie edessään, voisi olla juomatta
tien ohessa olevasta lähteestä vaan siitä syystä, että pelkäisi sen
hämmentyvän? Sinä tulit vastaani niin terveenä ja älykkäänä; minun
täytyi virkistää itseäni sinun raittiilla olemuksellasi, en voinut muuta.
— Tahdon kertoa sinulle kappaleen äärettömän tavallista historiaa,
tuomitse minut sitten. Tiedät, että olen yksin, köyhä olen aina ollut.
Vähäinen omaisuuteni riitti tuskinpa ensi lukuvuosiksikaan. — Asuin
erään lesken luona, jolla oli yksi ainoa tytär. Heidän hyvyyttään
yksinäistä kohtaan täytyy minun aina kiitollisuudella tunnustaa.

»Siitä on nyt kuhmut seitsemän vuotta, jolloin kiitollisuudesta, jota

silloin luulin rakastumiseksi, sidoin tyttären kohtalon omaani.»

Hän vaikeni. En voinut vielä mitään sanoa, kehotin vaan

päännyökkäyksellä häntä jatkamaan.
 »Pian huomasin, miten asian laita oli,» jatkoi hän, »mutta hän oli
saanut sanani; en tuntenut vetovoimaa kehenkään toiseen naiseen,
ennenkuin sinä laskit lumipisarasi ikkunanlaudalleni ja sitten
empimättä lahjoitit seurasi minulle kevätiltaisin.»

»Sinun olisi pitänyt sanoa se minulle silloin.» ääntelin minä, »olisi

ollut helppoa alussa.» — Voi miten oli vaikeata puhua: minun täytyi
työntää tavut yksitellen.

»Luuletko, että meille olisi käynyt toisin silloin?» vastasi hän,

»minä en sitä usko — vaan kyllä vaikeammaksi tuskat myöskin
sinulle — ja sitäpaitsi unohdin minä hänet ja kaiken muun, siksi
kunnes — kunnes. — Muistatko sitä päivää, jolloin sanoin sinulle,
ettemme koskaan voisi olla ystäviä?»

— — Vedin käteni hänen kädestään eikä hän yrittänyt saada sitä

takaisin. Hetkisen istuimme molemmat ääneti; sitten nöyrryin tomuun
asti.

»Ja tahdotko nyt lähteä takaisin hänen luokseen? Täytyykö sinun

täytyykö sinun jättää minut?»

Hän kumarsi päätään syvästi, kun hän vastasi:

»Hän on saanut sanani — hän ei ymmärrä, että tahdon päästä

vapaaksi — hän on odottanut seitsemän vuotta. — Älä katso
minuun.» jatkoi hän kiihkeästi, en voi kestää katsettasi.

»Kaikki on niin sietämättömän häpeällistä, niin äitelän

jokapäiväistä — hän on antanut minulle rahaa lukujani varten —
kirjojani varten, jotka olivat ainoa intohimoni, ennenkuin löysin sinut.
Minun täytyy ne maksaa.»
 Toisen kerran oli hän polvillaan jalkojeni juuressa; ensi kerran
intohimon ihanassa huumauksessa; toisen kerran katumuksen
tekijänä, pää sylissäni, jotta peittyisi häpeän puna.

Ja toisen kerran olin voimaton.

Intohimon harkitsemattomaan pyyntöön en tahtonut suostua;

polttavaa häpeätä en voinut lieventää. Nyt, niinkuin silloinkin, saatoin
vaan hiljaa sivellä hänen tukkaansa ja poskeansa ja säälien odottaa,
kunnes mielenkuohu asettuisi.

Kesti kauvan, ennenkuin hän nosti päätään. Yhäti polvillaan, sanoi

hän sitten:

»Sinä tiedät nyt että menen kurjuutta kohti. Voitko antaa minulle
anteeksi, että anastin itselleni muutamia onnellisia sekunteja?»

En voinut vastata, sillä juuri silloin olisi vastaukseni tullut

katkeraksi, nuhtelevaksi. Ja mitä se olisi hyödyttänyt? Hänen
päätöstään ei vastaukseni kumminkaan koskaan voisi muuttaa.

Hän nousi.

»Kohta on aika erota ja minä pyydän sinua vaan muistamaan —».

Ääni petti, mutta hetkisen kuluttua jatkoi hän: »pyydän sinua
muistamaan, että olet ollut minulle rakkain maailmassa. Sinä et ole
voinut käsittää tunteitani, niin luulen, sinä olet aina ollut kylmä ja
hillitty. — Minun lohdutukseni on, että ehkäpä sinä pian unohdat —»

Tätä en voinut kestää, kohotin vastustaen käteni ja kuiskasin:

»En ole tätä ansainnut; se on hirveätä.»

