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The Role of Universities
and HEIs in the
Vulnerability Agenda
Joyce Liddle
Gareth David Addidle
Rethinking University-Community Policy
Connections
Series Editors
Thomas Andrew Bryer
University of Central Florida
Orlando, USA
John Diamond
Edge Hill University
Ormskirk, UK
Carolyn Kagan
Manchester Metropolitan University
Manchester, UK
Jolanta Vaičiūnienė
Kaunas University of Technology
Kaunas, Lithuania
Rethinking University-Community Policy Connections will publish
works by scholars, practitioners, and ‘prac-ademics’ across a range of
countries to explore substantive policy or management issues in the
bringing together of higher education institutions and community-based
organizations, nongovernmental organizations, governments, and
businesses. Such partnerships afford unique opportunities to transform
practice, develop innovation, incubate entrepreneurship, strengthen
communities, and transform lives. Yet such potential is often not realized
due to bureaucratic, cultural, or legal barriers erected between higher
education institutions and the wider community. The global experience is
common, though the precise mechanisms that prevent university-
community collaboration or that enable successful and sustainable
partnership vary within and across countries. Books in the series will
facilitate dialogue across country experiences, help identify cross-cutting
best practices, and to enhance the theory of university-community
relations.
More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15628
Joyce Liddle • Gareth David Addidle
The Role of
Universities and HEIs
in the Vulnerability
Agenda
Joyce Liddle Gareth David Addidle
Newcastle Business School Social Sciences, Humanities & Law
University of Northumbria Teesside University
Newcastle, UK Middlesbrough, UK
Rethinking University-Community Policy Connections

ISBN 978-3-030-89085-8 ISBN 978-3-030-89086-5 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89086-5
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
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Cover Image: Pattern © Melisa Hasan
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
We dedicate this short pivot to all the vulnerable individuals and groups
across the world, in the hope that it may go some way towards raising the
issue of this important and growing topic. We trust that it not only
stimulates further research in the field, but also catches the attention of
academics, practitioners, and policy makers concerned with vulnerability,
in all its forms
Acknowledgements
In producing this short pivot, we extend our sincere thanks to colleagues

at Palgrave Macmillan and Springer Nature, in particular to Karthika Devi
who has been especially helpful and supportive in providing advice and
information when we have asked for it. Many colleagues at our respective
universities were also a valuable source of support and data to enable us to
produce the case materials appearing in Chap. 6. Many thanks to them too.
vii
Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 Vulnerability: A Complex and Contradictory Concept for

‘public good’ 13
3 The Changing Role of Universities in Society: Key Influences 33
4 The Role of the University in the Vulnerability Agenda 53
5 Mechanisms for Addressing Vulnerability: Giving Voice to

the Vulnerable? 67
6 Two North-East of England Case Studies—Northumbria

and Teesside 77
7 Conclusion: Future Role of Universities in Vulnerability 97
Index109
ix
About the Authors
Joyce Liddle is Professor of Public Leadership and Enterprise and

Director of Research and KE (knowledge exchange) at Newcastle Business
School. Prior to joining Newcastle, she has worked as Professor of Public
Management and Leadership at Aix-Marseille Université, France, and at
seven UK universities. She is, and has been, a Visiting Professor in Finland,
France, and Brazil, and retains a Visiting Professorship at Edge Hill, and
until recently Glasgow Caledonian, UK. She researches in local/regional
government, public leadership and entrepreneurship, partnerships, and
vulnerability. She is a Fellow of the British Academy of Social Sciences
(contribution to public management), a Fellow of Regional Studies
Association (contribution to regional studies), and a Fellow of the Joint
University Council (contribution to public administration).Formerly, she
was Honorary Chair of the United Kingdom Joint University Council and
Chair of its Public Administration Committee (the Learned Society for the
discipline). She has authored or co-edited 14 books, over 200 research
articles, 30 book chapters, and guest edited 25 special issues. She is regu-
larly invited as a keynote speaker at various international conferences and
advised Ministers and Civil servants in UK, Brazil, China, Ethiopia,
France, and South Africa. She is a member of the EABs (Editorial Advisory
Board) of six international journals, as well as acting as Chair of the EAB
of the International Journal of PSM (having been editor for 14 years up
until 2014). She is a joint series editor of Emerald’s Annual Critical
Perspectives in International PM (Public Management), and sole editor of
Public Sector Entrepreneurship. She regularly publishes in journals such as
xi
xii ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Local Government Studies, Regional Studies, International Review of

Administrative Sciences, and Policy Studies.
Gareth David Addidle is the Programme Leader for the MSc Criminal
Investigation and MSc Evidence-Based Policing postgraduate degrees at
Teesside University. He is a graduate of Glasgow Caledonian University,
has doctorate from Plymouth University, and has previous academic roles
at Open University, Plymouth University, and the University of Derby. He
has worked with a number of police services across the UK and has been
involved in research projects with Police Scotland (formerly Strathclyde
Police), Devon and Cornwall Police, HMICFRS (Her Majesty’s
Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services), and, more
recently, Newcastle Business School and the House of Lords. He brings
knowledge and expertise in the area of vulnerability both in the context of
policing and in relation to multi- and intra-agency working practices and
governance.
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Abstract In this introductory chapter, we provide a rationale and set the

parameters for the chapters to follow. We stress how this book fills a gap in
knowledge and understanding of the importance of Higher Education
Institutions (HEIs) (universities) as key Anchor institutions and Place
leaders in response to vulnerability issues within broader societal changes.
This introductory chapter shows how merging scholarship from multi-
disciplinary fields of enquiry and drawing lessons from other fields, the
authors are able to build on past research on vulnerability, but within
changing multi-level governance contexts and dynamic policy frameworks.
Setting the scene for subsequent chapters, the vulnerability agenda is
examined within existing policies for equality, diversity, inclusion, and in
this respect, we argue that universities have been at the forefront of devel-
oping evidence of good practice. We highlight the evolution of HEI
(Universities) as enduring institutions afforded high levels of social trust
to achieve public good, and despite neo-liberal reforms, there are convinc-
ing empirical, practical, theoretical, and policy insights to reveal how uni-
versities are preparing for an escalation in vulnerability and developing
corporate strategies to ameliorate existing economic and social inequalities.
Keywords Universities • Vulnerability • Politics • Pandemic • Brexit
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2022
J. Liddle, G. D. Addidle, The Role of Universities and HEIs in the
Vulnerability Agenda, Rethinking University-Community Policy
Connections, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89086-5_1
2 J. LIDDLE AND G. D. ADDIDLE
This book addresses an important gap in knowledge because although the

issue of vulnerability is a multi-disciplinary concept that spans different
intellectual fields, and debates surrounding it are increasingly taking cen-
tre stage in intellectual, policy, and practice circles. We provide a new per-
spective, merging the scholarship of authors from public management and
policing/social policy backgrounds to examine how, and why universities
are engaged in the vulnerability agenda. Current and past discussions on
the topic were traditionally located in the realms of policing, social work,
or other professional networks, but increasingly, the concept has been
entering the mainstream public policy and management realms (Addidle
& Liddle, 2020). There is already a well-established literature on the role
and purpose of universities, university-community relations, and latterly,
an evolving body of work on universities as place leaders for economic and
social sustainability. The contents of this book bring a fresh dimension by
drawing on a myriad of different perspectives within the social sciences to
add to our understanding on how universities can extend their responsi-
bilities in fulfilling ‘public good’ by responding to vulnerability in a variety
of different ways.
The chapters also need to be set within the broader context of the UN
Sustainable Development Goals, OECD (2018), World Bank, World
Health Organisation, and EU Policies on the importance of universities in
driving regional economic, social, and environmental development, as
well as the UK Research Councils’ Grand Challenges for improving peo-
ple’s lives and a country’s productivity. Moreover, it is generally agreed
that the repercussions from Brexit negotiations and the COVID 19 pan-
demic have potential to exacerbate existing inequalities in UK society and
create even greater levels of vulnerability by revealing an even sharper
decline in social conditions within some of the poorer communities. Many
communities across the UK have still not recovered from the aftermath of
the 2008 global financial crash, and in some cases, are still reeling from
de-industrialisation policies of the late 1970s and the early 1980s in which
coal, shipbuilding, heavy engineering, and other industries went into ter-
minal decline. Tees Valley, in the North-East of England, for example lost
most of its steel making facilities to China, and Middlesbrough, and on
the 2019 English Indices of Multiple Deprivation (26 September 2019
MHCLG (2019) is not only ranked as the poorest and most deprived
place in the country, it is also the most unsafe and insecure locality to
reside in, according to a recent study on the impacts of the Brexit vote
(Telford & Wistow, 2020, pp. 553–572).
1 INTRODUCTION 3
Neo-classical liberal policies not only affected communities but also