 Hänelle varmaankin selvisi, että hän oli tehnyt vääryyttä minulle, ja
hän näki, kuinka kärsin, sillä äkkiä oli hän taas luonani ja painoi
pääni hellästi niinkuin ennenkin povelleen.

»Ei, ei», sanoi hän, suudellen minua nopeasti, »olin luonnoton,

sinä olet aina ollut vaan hyvä, eikä minulla ole oikeutta sanoa muuta
kuin anteeksi ja taas anteeksi.»

Kirkonkello löi viisi kumeata lyöntiä, ja me ponnahdimme

pelästyneinä erillemme.

Hän astui askeleen taapäin ja sanoi jäykästi:

»Minun täytyy mennä: vaadin liikoja, kun pyysin, että nyt jo voisit
antaa minulle anteeksi. — Mutta sano minulle ystävällinen sana
ennen kuin eroamme —». Äänensä oli tuskallinen. »Anna minun
viedä mukaani toisellainen muisto jäähyväisistämme — En saata
nähdä kalpeita kasvojasi ja jähmettynyttä ilmettä sinun ennen niin
lempeissä silmissäsi — —»

Silloin katosi sekä heikkouteni että arkuuteni. Kärsimysten

synnyttämä innostus pelasti minut hetken tuskista. Kiedoin käteni
hänen kaulaansa ja suutelin monta kertaa hänen rakkaita, älykkäitä
silmiään, jotka sulkeutuivat suudelmistani.

»Mitä sanoisin?» kuiskasin hiljaa. »Minä rakastan sinua, minä

rakastan sinua —»

Sinä hetkenä olisin melkein voinut toivottaa hänelle valoisata

elämää, mutta sehän olisi ollut pilaa.

»Mene nyt,» lisäsin minä, »nyt saatan antaa sinun mennä.»

 Hän suuteli, sanaakaan sanomatta, käsiäni ja meni.

Tulin huoneeseeni. Tuntui siltä, kuin kaikki tämä olisi kohdannut

jotakuta toista, niin vähän minä tunsin. Ja vielä nytkin tätä
kirjoittaessani, kun uusi päivä on koittanut, en tajua itsestäni
enempää, kuin jos olisin täysin jäätynyt.

Kaikki on niin kylmää, selkeätä ja läpinäkyvän tyhjää — — Ei löydy

niin mitään koko avarassa maailmassa.

Syyskuu.

Minulle on sanottu, että on olemassa hermo, joka on niin tärkeä,

että pieninkin kosketus siihen tuottaa häiriötä elimistön toimintaan, ja
jos se joutuu kovaan puserrukseen, taukoo sydän lyömästä, keuhkot
elämää tuottavaa ilmaa imemästä. Katse käy sameaksi ja aivot
työskentelevät umpimähkään.

Niin oli minun laitani monta päivää hänen lähtönsä jälkeen.

Voi niitä pitkiä, mustia öitä, jolloin katkera epätoivo ahdisti sydäntä,
jolloin kyyneleet vaan polttivat, tuottamatta apua.

Puhutaan kyynelten lohdusta, kyynelten virkistyksestä.

Sillä tarkoitettanee — kyyneleitä, millä kuollutta itketään.

Mutta ken suree sitä, joka on poispyyhitty, hävitetty omasta

elämästä, hänelle ei löydy katkerampaa tuskaa kuin yksinäiset
kuumat kyyneleet, jotka polttavat ja kuivettavat mielen ja kärventävät
tyysten kaikki hyvät tunteet.

Vasta aamulla vaivuin hetkiseksi raskaaseen horrostilaan ja koko

päivänä oli vainen yksi ainoa valoisampi hetki.

Kun heräsin, en ensin tiennyt muuta kuin että aurinko paistoi ja

kukkia oli maljakossa.

Mutta seuraavassa hetkessä tuli tuska taas painostavana ja siitä

oli mahdoton päästä — ja se lamautti kokonaan toimintatahtoni.

Ja päivät olivat niin pitkiä, pitkiä!

On niin väsyttävää kärsiä, väsyttävää tuntea; niin sanomattoman

väsyttävää kaihota ja kummeksia, kun vastausta ei kuulu ja kaiho ei
mitään auta.

En uskaltanut katsoa hänen ikkunaansa. Kerran yritin, ja vieläkin

kauhistun muistellessani hurjia ajatuksiani elämiseni
mahdottomuudesta ja sitä tuskaa, joka painoi minut maahan
rukoilemaan ihme-työtä, jota ennen leikilläni olin sanonut toivovani,
mutta jota nyt en kuitenkaan uskonut tapahtuvaksi.

Toisinaan olen sydämessäni äärettömän katkera häntä kohtaan,

joka anasti itselleen rakkauteni ja sitten jätti minut.