impacted regional economies, including the university sector. As some
writers pointed to their anchor institutional role within regions (Goddard,
2009), as will be discussed in later chapters. Kagan and Diamond (2019)
prefer the use of the term ‘reflective’ institution to describe a university, on
the basis that anchor implies stability and resistance to change, whereas a
more creative, reflective university suggests movement and transformation
of local areas. We concur with this view, as we suggest throughout this
book that in respect of an escalating vulnerability policy agenda, many
universities have been both proactive and reactive in creatively responding
to this ‘wicked issue’.
Collini (2012) noted that Universities have evolved over time but are
one of the most enduring institutions that afforded high levels of social
trust, and recent debates have focused on what are the purposes or public
good of universities. Neoliberalism which resulted in, massification, mar-
ketisation, rise in fees and student debt, plus the aggressive pursuit of
internationalisation strategies, also threatened the ethical citizenry pur-
pose of universities, with public good as central to higher education schol-
arship, emboldened in a larger purpose, a larger sense of mission, a larger
clarity of direction in the national life (Boyer, 1996, p. 20). It brought
threats to the kinds of communities and types of associations universities
might care to engage with in pursuing this greater public good. Universities
are not only a public good in themselves, but exist to ask what constitutes
the public good or why we are seeing escalating levels of inequality and
vulnerability (Nixon, 2011, p. 2). Furthermore, West contends that uni-
versities can be a potential resource for rebuilding whole lives and com-
munities, thereby concreting the significance of providing a very public
good (West, 1996, p. 216). This book adds to understanding by introduc-
ing a growing evidence base on the ways in which universities develop
support mechanisms to enable vulnerable individuals and groups to fulfil
their potential.
A major theme of social scientific research over the recent past has been
whether university expansion has reduced or reinforced educational, eco-
nomic, and social inequalities or added significantly to the global knowl-
edge economy. Moreover, the policies and practices of governments and
the impacts of universities remain contested (David, 2011, pp. 147–163).
Not only do universities play a role in ameliorating the consequences of
inequality, but Wilkinson and Pickett (2009) offered a stark warning that
failure to avoid high levels of inequality will result in the need for more
prisons, police, and a rise in mental illness, drug abuse and every other
kind of social problem; in other words, escalating levels of vulnerability.
Universities provide a space within which to re-affirm and reimagine the
public realm and can be an agent for either reproducing or reinforcing
social inequality, or an agent of social and civic transformation. There is a
causal link between neo-liberal reforms, privatisation of public institu-
tions, and deterioration of social well-being through gross inequalities
(and therefore, a rise in vulnerable groups) (Nixon, 2011, p. 117).
During the 1990s in the UK, Mulgan and Landry (1995) signified a
move from neo-liberalism and back to the Aristotelian idea that politics
(and by implication, institutions like universities that make up the social
and political system) should promote the good life, at a time when gov-
ernments of all hues across the globe, and institutions such as OECD and
WHO embraced the work of behavioural economists and psychologists
who were influencing the development of metrics on happiness, satisfac-
tion, and well-being (Evans, cited in Bache & Scott, 2018, pp. 25–48).
Since the turn of the twenty-first century, and crucially following the 2008
global financial crisis, many prominent commentators, including the for-
mer Governor of the UK Bank of England, Mark Carney, have highlighted
the crisis of capitalism and called for a re-assessment of the value system
underpinning society and challenged long established conceptions of mar-
kets, arguing instead that they need to be analysed with regard to the
social context within which they operate (Carney, 2021, p. 29). Advocating
the need for a more caring capitalism that requires a stronger social infra-
structure, wealth building, and social innovation across communities, he
argued that COVID 19 had revealed deep strains and injustices, govern-
ment and market failures and called for moral sentiments to advance the
trinity of distributive justice, equality of opportunity, and fairness across
generations (Carney, 2021, p. 258, 522). Adding force to this view,
Edmans (2020, p. 309) highlighted the false dichotomy that businesses
and other organisations should choose between shareholder value or social
responsibility, instead of serving the interests of wider society, because in
his view, business and society are intertwined and must integrate both
economic and social purpose. Jordan (2021, p. 15) sees the COVID 19
pandemic as the ideal opportunity for governments across the globe to
focus on citizen well-being and foster collectively agreed social (rather
than market determined) values to enhance the lives of marginalised and
excluded groups, such as those living in poverty, with disabilities, or
ill health.
1 INTRODUCTION 5
There are several levels at which policy makers and professionals inter-
vene to increase the social well-being of vulnerable individuals and groups,
from the largest scale of whole societies or federations such as the OECD
or EU, with the creation of robust and effective welfare systems for income
distribution, health and other services, or more recently, a paradigmatic
shift towards understanding societal well-being through investigating the
everyday lives of citizens (Jordan, 2021, p. 6). Additionally, governments
world-wide continually introduce specific policies to address inequalities,
such as the Head Start initiative in the USA, the Sure Start initiative in the
UK, those aimed at social exclusion in the 1990s, or the recent UK
Johnsonian Levelling Up or Building Back Better policies of the 2020s.
All were aimed, among other things, at identifying the factors that reduce
well-being, increase inequality in status as well as material resources. So,
over a long period of time, the issues of inequality, injustice, marginalisa-
tion and vulnerability have all been absorbed into existing welfare policy
agendas on social exclusion, well-being, social responsibility, and latterly,
social value. The Carnegie Trust UK recently promoted the need for dia-
logue to achieve equality, because of the belief that tackling poverty and
well-being cannot be ‘done’ to people, but must be done ‘by’ them and
‘with’ them (2021) and creating social value for deprived communities
and vulnerable people is imperative (Liddle, 2022, forthcoming)
The vulnerability agenda needs to be set within the context of existing
policies for equality, diversity, inclusion, and in this respect, universities
have been at the forefront of developing evidence of good practice, which
affects the everyday lives of citizens. An expansive body of literature exists
on the challenges facing regional economies in a globalised world and the
opportunities for university-community collaborations, or the central role
of universities to focus efforts to improve the skills and knowledge of the
residents and communities, but there is still fairly scant evidence to show
how universities are specifically engaging with marginalised and excluded
groups (Kagan & Diamond, 2019), or responding to the vulnerability
agenda. This book adds to the body of knowledge by providing an updated
review of current policy and practice, in particular to highlight the signifi-
cant changes to university involvement in responding to the vulnerable, as
well as to emphasise their prominent role in Place leadership (Beer et al.,
2019, pp. 171–182; Liddle et al., 2016, pp. 12–13; Sotarauta, 2016,
pp. 45–58).
In the UK, over the past three years, the Industrial Strategy (subse-
quently replaced by Levelling Up and Build Back Better) and Plan for
Growth sought to highlight the role of universities helping to create pros-

perity, reduce spatial inequalities, build resilience in communities, as con-
tributions to the economy. In the wake of Brexit and COVID 19, the
government is seeking opportunities in both domestic and global markets,
as the country re-establishes its role in global trade and value chains The
acknowledgement of the huge economic and social impacts of these seis-
mic changes on community and business resilience has stimulated a rethink
on how to boost innovation among companies and sectors, as well as the
need to build up the skills and capabilities of the population and harness
the latent skills/capabilities. Build Back Better is aimed at creating a new
discourse on new ways of working within the digital world, such as hybrid
working for many office-based workers, and offers potential to increase
productivity and enhance well-being. Originally, the Industrial Strategy
created four Grand Challenges drawn from global trends which were criti-
cal in driving transformation, thus,
• Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Data—putting the UK at the fore-

front of the AI and data revolution.
• Ageing Society—harnessing the power of innovation to help meet
the needs of an ageing society.
• Clean Growth—making the UK a world leader in the development,
manufacture, and use of low carbon technologies, systems, and ser-
vices that are cheaper than high carbon alternatives.
• Future of Mobility—becoming a world leader in shaping the future
of mobility (BEIS, 2019, The four Grand Challenges of the UK
Industrial Strategy, The Industrial Strategy Council, BEIS, UK
Government)
Many of these Grand Challenges, have been absorbed into the new
mantras of Building Back Better and Levelling Up the country, and within
this policy framework, universities are being afforded a crucial role to play
in helping to reduce inequality, build up community resilience, skills,
capacities, thereby responding to the vulnerable in society.
Vulnerability is a politically charged concept that has assumed greater
prominence in the wake of COVID 19, an important topic for academic
enquiry, for policy makers, and for professionals who are dealing with the
consequential rise in individuals and groups now categorised as vulnera-
ble, but it is a slippery concept to define, because as Chap. 2 demonstrates,
there are more individuals and groups now defined as vulnerable. There
1 INTRODUCTION 7
are gaps in knowledge and understanding of how to respond to the escala-