Vaan en kauvaa. Kesken kurjuutta tunnen selvästi, kuinka on

parempi tuhlaten lahjoittaa pois olemuksensa parhaan aarteen, kuin
ettei koskaan tulisikaan tilaisuuteen lahjoittamaan.

Kurja kiusaus hiipii myöskin usein mieleeni. — Olisihan voinut

tarjota hänelle ne rahat — jotka hän oli velkaa sille toiselle —
Parempi mikä hyvänsä, kuin olla ilman häntä. Parempi jos olisin
rukoillut häntä, ettei hän jättäisi minua, olisin kiusannut, houkutellut
häntä, olisin antanut hänelle kaikki, silloin olisi hänen ollut pakko
jäädä luokseni.

Mutta kun hän kertoi minulle kohtalostansa, ei pälkähtänyt

mieleenikään ostaa hänet vapaaksi, ja se vaisto oli oikea.

Rahavelka olisi kyllä voinut tulla korvatuksi, mutta seitsemän

vuoden uskollista hellyyttä ja kärsivällistä luottavaa odotusta ei
koskaan voisi kullalla maksaa.

Kysymykset ja mietteet risteilevät yksitoikkoisessa kiertokulussa.

Minä alan ja lopetan samalla tavalla, päivät pääksytysten.

Hän ei rakasta tuota toista; minun kanssani olisi hän voinut tulla
onnelliseksi, ajattelen ensin — mutta sitten:

Onko kenelläkään oikeutta tulla onnelliseksi rikotun lupauksen

kautta?

Voipiko sitä tullakaan onnelliseksi, kun saavuttaa onnensa toisen

onnen kustannuksella? Ei, mutta nyt olen minä onneton, tuo toinen
saavuttaa onnensa minun ja hänen kustannuksella. Voipiko siis tuo
toinenkaan tulla onnelliseksi?

Eikö hänen olisi pitänyt esittää asia hänelle ja antaa hänen

päättää? — — Ei, ei, seitsemän vuoden uskollisuus ja miehen sana
painavat toisessa vaakalaudassa, minun onneni toisessa, ja se ei voi
nousta niitten tasalle.

Sydämeni lemmitty, tee niinkuin muutkin. Syö, juo, tee

velvollisuutesi, ajattele vähän äläkä tunne mitään; toimita lapsia
itsellesi ja kuole!

Ja kuitenkaan en saata muuta luulla, kuin että sinä vuosien

vieriessä jäät yhä enemmän yksin. Minä näen sinut yksin
lukuhuoneessasi; älykkäät silmäsi ovat väsyneet ja sinä nojaat pääsi
kättäsi vasten.

Ehkä muistelet minua joskus, sillä unohtaa et sinä minua voi, olen
siksi paljon rakastanut sinua.

Tiedän kyllä, että suruni kerran tyyntyy, ehkä piankin; tiedän, että
ihminen unohtaa jo ennenkuin tahtookaan. Tiedän, että elämä tuo
mukanaan monenlaisia velvollisuuksia, monenlaisia hommia, kunnes
vanhuuden tautinen hämäryys viimein päättyy lepoon.

Tiedän edelleen, että monet, jotka ovat tulleet yhteen rakkaudesta,

eroavat vihassa ja että vieläkin useammat pysyvät yhdessä
tottumuksesta ja veltosta välinpitämättömyydestä. Tiedän, kuinka
vähän aikaa lemmen intohimo kestää, tiedän sen; tiedän tuon
kaiken; — mutta mitä se auttaa, kun tunteet ovat nuorekkaat ja
haavaa kirveltää?

Lokakuu.

Huokausten kuukausi.

Sade pärskyi ikkunoihin ja virtasi ränneistä ja katoilta; ei

ainoatakaan häiritsevää auringonsädettä näkynyt leikkimässä lattian
valkeilla laudoilla. — Olen ollut sairas ja emäntäni on hoitanut minua
näppärän keijukaisen tavoin. Aavistiko hän syyn tautiini, sitä en
tiedä: emme puhuneet siitä. Julkisesti kutsuttiin sitä influensaksi.

Olen jälleen ollut pystyssä muutaman päivän. — Puutarhan

viimeinen kukka on lasissa vierelläni: se on märkä ja paleltunut
orvokki, jossa enää on tuskin mitään jälellä kesäistä tuoksua ja eloa.

Eilen menin päättävästi ikkunaan. Vastapäätä olivat uutimet

lasketut alas, kukaan ei siellä asunut. Näin edessäni tuon tyhjän
huoneen, ilman kirjoja, ilman papereita, huonekalut jäykästi seiniä
myöten — ilman häntä!

Kyyneleeni vuotivat, mutta en enää rukoillut saada häntä jälleen

nähdä, en enää rukoillut onnea.

Huolimatta toiveista, haluista ja kaipuista kulkee elämä säädettyä

rataa. Se oli minun kohtaloni, että hänen tiensä koskettaisi minun
tietäni.

En viipynyt kauvaa ikkunan ääressä, vaan menin takaisin

nojatuoliini pesän luo, jossa tuli räiskyi ja lämmitti. Kirkas liekki
tervehti minua niin lämpimästi tullessani ikkunan kylmyydestä, ja
ensi kertaa kesän jälkeen tunsin vähäistä mielihyvän tunnetta. Se oli
vaan heikko heijastus häviämättömästä elämänhalusta, joka
intohimossa nousee huippuunsa ja joka ei sammu, ennenkuin sielun
ja ruumiin tuskat ovat hävittäneet kaikki fyysilliset voimat.

Päivemmällä tuli minua tervehtimään naimisissa oleva

ystävättäreni ja nuori rouva, jolla oli odottava katse.

Ystävättäreni tukeva kukkeus muistutti daaliata, jonka

säännöllinen, kehittynyt kukanterä on porvarillisen hyvinvoinnin
perikuva. Hän säälitteli minua, sanoi että näytin kalpealta ja että
lepäsin niin heikkona tuolissani. Ilahuttaaksensa minua kertoi hän
hullunkurisia tapauksia kodistaan ja lastenkamarista.

Toinen istui aivan ääneti vieressä; hänellä ei ollut sellaisia

kokemuksia, ja kun katsoin häneen, huomasin, että odottavaa
katsetta ei enää ollutkaan, vaan että silmät sumenivat, kun tuli
lastenkamarista puhe. Hän oli siis toivonut lasta — niin, niin, — —
olihan se kyllä parasta, mutta aivan samaa en tosin ajatellut, kun
ensikerran hänet näin.

Raikkaan lumen tuoksu tuli toisen nuoren iloisen naisen mukana

huoneeni riutuvaan ilmastoon. Se sai minut väsyneesti
kummastelemaan, kannattiko todella kärsiä niin paljon, kun voisi
ottaa sattumalta itselleen miehen ja tulla tyytyväiseksi, niinkuin hän.
— Voisihan siis elämä muodostua siedettäväksi kylläkin, jos vaan
ottaisi sen, mitä tarjolla oli, eikä antaisi niin paljon, että itse köyhtyisi.

Voipiko minusta koskaan tulla niin maailman viisasta?

En tiedä.

Marraskuu.

Emäntäni, täti Agnetan luona on vieras ja juuri tänään on hän

kukitetuin lausein sanonut minulle, että tuo vieras sopisi niin hyvin
mieheksi minulle — minulle, joka tänään olen sanomalehdestä
lukenut kihlausilmotuksen, jossa armaani nimi oli toisen rinnalla —!
Voi sinua, elämän surkea komediia!
 Nyt tahtoo täti Agneta olla regissöörinäni ja järjestää minulle sen
onnen, jota kaipaan. Luulenpa, että hän ihan tarkoituksella on
pyytänyt kunnon veljenpoikansa luoksensa siksi aikaa, kun tämä
oleskelee täällä puhumassa lääkäreitten kanssa huonoista pää- ja
käsivarsihermoistaan.

Hän on ollut täällä jo parisen viikkoa, on tyyni ja hiljainen keski-

ikäinen virkamies, silmät surumielisen hyväntahtoiset. —
Keskinkertainen mitä lukuihin ja matkustuksiin tulee. — Kun hän on
tunnin kuluttanut lääkärin odotushuoneessa ja sitten viisi minuuttia
saanut sähköä, käyttää hän loput aikaansa huvittaaksensa itseänsä
ja meitä, perusteellisesti ja raskaasti, sillä sellainen hän on.

Aina kun emme seuraa häntä ulos, jää tuo kunnon pormestari
kotiin ja pitää meille uskollisesti seuraa.

Toisinaan iltasin, kun päivä on huvituksissa kulunut, olen ihmetellyt

itseäni, että olen voinut laskea leikkiä ja nauraa. Olen hävennyt sitä
puhtaasti eläimellistä elämänhalua, joka kiiltoa nostaa silmiin ja
ruusuja poskille. — Mutta syvimmällä syvyydessä piilee kuitenkin
oma todellinen minäni, joka suree ja katselee väsyneen halveksivasti
ja veltolla hämmästyksellä tuota vale-iloa.

Joulukuu.

Kummallinen maailma!

Hiljattain näin armaani naimailmotuksen — purin hampaani yhteen

ja tukehutin tuskanhuudon. Ja samana päivänä kysyi minulta toinen