tion in vulnerability, as many types of cross sectoral and multi-agency part-
nerships of street level professionals have traditionally dealt with the issue.
Furthermore, this ‘wicked’ issue has many unintended societal conse-
quences if not properly addressed. It is, therefore. our contention that
universities have a key partnership and (in many cases) a leadership role to
play in the vulnerability agenda, in addition to those street level bureau-
crats who face daily interactions with the vulnerable. The consequences of
Brexit, COVID 19, and increasing levels of inequality across society have
shown that vulnerability is a much wider policy dilemma than at first
understood. Ameliorating its consequences is therefore the responsibility
of all public, private, and third sector organisations throughout society,
including universities, which is the major focus for this investigation.
There has been a long tradition of literature on policy transfer and
learning with a recent renewed scholarly interest (Dunlop et al., 2018) in
learning from comparisons, after identifying where to look for lessons to
be learnt. Despite the need for caution because of the normative assump-
tion that learning is always a good thing, Rose’s work (1993, 2004) serves
as useful hook for aligning scholarship on the historical and changing roles
of universities to an evolving body of work on vulnerability (Addidle &
Liddle, 2020). We also acknowledge some of the difficulties in importing
and applying policies from one domain to another, but argue that at least
in highlighting issues, it is possible to create awareness on policy problems
and also point out potential pitfalls for evaluating future consequences on
policy action or inaction.
In this short book our aim is to add empirical, practical, theoretical, and
policy insights to illuminate some of the key elements of vulnerability and
investigate how universities are preparing for its escalation, and also the
types of corporate strategies they have already put in place to respond to
the issue. Lesson drawing within, and between, policy fields is a useful way
of highlighting issues, and even if lessons may seem desirable and the pres-
sures on events create demands for action, this does not always guarantee
that the lessons can be applied in another policy domain or jurisdiction. A
primary concern is the continual appraisal of existing theoretical concepts
and models and their application (or not?) to university policy and practice
in the second decade of the twenty-first century. We anticipate that each
chapter facilitates deeper reflection and reflexivity on current ways of
defining, analysing, understanding, and operationalising this significant
concept of ‘vulnerability’ in different university contexts. In
acknowledging that often the right lessons from policy learning can be
applied to the wrong institutional context, we focus attention on the role
of universities to appreciate some of the similarities and differences across
different regional, national, and international settings.
From personal experience, both authors have witnessed and been
involved first-hand (at different levels) with curriculum requirements and
educational developments in the area of vulnerability Moreover, there is a
growing need for research-informed teaching and evidence-based research
to reflect the continuous development of these cross-cutting and resource-
intensive areas for policing, social workers, and other professionals work-
ing with vulnerable groups. In the case of policing, it has been firmly
recognised that police education needs to reflect the issues, concerns, and
priorities that services are confronted with, and need to respond to. These
responses are not only core issues and concerns of the services but also
reiterate the continuous need for ‘partnership working’, as demonstrated
by those currently at the public health/policing strategic interface in deal-
ing with vulnerable groups, especially since the prevalence of COVID 19.
The role of all public service providers is changing, therefore, we contend
that education, training, research, and knowledge exchange must develop
at the same pace, if not faster. Universities are therefore crucial as pivotal
organisations in this policy field and on-going provision.
Many universities have recognised how institutionally vulnerable they
have become as a result of Brexit and COVID 19, or from potential and
real Cyber or terrorist attacks. Senior university managers are also aware of
their increasing financial vulnerability as international students and staff
have been unable to travel due to restrictions, thereby reducing their
income from fees. Restrictions imposed globally are adding to their con-
cerns. Universities have a long history of operating in environments that
are unstable, disruptive, and unpredictable. They have endured political
upheavals, financial crises, and disruptive trends such as digital transforma-
tion and globalisation. They have also had to respond to demands for
greater access, life-long learning, and multiple competing demands from
students, society, the state, industry, and local communities. But Brexit
and the COVID-19 pandemic are unprecedented and far more formidable
challenges. The scope and scale of COVID 19 challenges in particular,
have multiple dimensions. In developing countries, for example, these are
interwoven into existing socioeconomic conditions, including poverty and
deep, unsustainable inequalities, and it is vital to make sense of its impact.
More importantly, it is a period in which societies, and their universities
1 INTRODUCTION 9
can seize the moment to be innovative, proactive, and adapt for a post-
COVID-19 world. University senior leaders, like in all other institutions,
are re-thinking their futures and assessing the steps needed for moving
towards this, but this is no easy task considering that the exact parameters
of a post-COVID-19 future remain unknown. What is clear is that many
aspects of the pre-COVID-19 reality will change. The pandemic has, for
example, intensified existing disruptive trends and crises. These include
digital transformation and financial crises. Futuristic trends are already
emerging, having been accelerated by the pandemic. They include online
teaching and learning and the need for up-skilling. Remote working,
adoption of 3-D printing, artificial intelligence ,and robotics have also
been accelerated by the pandemic. The pandemic has also challenged the
suitability, viability, and sustainability of university operating models, prac-
tices, and systems. If they are to survive and thrive after the pandemic,
universities must reassess and adapt their strategies (The
Conversation, 2020).
Even prior to the current pandemic, university students were known to
have high levels of hassles, anxiety, and depressive symptoms. In all prob-
ability, the advent of COVID-19 has substantially raised these levels.
Vigouroux et al. (2021) measured the emotional state of university stu-
dents during lockdown and identified the relevant situational and psycho-
logical factors. To this end, 1297 French university students were assessed
during lockdown, which lasted from 16 March to 11 May 2020. Situational
factors included the belief that lockdown was compromising their future
job prospects, COVID-19 symptoms, and health concerns. Psychological
factors included students’ implicit theory of emotion, and the coping
strategies they used during lockdown. Researchers explored the extent to
which students’ emotions and coping strategies were impacted upon by
levels of hassle, anxiety, and depressive symptoms. Results indicated that
students’ belief that lockdown was compromising their future job pros-
pects was positively related to hassles, while concerns about their own
health and that of relatives were positively associated with anxiety. In addi-
tion, use of positive reframing coping strategies mediated the effect of
students’ implicit theory of emotion on their depressive symptoms. Even
though the national lockdown in France ended, these researchers believed
that pandemic will continue to have a major impact on university students
for some considerable time, so it is essential for universities to instigate
adequate psychological support.
It was already evident, prior to Brexit and COVID 19, that many UK
universities were adopting different strategies and policies in either react-
ing to legislative requirements on safety and support measures to address
the well-being and mental health needs of vulnerable staff and students,
but COVID 19 has certainly raised further awareness of their needs, and
led to novel, more proactive ways of supporting a range of different stake-
holders. Some of the more forward-looking universities have already been
working over the last decade on providing safe places for potential vulner-
able groups, but many senior management teams are seriously considering
the role of their own university as a Place Leader or Anchor institution, to
make positive social, economic, and environmental impacts on the regions
and localities. In collaboration with other public agencies, universities are
implementing policies for alleviating the ‘wicked issue’ of vulnerability in
deprived areas. To that end, during 2021, a Central Government Levelling
Up Fund worth £4 billion was introduced, with other investments in local
infrastructure intended to have visible impacts on people and communities
to support economic and social recovery. Universities are also taking a key
role in supporting local area recovery post-pandemic by building new
partnerships in research and teaching to ensure their relevance to local
needs, especially in ‘left behind’ priority areas where health and economic
effects of COVID-19 having been felt the hardest. They are also strength-
ening links to help identify and address key skills gaps or providing work
placements for some of the multiple agency personnel who respond to
vulnerable groups. However, COVID 19, a critical public health crisis, has
further exposed the levels of vulnerability across all societies beyond the
shores of England and the UK, as the numbers of sufferers are found dis-
proportionately in disadvantaged, impoverished or British and Minority
Ethnic (BAME) communities, with rising levels of homelessness, crime,
and social inequality. This has now become a global problem across numer-
ous jurisdictions as governments and other public agencies (including uni-
versities, which is the main focus of this book) to seek solutions and
introduce support mechanisms for responding to vulnerability.
Vulnerability is also part of wider university strategic themes and visions
impacting on all aspects of education (and as a by-product) the work read-
iness of students to better deal with the multifaceted and interconnected
issues that they will need to contend with in the future workforce. Police
training and education have both generally moved towards a focus on the
needs of the service that reflects broader societal changes, and impor-
tantly, other professional courses are following a similar trajectory.
1 INTRODUCTION 11
Furthermore, social mobility and responding to the conditions resulting

from the pandemic have also forced universities to assess potential crises of
income and revenue, social inequality, and the impacts of student num-
bers. COVID 19 and the increasing need for responses to the resultant
vulnerability have been felt both internally for the education sector as a
whole, but externally, and more broadly in response to work force needs
These unprecedented challenges are escalating and require urgent action
in an ever-changing vulnerable world, as the following chapters testify.
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CHAPTER 2
Vulnerability: A Complex and Contradictory

Concept for ‘public good’
Abstract In Chap. 2, we draw on earlier research (Addidle and Liddle,

Public management and vulnerability: Contextualising change. Routledge
Advances in Management and Business Studies. Routledge, 2020) to
examine some of the very many competing and contradictory conceptions
of vulnerability, especially to demonstrate the historical antecedents, defi-
nitions, and how the concept has been operationalised. The trajectory of
the movement from agendas for social inclusion/exclusion, marginalisa-
tion, and modern-day usage of the term, vulnerability, will be introduced
to identify lessons to be learnt from the ways that universities are dealing
with the issues, and we hope to identify new research areas for investiga-
tion, including the recent public health/policing approach to respond to
increasing levels of vulnerability. The aim is to examine whether, and how
universities corporately responded to the vulnerability agenda in the past,
and how they are addressing this in a contemporary setting of Brexit and
COVID 19. Growing levels of inequality have emphasised that no one
public agency can deal with such a massive growth in vulnerability alone.
Keywords Vulnerability • Inequalities • Policing • Health •

Levelling up

Switzerland AG 2022
Vulnerability, a complex ‘wicked issue’ is moving up global political agen-

das (Addidle & Liddle, 2020). It is a phenomenon that can result from a
set of economic, housing, physical, family, cultural inequalities, as indi-
viduals and groups experience varying levels of disadvantage and exclu-
sion. It is also influenced by age, class, occupation, gender, ethnicity, and
disability, and can bring differential outcomes for individuals as a result of
natural hazards such as floods, or other forces such as pandemics within
broader social, economic, political changes. Vulnerability can manifest
itself as poverty, marginalisation, and lack of assets, and arises at many
levels and over time, as it renders individuals incapable of coping, or leaves
them physically weak, economically impoverished, socially dependent,
humiliated, and psychologically harmed. Our conventional understand-
ings of social justice are challenged by the vulnerability agenda, because
the ideas of equality, freedom, and common good which form the basis of
social justice are often at variance with the many injustices persisting across
the world, and access to good quality healthcare and other services should
never depend on where you live, how much money you have, your race,
gender, or age. Vulnerable and marginalised communities often face sub-
stantial barriers in their fight for access to quality and affordable healthcare
and other services, and some of the world’s deadliest diseases malaria,
HIV/AIDS, and tuberculosis disproportionately affect the world’s poor-
est populations killing thousands each year. Globally, when healthcare is
accessible, affordable, and its importance is understood, families can send
their children to school, develop their livelihoods, and save for emergen-
cies, so good health provision serves as a gateway to improved social and
community outcomes.
Vulnerability is perhaps one of the most crucial ‘wicked issues’ for pol-
icy makers and other professionals who are dealing with the consequential
rise in individuals and groups now categorised as marginalised, excluded,
and vulnerable. Home Secretary, Sajid Javid (in a 2018 speech to the
Police Federation, 23rd May 2018), considered it to be a key issue within
twenty-first century society. The concept is a slippery one to define, and it
is difficult to identify which groups should be defined as vulnerable and
why, but knowledge and understanding of the concept is growing (Addidle
& Liddle, 2020), as is the way in which public/private and civic agencies
and other organisations (including universities) have/are responding to
this fundamental and growing issue. There are many and varied definitions
on this very contentious and politically charged concept, and historically
2 VULNERABILITY: A COMPLEX AND CONTRADICTORY CONCEPT… 15
different individuals and groups have been categorised as vulnerable from

different professional, policy, and academic perspectives.
While there are many working definitions, the one most commonly
referred to comes from the 1997 ‘Who Decides?’ report. In that report, a
vulnerable adult is defined as a person…
“who is or may be in need of community care services by reason of mental

or other disability, age or illness and who is or may be unable to take care of
him or herself, or unable to protect him or herself against significant harm
or exploitation” (Lord Chancellor’s Department, ‘Who Decides?’, 1997).
When it comes to children, definitions of vulnerability are similarly

diverse and often vary depending on the context of application. A more
‘plain English’ description is given by the Child and Maternity Health
Observatory:
“A vulnerable child… is one who is not within the social care system, but
where there are warning signals that the child is becoming at risk of harm.
The child and his or her family is likely to be receiving help from one or
more agencies, and while no single agency has identified a significant risk to
the child, when information from all agencies is pooled, the picture that
emerges indicates that there are many factors having a negative impact on
the child. While inter-agency data sharing to resolve child protection con-
cerns is established, data sharing to identify these children who are earlier on
in the process tends not to happen routinely in a similar way”. (ChiMat
Identifying Vulnerable Children, 2013)
Vulnerability is a frequently used term yet, as continuously demon-

strated, it remains a concept that has multiple definitions. This is due to
the numerous meanings attributed to vulnerability, complicated by the
context in which it is used. Whilst providing broad interpretations create a
holistic approach to the concept, they inadvertently prevent the develop-
ment of specific strategies, exacerbating current issues of vulnerability, and
resulting in reactive rather than proactive measures (Enang et al., 2019).
For example, one definition of vulnerability reflects a condition and pro-
cess, whereby the underlying condition, the exposure to risks or shocks
impacting on well-being, and the individual’s ability to cope with the out-
comes, determine the level of vulnerability (Zarowsky et al., 2013). Other
definitions identify causative agents (e.g. toxic agents, microbes) that can
cause a heightened level of susceptibility to harm (Tomm-Bonde, 2012).
Further definitions link vulnerability to the inevitable result of ageing

(Bozzaro et al., 2018).
Within health, the concept of vulnerability has been useful for develop-
ing an understanding of the patient to which care can be tailored (Heaslip
& Ryden, 2013). For example, it has been linked to being ‘exposed’ or ‘at
risk’ of harm (Aven, 2011). Vulnerability is generally associated with par-
ticular disadvantaged groups and the presence of precursors such as intrin-
sic factors (i.e. the capacity to consent) or extrinsic factors (i.e.
socioeconomic position) (Bracken-Roche et al., 2017; Clark & Preto,
2018). Despite the multiple context-dependent interpretations, vulnera-
bility holds significance for health in understanding and responding to the
needs of potentially vulnerable patients with whom they may interact.
The factors which lead to poor health such as adverse childhood experi-
ences, poverty, social exclusion, and addiction are also the factors which
increase the likelihood of being involved in crime too (Public Health
England, 2018). Preventing and mitigating the life-long harms associated
with childhood adversity is a clear international priority. Many organisa-
tions are striving for long-term, sustainable solutions to improve the well-
being of populations. As international trends for crime decline and demand
related to vulnerability (i.e. child maltreatment and domestic violence)
increases, it is essential that the police respond using an early intervention
approach to break intergenerational cycles of violence. A recent study by
the College of Policing has highlighted that demands on the police service
have changed significantly. The police are expected to understand and
deliver a range of different services for a complex society. Financial con-
straints continue to affect the shape of policing and the challenges they
face become greater (Cleveland Police, 2020). An ability to understand
the demands on police is essential to ensure that they can provide the best
level of service which serves as an acknowledgement of the growing con-
cerns. The policing of the vulnerable, including children and young peo-
ple (modern-day slavery and county lines, for example), continues to be in
the public spotlight (Coomber & Moyle, 2018; HM Government, 2018).
Recent evidence shows the lack of confidence many vulnerable people
have in the ability of the police service to protect them (Cleveland
Police, 2020).
As a means of understanding these issues, the College of Policing have
adopted the THRIVE (Threat, Harm, Risk, Investigation, Vulnerability of
the victim, and the Engagement) definition of vulnerability, which is being
shared with all forces. The definition states that:
A person is vulnerable if, as a result of their situation or circumstances, they

are unable to take care of or protect themselves or others from harm or
exploitation. (College of Policing, 2018)
The key to dealing with vulnerability, in accordance with the College’s

definition, is to understand the link between a person’s vulnerability and
their situation. A situation or circumstances may include but is not limited
to: personal circumstances and characteristics; health and disability; and
economic circumstances. This way (it is felt that the police) can reduce
repeat interventions by addressing vulnerability more effectively in the
first instance, and therefore reduce demand. Applying THRIVE to the
circumstances of an incident allows the operator to prioritise the service
response. Threat risk and harm are obvious indicators upon which to
predicate response time; vulnerability adds a further dimension which
means that those most in need of assistance can be prioritised over those
able to take care of themselves and who can therefore wait longer for a
police response without suffering a detriment. Early identification of vul-
nerability and reducing the exposure to harm of the vulnerable can have a
significant impact upon the quality of life of individuals and upon the
future demand they place upon services. Police forces are not always the
best service to deal with vulnerable people, particularly those in mental
health crisis, and there is a growing and active consideration, awareness,
and knowledge within policing of how to protect and support people in a
mental health crisis. Some mental health trusts have practitioners located
in police control rooms to assist in ensuring that there is a partnership
approach to improving patient care, informed by professionals. Beyond
the initial response, the police have a duty to prevent and detect crime.
Understanding who is vulnerable to becoming a victim of crime in order
to best protect the public is an important part of policing. It is always bet-
ter to prevent a crime from occurring than to respond after the fact.
Understanding vulnerability is hugely important in the problem-solving
work carried out by police and partners to protect the public. As such,
understanding the complex nature of vulnerability, for example, the pres-
ence of some situational/environmental factors can combine with per-
sonal vulnerability resulting in a person possibly being both a victim and/
or perpetrator and susceptible to a range of harms, alongside, intrinsic
personal characteristics (that may lead to harm/risk of harm) are of para-
mount importance. To this end, both police services and health organisa-
tions serve a common purpose and by working together to improve
outcomes not only for individuals, but for wider communities (Public
Health England, 2018). The links between health, offending, and polic-
ing are complex but inextricable.
Police officers, social workers, teachers, public servants, and other
community-based professionals may have to use their professional judge-
ment to intervene in people’s lives. One of the reasons is because an indi-
vidual may be deemed vulnerable in some way and may even need some
decisions made on his or her behalf. It is important to note that this idea
of ‘vulnerability’ is often challenged by people using services and groups
representing them—on the basis that this term does not acknowledge
people’s strengths and emphasises only one negative aspect of their lives.
OECD offers another one of the very many competing definitions, thus
it is considered to be “The exposure to contingencies and stress, and difficul-
ties in coping with them; the external perspective is the risks, shocks and stresses
to which an individual or household is subjected, but internally it manifests
itself in defencelessness and means of coping without damaging loss”
Issues of marginalisation and vulnerability were traditionally the pre-
serve of social workers, and latterly, police and emergency services, or vol-
untary and third sector organisations; all have stepped in where the
statutory services have withdrawn from direct service provision. Problem
escalation coupled with shrinking public service budgets has widened the
scope for multi-agency action, and we argue that the university also has a
significant role to play as a central Anchor agency in this important pol-
icy agenda.
Policy makers and front-line professionals/street level bureaucrats have
always responded to marginalised and vulnerable individuals and groups
to different degrees, and in many different ways and depending on specific
contexts. They seek to define, prioritise, and respond to vulnerability in a
variety of approaches and through the development of specific policies and
decisions aimed at supporting vulnerable groups and individuals. The
Equalities and Diversity Agenda is of crucial significance here too, and
universities have a corporate social responsibility (in similar ways to corpo-
rate sectors), because if vulnerability is not effectively responded to it can
have serious ramifications for societal cohesion and overall productivity in
all organisations (public, private and voluntary, third and charitable sec-
tors). Many businesses have already recognised the value of charitable giv-
ing, or philanthropy to support education, sports, ex-offenders, health
and social care, setting up foundations/social enterprises, for example, as
many believe and recognise corporate social responsibility as a key indica-

tor of business success.
Inequality (and by association the rise in vulnerable groups resulting
from inequalities) is one of the key political issues of our time, and even as
far back as 2010, Dorling wrote a seminal work investigating why injustice
persisted in society (Dorling D, 2010) Five years later he wrote of the
devastating rise in poverty, hunger, and destitution in the UK, and claimed
that globally the richest 1% have never held a greater share of world’s
wealth, while the share of most of the other 99% had fallen (Dorling D,
2015), For him the vast majority of the population have, since the 2008
recession, found life really tough, with the gap between the haves and
have-nots now a huge chasm (Dorling D, 2018 and 2019). Additionally,
many of the social, economic, and environmental impacts of Brexit remain
to be seen in coming decades, but the challenges facing many localities
across the UK are arising at a time when many deprived areas are yet to
recover from the 2008 Global economic downturn and fiscal crisis, let
alone those still reeling from the demise of traditional industries in the
1970s and 1980s (e.g. coal mining in Wales, the North-East, heavy engi-
neering in the West Midlands and Shipbuilding in Belfast or on the Clyde).
The challenges posed by Brexit for impoverished localities where the coal,
iron and steel industries shaped the industrial and social/political land-
scape are daunting, because in such areas shipbuilding, heavy engineering,
and chemicals (as we shall discuss later in the Northumbria and Teesside
case chapter), some new advanced manufacturing and digital industries are
developing, though in insufficient volume to compensate for the loss of
traditional industries. City and local leaders are debating how best to
advance the interests of localities within new global and transnational eco-
nomic realities, and how best to respond to Brexit and build and secure
employment and local economies in the advanced industries of the future
(Liddle & Shutt, 2019). Universities have an important and pivotal role in
advancing the social and economic well-being of both citizens and their
local economies.
Public services, (including more broadly) universities, local govern-
ment, health and social care, education and policing are not part of the
competencies of the EU, but instead, all are delivered at the local and
regional level, by a mixture of central Block Grant and locally raised taxes.
Nevertheless, it is clear that local areas could experience numerous conse-
quences and on-going ripple effects attributable to an EU exit. Uncertainty
is increasing, UK inequalities are rising and the incidences of vulnerability
more prevalent. Public service leaders across all agencies including the
NHS, social care, police, and local government are used to dealing with
uncertainties, but rarely on the scale created by Brexit and COVID 19.
Moreover, as the agencies in the front line dealing with vulnerable groups,
all will face different uncertainties around many of the financial conse-
quences of recent shocks, not least of which are the difficulties in deliver-
ing services for vulnerable people, with many agencies largely dependent
on a migrant EU workforce to deliver key public services. Police services
have suffered greatly from cuts to public expenditure, as have local gov-
ernment services (in some cases, by up to 40% of budgets year-on-year)
(Liddle & Murphy, 2012, pp. 83–87), and whereas the NHS has recently
received a boost in finances, mainly to reduce waiting lists, it is clear that
the most crucial implications for NHS and social care providers is the
shortage of doctors, nurses and ancillary workers, many of whom were
born in other EU Member states and who came to the UK to man the
health and social service departments and respond to the vulnerable in
society. British universities are experiencing on-going difficulties in recruit-
ing European academics as a direct result of on-going Brexit processes,
and impacts, and local authorities (and in some cases, universities working
in collaboration with local authorities) have been significant beneficiaries
of EU Funding sources through programmes such as ERDF (European
Regional Development Fund) and ESF (European Social Fund), many of
them used to enhance programmes for long-term unemployed, disadvan-
taged, and poor groups.
In the 2019 UK General Election, the Brexit Party argued that a
£200bn programme of regional investment was needed for the North of
England to reduce the North/South divide and eradicate some of the
long-standing inequalities in Northern cities. Many local leaders are
focused on trying to elaborate how the long-awaited UK Shared Prosperity
Fund (the UK Government replacement for EU Funds) can deliver for
‘left behind’ places, in particular those in need of investment, new policies,
and programmes to shift deep seated social, economic, and environmental
problems. Despite recent announcements from the Conservative govern-
ment on increased public expenditure growth and new commitments to
health, education, police, and post-Brexit and post-COVID 19 funding
via various funding pots including Levelling Up, Build Back Better, and a
Stronger Towns Fund, many of the new funds alone will not tackle these
deep-seated and fundamental problems. There is still a tendency for
national government, including the UK, to regard the private sector as a
key source of jobs but the danger of ignoring the role of the public and
voluntary sectors has been evident for some time since the Coalition gov-
ernment of 2010 abandoned Prime Minister David Cameron’s mantra of
localism. Moreover, in the field of policing, security, and criminal justice,
the strain on services, and in some cases, the retreat of the state from deliv-
ering services to vulnerable individuals and groups has left gaps in cover-
age that are increasingly being filled by voluntary, third sector, charities,
faith groups, and latterly, universities. There are endless examples of crimi-
nal justice agencies and social work agencies incapable of dealing with
escalating vulnerability problems and working in closer collaboration with
some of the mental health charities; third and voluntary sector agencies
dealing with alcohol and drug abuse; refugee councils dealing with
migrants; faith and church groups helping to feed the homeless and root-
less members of society.
The issues of vulnerability are no longer the preserve of the public ser-
vices, in particular the police and social services, instead many other non-
state agencies are providing coverage at drop-in centres, all night hostels,
foodbank supplies, voluntary transport for elderly, disabled and disadvan-
taged groups and individuals. The loss of EU Funds resulting from Brexit
will impact more acutely on poor, de-industrialised localities with limited
employment opportunities, lower business start-ups, and lack of clear dis-
cussion or resolution on replacement funds such as UK Shared Prosperity
Funds, as earlier noted. Numerous programmes within deprived areas
were traditionally funded either solely through European Social Funds, or
with matched national and local public funding, and aimed at vulnerable
groups such as disaffected youth, drug and alcohol dependents, long-term
unemployed, female or older potential entrepreneurs, ‘hard to reach’
young families through Sure Start centres, or local young people through
probation/police programmes, employment opportunities in training
programmes. The Liberal Democrat Coalition between 2010 and 2016,
and the Conservative Government since then both privileged economic
over social priorities with the establishment of Local Enterprise
Partnerships, Mayoral and non-Mayoral Combined Authorities and pur-
suance of an UK Industrial Strategy for economic growth (now withdrawn
to be replaced by Levelling Up and Build Back Better) for economic and
social growth. The creation of a host of deal-making programmes for eco-
nomic growth and privileging the economic over the social created detri-
mental effects on many localities, and exacerbated the North/South
divide, with many vulnerable groups in de-industrialised and other
deprived localities feeling ‘left behind’. Brexit and COVID 19 have the
potential to further divide the North and South of England, exacerbate
some of the escalating social problems, and increase levels of vulnerability.
They are already regarded by commentators as perhaps the most divisive
and cataclysmic events facing politicians and city and regional leaders
(including university leaders). Undoubtedly on-going austerity and the
impacts on localities with less public-sector funding to cope with rising
social problems may have catastrophic consequences and increase the lev-
els of racial disharmony, people trafficking, social discord, growth in use of
foodbanks, disenfranchised groups, and ever more vulnerable and dis-
enfranchised individuals and groups.
In a report commissioned by the Mayor of Manchester, Andy Burnham,
Patrick Butler of the Guardian newspaper concluded that the figures for
life expectancy in poor areas of England were jaw dropping (Butler P, 30
June, 2021, Guardian Newspaper). Sir Michael Marmot (Director of the
UCL Institute for Health Equity and an eminent public health expert
known for his landmark work on the social determinants of population
health) highlighted the first falls in life expectancy in more than 100 years
(UCL Institute of Health Equity, Marmot, 2021). Even before Brexit and
COVID 19, the UK had witnessed a stagnation in health improvement
that was the second worst in Europe and widening health inequalities
between rich and poor. The deterioration in health for the most deprived
people, are markers of a society that is not functioning to meet the needs
of its members, according to Marmot, 2021.
People who live in the most deprived areas of England and Wales are
around twice as likely to die after contracting COVID 19, there is an
unequal impact of the coronavirus on society, and figures show that the
rate of deaths involving COVID 19 in the most deprived areas was 128.3
deaths per 100 000 population, which was more than double the death
rate in the least deprived areas where it was 58.8 deaths per 100 000
(O’Dowd, 2020). People living in more deprived areas continued to expe-
rience COVID 19 mortality rates more than double those living in less
deprived areas, the pandemic had an unequal impact on an already unequal
society. Living in socioeconomically deprived areas is closely associated
with poor health and a shorter life, and the direct effect of COVID 19
made these inequalities worse. By the end of 2021, and without a change
in government policy, it is suggested that 32% of the UK population,
21.4 million people, will be living below a socially acceptable living stan-
dard, as measured by the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) (New
Economics Foundation report, June 2021, cited in Hughes, 2021, The

Independent). Moreover, nearly half (45%) of all children are living below
the MIS with eight in ten (82%) of children in workless families, and four
in ten (40%) in working families, many living in deprived and ‘left behind’
areas. People have had dramatically different experiences during the pan-
demic, because for those living in richer areas (for whom ‘essentials’ make
up a smaller share of their spend), the guidance to work from home,
alongside the closure of non-essential shops and services, have indirectly
enabled them to reduce more of their spending. Communities where the
average net household income is below £28,300 a year, and where more
people are likely to live in social housing, are twice as likely to experience
a fall in household income (Centre for Cities, 2021).
The UK Government’s response to the growing problems of vulnera-
bility in society, as already mentioned previously, is the much heralded
(and much criticised) ‘Levelling Up’ and ‘Build Back Better’(House of
Commons Library, 2021) policies which are contentious and ambitious
attempts at addressing longstanding local and regional inequalities and,
especially, for tackling the problems of ‘left behind’ places. Despite worthy
aims, there is a real danger of misdiagnosis leading to policies that do little
to ameliorate conditions in the places that most need help, and so far, the
agenda seems to be driven by electoral calculation rather than a real
engagement with tackling deep inequalities (Tomaney & Pike, 2020,
pp. 43–48). It has been variously described as ‘an ambiguous concept’ (Sir
Keir Starmer, leader of the Opposition, UK Parliamentary debate 15th
July 2021, Hansard), which can be ‘all things to all people’ (Swinney,
Centre for Cities, 2021). Other commentators regard it as part of Prime
Minister Johnsons’s gesture politics, with Jennings et al. (2021) claiming
that it demonstrates a new ‘politics of spectacle’. Others have called it a
‘rag bag of ill-thought out ideas’, destined to fail England’s poorest areas
without the necessary funding (Marmot, 2021).
A House of Commons Education Committee Report ‘The Forgotten:
How White Working-Class Pupils Have Been Let Down, and How to
Change It’ (recommendations) https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/
cm5802/cmselect/cmeduc/85/8502.htm)also urged the government to
refine its key measures of disadvantage and widen public access to institu-
tions (such as universities) because not only are white students facing dis-
advantage, but there is a systematic disadvantage for other ethnic groups
that would increase racial educational inequalities. Much of the evidence
focused on addressing geographic and place-based inequalities, targeting
education on disadvantaged communities, and enhancing greater partici-

pation for disadvantaged groups, white and ethnic groups, in their aspira-
tion for a university education. This was reinforced by an All Party
Parliamentary Group for Left Behind Neighbourhoods (LBNs): Left
Behind Neighbourhoods Community Data Dive. https://www.appg-
leftbehindneighbourhoods.org.uk/wp-c ontent/uploads/2021/06/
APPG-Community-Data-Dive-Report-for-APPG-S7.pdf Downloaded 30
June, 2021 showing that 77% of left behind neighbourhoods have the
lowest density of educational and community assets compared to the
national average. A further report from the Institute for Community
Studies/Young Foundation: “Why Don’t They Ask Us?” the Role of
Communities in Levelling Up https://www.youngfoundation.org/wp-
content/uploads/2021/07/ICS-W HY-D ONT-T HEY-A SK-U S-
compressed.pdf confirmed that economic interventions over the past
20 years have consistently failed to address the most deprived communi-
ties, contributing to a 0% average change in the relative spatial deprivation
of the most deprived local authorities areas, because most interventions
over the last two decades have not involved communities in a meaningful
nor sustainable way. Communities’ focus for economic development and
for how to address inequalities in economic growth, development of sec-
tors and industry, labour markets, and skill and enterprise opportunities, is
more localised than originally thought.
In a brutal blow to the Government’s Levelling Up and Build Back
Better plans, the Leader of the House of Lords Public Services Committee
wrote to the Prime Minister (20 May 2021) expressing many concerns on
how the programme will be measured to reduce geographical disparities
across the UK against targets on healthy life expectancy, employment, pay,
productivity, the levels of literacy and numeracy level of those starting
school, the proportion of the population with higher-level qualifications,
vocational qualifications and skills, and the timescale and costs for achiev-
ing these targets. Moreover. the Committee raised issues on the funding
and capacities of the ‘social infrastructure’ of childcare services, libraries,
youth and community centres; and university and higher education insti-
tutions in deprived areas of the country (House of Lords, 2021).
Rhetorically at least, and despite the question marks over what exactly
the terms mean, how they can be implemented, or indeed impacts mea-
sured, the UK government has declared its commitment to levelling up
and building back better across the whole of the United Kingdom to
ensure that no community is left behind, particularly as the country
recovers from COVID 19. The focus is on supporting local economic

growth, regenerating town centres and high streets, supporting individu-
als into employment, improving local transport links, and investing in
local culture, while giving communities a stronger voice to take over local
assets that might otherwise be lost. To achieve these major challenges will
require decentralising power and working more directly with local part-
ners and communities across England, Wales, Scotland, and Northern
Ireland, who are best placed to understand the needs of their local areas
and more closely aligned to the local economic geographies.
Universities are a regarded by central government as a central plank in
the Levelling Up and Building Back Better and recovery agendas in several
ways, and all are currently determining what their approaches and strategy
for engagement in the vulnerability agenda will be (a fuller discussion of
specific universities and their plans will be examined in Chaps. 4, 5, and 6).
Thus, a list of activities that universities are being urged by central govern-
ment to engage are as follows:-
• Develop partnerships on research and develop strategies to define

their institutional missions and ensure their relevance to local need
• Identify priorities in left behind areas—with the health and economic
effects of COVID-19 having been felt the hardest in England’s post-
industrial towns
• Share best practice between regions and between local authorities and
policy makers to improve regions negatively impacted by the indus-
trial transition
• Develop international collaborations—to widen the evidence base
• Align University courses with local need—identify and address key
skills deficiencies
• Provide work placements by fostering employment opportunities for
graduates with local businesses and other organisations
• Maximise targeting of research funding—how best to maximise the
potential from major related research funds such as specific govern-
ment funds and major European and national research councils
• Measure the local impact of UK universities and develop appropriate
metrics especially on local impacts, boosting local growth, civic
impacts and student performance
• Identify priority areas for local contribution, for example, extra
apprenticeships for the local health service, outreach to widen par-
ticipation in communities
• Embed universities in local cultural and creative activities to regener-

ate town. (Levelling up and Build Back Better-The role of
Universities, HMG, 2020)
Throughout 2020 and 2021, and to debate how the aforementioned

measures would be implemented, a series of Westminster Policy Forums
was held to consider the role of universities in supporting local recovery
post-pandemic. They provided the opportunity for Ministers and civil ser-
vants to outline the government’s plans for a Higher Education
Restructuring Regime to offer support to universities at risk of financial
insolvency due to the impact of the pandemic, ensure that universities are
providing high quality courses that are of significance to the economy and
society (such as nursing, teaching, and STEM subjects), and maintain a
regional focus. All universities will be urged to refine their institutional
missions to integrate specific local needs. A blog by Director for Fair
Access and Participation at the Office for Students had emphasised that
more needs to be done to improve access for white students who are left
behind in deprived places. To overcome the lack of access, the government
announced extra university places for vital courses such as nursing, engi-
neering, and science to help support economic recovery post-pandemic in
key sectors and to meet workforce shortages.
An R&D Roadmap has been developed to deliver societal benefits,
including an increase in public investment of R&D to £22bn per year by
2024–25, ensuring that universities can deliver greater impact, benefits,
and outcomes from public funding, and the R&D Place Strategy will
dovetail with the Levelling Up and Build Back Better agendas to support
regional growth and benefits across the UK. The Industrial Strategy,
which has been replaced by Levelling Up and Build Back Better included
plans for investing in place-based industrial development, skills and infra-
structure, a Strength in Places Fund, UK Community Renewal Fund, and
Community Ownership Fund are UK Research and Innovation (UKRI)
funds to support research and innovation projects to drive development
(HMG, New Investment Programme, 2021). A Towns Fund is allocating
monies to help cooperation between universities and civic actors to aid
redevelopment of town centres and community development. Universities
are able to bid for monies to work with charities and other civil society
organisations to deliver a tutoring scheme for helping to tackle widening
gaps in educational attainment post-pandemic. There are also plans to
support post-industrial places in the forthcoming Shared Prosperity Fund
(the replacement for European Union structural funds) to support a major

research programme examining practical ways that universities can help
tackle post-industrial decline. A new Civic Mission Framework by univer-
sities Wales, the first of its kind in the UK, will assist Welsh universities to
improve how they work with and benefit their local communities. A Uni
Connect Programme has created 29 local partnerships to strengthen uni-
versity outreach to colleges and schools. Other universities are being des-
ignated as ‘surge capacity’ provider institutions to support the National
Health Service (NHS) in the event of any future crisis, and an ‘NHS
capacity fund’ can be accessed to enable universities to build up surpluses
of medical staff, kit, facilities, and research that can be deployed by the
NHS on short notice as surge capacity
A proposed Skills for Jobs White Paper will introduce wide-ranging
reforms in post-16 education and training, seeking to boost access to re-
training later in life and to align the Further Education system with labour
market skills needs, with measures such as a £65m Strategic Development
Fund for the creation of new College Business Centres to enhance col-
laboration between business groups, employers, and colleges and develop-
ing skills plans for meeting local needs. A Lifetime Skills Guarantee
includes the offer for adults without a level 3 qualification to complete one
for free from April 2021. A degree apprenticeship review was carried out
in early 2021 to broaden the range of occupations that can be supported
by degree apprenticeship, and help meet employer demand, and the forth-
coming (October 2021) national Budget 2021 will include increased
funding to employers for apprenticeships, as well as for the establishment
of new ones. This proposal resulted from a Sutton Trust Report ‘Degree
Apprenticeships: Levelling Up?’ which found that regional and demo-
graphic discrepancies in the distribution and take-up of degree apprentice-
ships was especially noticeable in deprived communities.
Despite the fanfare and claims being made on how the Levelling Up
and Build Back Better initiatives will revive the UK economy post-COVID
19 and Brexit, a recent report claimed that after 20 years, all government
interventions have consistently failed to address the inequalities across the
UK’s most deprived communities (Institute for Community Studies,
2021). Not only has £50bn of investment failed to make any changes to
the most deprived localities, but in all local authority areas, community
and local involvement was also absent in decision-making and design of
local economies. The Head of The Institute for Community Studies, said:
‘This report is uncomfortable reading and shows that we need a very different
approach to supporting the most deprived places in the country if levelling up is
going to realise its ambition. It is sobering how many local communities have
experienced economic interventions that haven’t worked, or which are clearly
not focused on creating benefit for the people who live, work and rely on these
local economies. Moreover, how many people see the way policy has worked to
have been to the detriment, not the support, of fairer and more inclusive local
economies?’ (https://li.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Nowcasting-
Poverty-and-Covid-Report-Q1-2021.pdf), (https://www.localgov.co.
uk/20-y ears-o f-e conomic-i nterventions-h ave-f ailed-t o-h elp-p oorest-
communities-report-warns/52586?actId=ebwp0YMB8s3Mv0I20l85odU
cvuQDVN7aZHxMk8Rn99SxU5ESArcRt1bum5kzlSSM&actCampaignT
ype=CAMPAIGN_MAIL&actSource=502224)
Vulnerability is becoming one of the key political issues of twenty-first

century society, and despite its contentious nature and lack of agreement
on how to define and respond to the growth in individuals and groups
within society categorised as ‘vulnerable’, it remains a topic of consider-
able professional, public health policy, and academic concerns. Brexit and
COVID 19 have shone a spotlight on growing levels of inequality and
marginalisation in many deprived localities, and governments in the UK,
and more widely across the globe, are seeking solutions to the rising num-
bers of vulnerable people. In the UK, as suggested, Levelling Up and
Build Back Better policies and programmes to address inequality and vul-
nerability, despite criticisms from all quarters, are placing universities at
the centre of the policy agenda. They are being recognised as key place
anchors and place leaders to drive economic and social transformation
within their localities and hinterlands. In the next chapter, we examine the
changing role of universities, the history, influences and contemporary
strategies and policies to bring about the necessary changes, before in fol-
lowing chapters, we examine in greater depth some of the university strat-
egies, policies, and operations in responding more concretely to the
vulnerability agenda.
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CHAPTER 3
The Changing Role of Universities

in Society: Key Influences
Abstract Chapter 3 offers a historical analysis of the role of universities,

with specific reference to how neo-liberal ideologies and new public man-
agement ideas created a 40-year period in which universities began to
operate within market driven and managerialist agendas. However, by
assessing some prominent theoretical models of universities, we are able to
show empirically that more recently, we are witnessing a discernible shift
from the ‘economic’ to the ‘societal’ turn. Universities have long experi-
ence as place leaders for economic competitiveness and university-
collaboration, but need to respond to multiple ‘wicked’ issues and shifting
government priorities. Both have led to the rise of the Civic University
movement, with advocates urging universities to embed public good in all
future strategies to facilitate civic enhancement of places.
Keywords Neo-liberalism • New public management • Wicked issues •

Civic University • Place leadership
Globally, nationally, and internationally, prior to the current Brexit and

COVID 19 situations, universities in the twenty-first century were facing
a multitude of challenges and crises in respect of questions on expansion,
finance, and resources. They were also facing questions of equality of

Switzerland AG 2022
educational opportunities, equity, diversity, and social justice. Though

many of these are contested issues (David, 2007, pp. 675–690), Jarvis
(2013) suggested that there never was a real blueprint for what the role of
a university should be, because like education in general, universities have
always adjusted in response to the demands of society’s dominant institu-
tions, whether they were Church, state or transnational corporations.
World-class universities, commonly recognised as global research universi-
ties or flagship universities, are cornerstone institutions embedded in any
academic system and play an important role in developing a nation’s com-
petitiveness in the global knowledge economy. The development of world-
class universities is high on the policy agenda of various stakeholders across
the globe. In the past few years, an increasing number of nations, regions,
and universities in both developed and developing countries have joined
the same race for academic excellence and have adopted a range of devel-
opment strategies and implemented various reforms. The growing impor-
tance of knowledge, research, and innovation are changing the social role
of universities in the globalised world. One of the most popular concepts
used to approach these changes in post-industrial and post-modern societ-
ies is the concept of ‘Knowledge Society’ which has, and continues to
present many challenges, expectations, and implications for Universities
(Välimaa and Hoffman, 2008, pp. 265–285).
Over the past 50 years the ideology of neo-liberalism had profound
impacts on universities, as institutional and individual pressures intensi-
fied, resulting in negative experiences for staff and students; yet, many
senior managers adopted creative strategies of resistance to the manageri-
alist agendas in otherwise gloomy scenarios (Mahony & Weiner, 2019,
pp. 560–572). However, as neo-liberalism expanded and deepened, the
sector was characterised by marketisation, privatisation, and financialisa-
tion, following the crisis of welfare capitalism that accelerated in the late
1960s, or the structural adjustment programmes instituted by the
International Monetary Fund in 1976, or the election of Margaret
Thatcher in 1979 (Maisuria and Cole, 2017, pp. 602–619). Kagan and
Diamond (2019) focusing on university-community collaborations, in
particular in the period since 1990, highlighted rapid and continual change
in university policy and practice, massification and marketisation, and illus-
trated how in England, 50% of school leavers enter university but leave
with substantial debts due to high fee levels and student loans. Moreover,
these authors found that access to universities is still uneven across social
groups. They assessed a mosaic of policies affecting teaching, research, and
3 THE CHANGING ROLE OF UNIVERSITIES IN SOCIETY: KEY INFLUENCES 35
third-stream activities and uncovered many examples of community-

engaged practice across numerous university disciplines, in addition to
some valuable, and evolving partnerships. Community engagement is
messy, complex, and covers all university functions, also changes over time
in line with policy initiatives. As part of the Third Mission of universities,
it is variously referred to as outreach, third mission, third stream, third leg,
knowledge transfer or exchange, academic enterprise, or public engage-
ment. However, university engagement for 50 years has primarily meant
engagement with businesses and other agencies at a regional level
(Goddard and Pukka, 2008, pp. 11–38), with a focus on wealth creation
and economic development, not necessarily with social development
(communities); hence, the renewed importance (in particular, as previous
chapters indicate, in the Levelling Up and Build Back Better policies in the
UK) attached to ‘place’ in social and economic development. However,
Kagan and Diamond argued that community transcends place, because
different communities have different identities beyond locality (age, race,
gender), and universities therefore need to connect with diverse commu-
nities at different times, if they are to play a significant role in addressing
pressing social problems (such as vulnerability) or engage fully with mar-
ginalised and excluded groups (2019, p. 3).
The way in which universities engage with communities is not new, but
has evolved over time as they adapt to changing social and political cir-
cumstances (very true as they respond to the rise in vulnerability and
repercussions from Brexit and COVID 19). There is also a very long his-
tory of initiatives as universities position their activities to various engage-
ment projects, and countless international and national networks created
for the purposes of sharing knowledge and learning on the positives and
negatives of engagement. In the past two decades scholars have developed
various theoretical models to explain the strategies and activities of univer-
sities, and though not an exhaustive list, does illustrate the range of differ-
ing perspectives on the phenomena, thus a selection of the most prominent
theoretical models include:-
• The Entrepreneurial University

• The Engaged University
• The Systems Based University
• The Inclusive University,
• The Performative University
• The Schizophrenic University
• The Reflective University

• Restorative University
• The Reflective University
It was not until the 1990s that a variety of discourses and practices on
universities began to illustrate the precariousness of conditions for those
studying and working in universities, as senior managers sought ways of
globally positioning their institutions (Vernon, 2018, pp. 267–280). At
the same time a vague notion of the The Entrepreneurial University
came to the fore as universities adapted to changes in the environment and
contributed to the knowledge-based economy (Kempton et al., 2021,
pp. 1–85). Universities, it is argued, develop strategies and missions to
position themselves as key institutions embedded in an entrepreneurial
society as a driving force for economic growth, employment creation, and
competitiveness. Entrepreneurial universities, it was claimed could play a
significant role as both a knowledge-producer and a disseminating institu-
tion (Gibb, 2005; Gibb et al., 2013; Guerrero and Urbano, 2012,
pp. 43–74). It was argued that for universities to transform their activities
of traditional teaching and research roles, they needed to develop inte-
grated missions and strategies to drive economic and social development.
The Triple Helix thesis, still relevant nowadays, postulated closer interac-
tion between university-industry-government as a key to improving the
conditions for innovation in a knowledge-based society. The belief was,
and still remains, that universities need to be part of an innovation eco-
system of institutions where the conditions for innovation and develop-
ment can flourish and to aid competitiveness (Etzkowitz H, 2004,
pp. 64–77). The Engaged University went one step further than the
Entrepreneurial University idea by focusing on the broader range of
activities with external actors to encompass commercialisation and tech-
nology transfer of research, workforce training, consultancy to business,
advising governments on public policy, and economic and social commu-
nity groups (Breznitz & Feldman, 2012, pp. 139–157).
The Systems Based University shares ground with The Entrepreneurial
University, but is defined by embeddedness within network relationship
and local innovation actors within and across public and private sectors of
the economy (Asheim et al., 2020, pp. 1–11).
Nowadays perhaps influenced by increased political correctness, gov-
ernment legislation, or a renewed interest in well-being of staff and stu-
dents, and perhaps more controversially in response to the inherent
Another random document with
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parasten opettajaimme ja hurskainten ja ymmärtäväisinten
naistemme kaitsennon alaisiksi.
— Tuo ei tosin, sanoi esimunkki, olisi estänyt perisyntiä

pääsemästä heidän mukanaan yli tuohon rauhotettuun maahan. Olisi
paha sielläkin näkymättömistä siemenistä itänyt ja taiminut, mutta
tarkalla hoidolla olisi rikkaruoho pitänyt säätämän harvenemaan ja
hyvä siemen ihanasti versomaan.
— Esiveli, mitä kirjallisuutta sinä olisit suonut mukaan vietäväksi?

kysyi Sven herra.
— Kirjallisuutta ja taidetta vaille eivät uudet yhteiskunnat olisi

jääneet. Mutta kirjallisuus olisi supistettu käsittämään paraita
kristillisiä ja käytöllisesti hyödyllisiä kirjoja, joihin luen matematiset ja
kielitieteelliset. Maalaajoita olisi seurannut mukana, semmoisia kuin
enkelinvertainen Fra Giovanni Fiesolesta ja — miksei niinkin? —
semmoisia kuin mestari Gudmund, ja rakennusmestareita olisi
mennyt myötä semmoisia, joista minulle on sanottu, että he,
rakentaessaan kirkkoja kristikunnalle, aina pitivät silmällä sitä suurta
magisteriumia, jota he koettivat kirkkorakennusten muodoissa
eduskuvallisesti esittää ja loivat oman elämänsä vaellusretkeksi
taivasta-tavottelevain holvikaarrosten alla, joita ikuisuuden ikävöintä
ponnisti ylöspäin. Kuvanveistäjiäkin olisin mielelläni sinne lähettänyt
semmoisia kuin Kultaisen-portin mestarin Freibergissä.
— Minä jätän herrain harkittavaksi, sanoi Sven herra, eikö sentään

saisi jättää jotain saarta likellä rannikkoa siivojen humanistien
turvapaikaksi, jossa Cicero ja Horatiuskin kuritettuna, Virgilius,
Seneka ja Lukanus, ehkäpä myös nuo oppineet herrat Skaliger ja
Reuchlin saisivat asua. Minä tulisin toimeen lukkarin virassa sillä
saarella.
Gudmund mestari oli kuullut mainittavan kirjaa Utopian saaresta,
ja kysyi, oliko joku hänen oppineista veljistään lukenut sen tai
osaisiko siitä selkoa tehdä. Kyllä, Svante tohtori oli lukenut
englantilaisen kanslerin Thomas Moruksen kirjan Paraasta
yhteiskuntajärjestyksestä eli siitä uudesta Ei-missälän (Utopian)
saaresta.
— Etupäässä haluaisin tietysti tietää, niille kannalle pappien olo

siellä on järjestetty — jos siellä pappia on, virkkoi kirkkoherra.
— Pappia siellä on, tiesi tohtori sanoa, vaikka ei paljo. Ne valitsee

kansa semmoisien seasta, jotka elämässään ovat osottaneet
erinomaista puhtautta ja omanhyödyn pyytämättömyyttä. He ovat
velvolliset opettamaan nuorisoa, auttamaan vanhempia ihmisiä
neuvoilla, opastamaan esimerkillään kansaa sekä kodillisten että
kansallisten hyveiden tiellä. He elävät toimekasta elämää yhteisen
hyvän eteen ja lähtevät sotaankin, jos vihollinen uhkaa isänmaata.
— Saavatko he naida?
— Avioliittoon meno on heidän velvollisuutenaan.
— Onhan sillä hyvä puolensa, sen myönnän suoraan, sanoi Sven

herra, mutta on sillä vaaransakin. Kellä on omia lapsia, hän on
luonnostaan taipuisa katsomaan etupäässä näiden parasta ja
kohtelemaan kirkolta saamiansa lapsia isäpuolen tavalla. Mitä
uskontoa nämä papit julistavat?
— Valtion uskontoa, jossa on vain kolme uskonkappalta: 1) on

olemassa korkein olento; 2) ihmishenki on kuolematon; 3)
ruumiillisen kuoleman jälkeen tulee palkka. Muutoin saa kukin
vapaasti tunnustaa omaa uskoansa; saarella on paljo kristityltä.
Yrityksiä pakottamaan toisen omaatuntoa rangaistaan rikoksina.
— Entäs yhteiskuntarakennus?
— Se on kansanvaltainen, vaikka yläkerran muodostaa oppi-

ylimystö. Virkamiehet ovat kansan valittavat, mitkä vuodeksi, mitkä
elinijäksi. Hallitsija valitaan elinijäksi. Hän sekä ylimmät virkamiehet,
niinkuin myöskin papit, valitaan kuitenkin eri luokasta: oppineitten.
Tähän säätyluokkaan on vapaa pääsy lahjakkaimmilla nuorukaisilla,
syntyperästä huolimatta. Useimmat kansalaiset ovat maanviljelijöitä
ja ovat sen ohessa tavallisesti myös oppineet jotain käsityötä. Työ on
järjestelmän mukaan säänneltyä, ja virkamiesten on valvottava, että
kukin suorittaa määräosansa ja saa nauttia leponsa. Työn tuote on
yhteistä omaisuutta. On orjaluokkakin, joka toimittaa alhaisimmat
tehtävät: se on harvalukuinen ja siihen otetaan väki pahantekijöistä.
Lakeja on vähä ja ne ovat yleistajuisia.
— Sanokaa nyt Svante tohtori, mitä te tämmöisestä

yhteiskuntalaitoksesta arvelette?
— Sillä näyttää mielestäni olevan se ansio, ettei sitä haittaa

nykyisten yhteiskuntien pahimmat virheet. Näinhän siinä tunnustan
paljon hyvää. Mutta minua haluttaisi tietää, tokkohan vapautta
rakastava mies siinä viihtyisi ja voisi elää. En minä ainakaan tahtoisi
olla virkamiehen ajettavana työhön ja levolle määrähetkinä, ja
epäilen tokko ruotsalaiset miehet semmoiseen suostuisivat. Epäilen
lisäksi, voisiko tuo yhteiskuntajärjestys säilyä muuttumatta. Ja
muuttuessaan se ei pyrkisi paranemaan, vaan pahenemaan. Sillä
ihmeellistä olisi, jos ei sen oppinut ylimystö saisi samaa halua kuin
muutkin ylimystöt: anastaa itselleen kaiken vallan yhteiskunnassa,
enentää entisiä etujansa yhä suuremmiksi ja jättää ne lastensa
perittäviksi. Ennemmin tai myöhemmin nähdään tämmöisillä
työnjohtajilla egyptiläisen työvoudin naama, ja kuta lujemmaksi
virkamieslaitos varttuu ja kuta enemmän se yhteyteensä liittää
väestön taitavimpia ja kunnianhimoisimpia jäseniä, sitä
ankarampaan orjuuteen he tulevat painamaan työtätekeviä. Vaikeita
yhteiskuntaongelmia minä en pysty selvittämään, ja pidän siis
toistaiseksi parempana yhteiskuntakoneistoa, joka ei ole niin
säntilleen rakennettu. Tämmöinen käyköön kyllä epätasaisesti ja
tuhlatkoon voimia, mutta se antaa korvaukseksi persoonallista
vapautta. Minä soisin että joka miehellä olisi oma kontunsa, jolla hän
itsenäisenä eläisi omissa oloissaan, hoitaen talouttaan omaa
mieltänsä myöten; soisin älyn viljelyksen siksi leviävän, että vapaat
miehet ymmärtävät kuinka tärkeää monesti on rauhassa ja sodassa
suunnitella toimet ja tuumat yhteisen tarkotuksen mukaan; soisin että
joka miehellä olisi aseet suojellakseen itseään, sillä aseen suojatta
oltaissa oikeutta aina poljetaan. Sanalla sanoen: minä tahdon yhä
täydellisempää valtiolaitosta sillä pohjalla, jolle Ruotsin kuningas ja
kansa nyt ovat alkaneet rakentaa.
Valtiolliselle alalle jouduttua ruvettiin nyt puhumaan valtiopäivistä

ja valtiopäiväoikeudesta. Olihan hiljan pidetty tärkeitä valtiopäiviä
Strängnäsissä ja Vadstenassa ja neuvoskunta oli ollut koossa
Jönköpingissä. Esimunkki lausui mielipiteen, joka näyttänee
kummalliselta: että jos joku osa kansaa oli valtiopäiviltä suljettava,
pitäisi sen olla mahtavimman ja rikkaimman osan, koska rikkaus
yksistäänkin tuottaa omistajalleen kohtuullista suuremman
vaikutusvallan yhteiskunnassa, ja koska rikkaat ja mahtavat,
ilmankin valtiopäiväoikeutta, saavat sanansa kuuluviin ja etunsa
huomioon otetuiksi valtaistuimen edessä; mutta köyhimmillä ja enin
rasitetuilta luokilta puuttuu voimaa suojella itseään, ell'eivät
yhdistynein voimin nouse kapinaan, josta Jumala varjelkoon, ja
edustusoikeutta vaille jätettyinä he yleensä eivät voi valittaa
hätäänsä, ilmottaa tarpeitansa tai saada puutteitaan poistetuksi.
Euroopan valtakunnissa yhteiskunta ei vielä likimainkaan seiso
oikeuden, saatikka kristillisyyden perustuksella. Mutta, lisäsi
esimunkki, emme ainoastaan ole oikeutetut, vaan vieläpä
velvollisetkin säilyttämään toivon parempiin aikoihin, sillä Jumala on
ne meille luvannut.
Veniant modo tempora justa,

Cum spem Deus impleat omnem.
[Kunhan vaan ajat tulevat, jolloin oikeus saapi vallan ja Jumala

täyttää kaiken toivomme. — Hymnistä jonka on tehnyt Aurelius
Prudentius.]
Svante tohtori lausui: Esiveljen mielipiteeseen yhdyn minä siinä,

että epäkristillinen ja hyljättävä on yhteiskuntalaitos semmoinen,
jossa köyhän ääni ei kuulu yhtä korkealle kansankäräjissä ja
valtaistuimen edessä kuin rikkaankin. Tämä olisikin kaiketi selvä
kaikille oikeinajatteleville ja kristillismielisille, ellei eräs omituinen este
olisi tiellä. Köyhäthän ne tavallisesti ovat, joilla on vähin määrä oppia
ja tietoa, vaikka, totta pannakseni, hirveä tietämättömyys tavataan
aatelissakin Euroopan kaikissa maissa, niin että melkein tekee mieli
kysyä, eiköhän tietämättömyys ylpeyden liitossa ole yhteiskunnalle
turmiollisempi kuin tietämättömyys, johon yhtyy oman pienuuden
tunto. Este, jota karkotan, on se eräältä Kreikan filosofilta [Platonilta]
peritty oppi, jonka Thomas Morus myös jossain määrin on
omaksunut, että viisaimmat hallitkoot ja kaikki yhteiset asiat
päättäkööt. Tämä kuuluu hyvältä. Mutta viisainten tulisi, nähdäkseni,
olla siksi viisaita että ymmärtävät, että mitä nuo vähemmän viisaat,
vieläpä nekin yhteiskuntalaiset, jotka eivät millään viisaudella
kerskaile, tuntevat, kärsivät ja tahtovat, että kaikki se on jotain hyvin
tärkeää, josta viisaimmilla tarvitsee olla selvä tieto, etteivät joutuisi
umpimähkään ottelemaan salaperäisen voiman kanssa. Ja vielä:
kutka ovat nuo viisaimmat? Nekö jotka itsensä niiksi luulevat? Silloin
saamme niitä hakea kaikkein pöyhkeimpäin ja tyhmänylpeimpäin
ihmisten seasta. Tosi viisaissa on luullakseni joku määrä kainoutta,
joka estää heitä lukeutumasta siihen laumaan, joka huutaa: meillä on
tiedot, meidän tulee hallita. Tosiviisaat eivät koskaan näin tuo
näytteille itseään. Sentähden on etsitty ja luultu löytäneensä
ulkonainen viisauden tunnusmerkki. Viisaus pitäisi etupäässä
löytymän tietorikkaitten hallussa. Ovathan nyt tosin runsaat tiedot ja
viisaus eri asioita, mutta jälkimmäinen edellyttää halusti edellisiä.
Siihen seikkaan perustuu se ajatus, että oppineitten ja sivistyneiden
tulee hallita, heidän mieltään tulee hallitsevain kuulla ja noudattaa.
Tässä unohdetaan se mitä kristinusko kutsuu perisynniksi, joka
juureltaan on itsekkäisyyttä. Sitä ei saa suljetuksi kouluseinäin
ulkopuolelle eikä valtameren taa, ja epäilenpä onko runsailla tiedoilla
varustettu itsekkäisyys menettelevä kohtuullisemmin ja
kristillisemmin alempia luokkia kohtaan kuin rautapukuisten ja
kultakannuksisten herrain köyhätietoinen itsekkäisyys, ellei omat
selvemmin älytyt edut vaadi tuota kohtuullisuutta. Olen erittäin
Italiassa, jossa todella löytyy monitieteinen ja monipuolisesti
sivistynyt kansanluokka, tämän saman keskellä tavannut niin
häikäilemätöntä häjyyttä, semmoista riettautta ja kataluutta, että
kysymys tiedollisuuden suhteesta siveellisyyteen on minulle käynyt
probleemiksi, yhdeksi niitä joita ajatukseni yrittää selvittää,
astellessani harppu kädessä teitä ja polkuja. Voidakseen jalosti elää,
tarvitsee tuntea sisässään jotain, jota ei saa tahrata likaan. Muutama
sivu Tuomas Kempiläisen kirjasta luettuna saattaa köyhimmässäkin
herättää tämän tunteen eleille, yliopiston-oppi ei tee sitä yhtä
varmasti. Kun tiedot astuvat sen tunteen palvelukseen, silloin älyn
viljelys kasvattaa terveitä, yhteiskunnalle hyödyllisiä hedelmiä;
muutoin siitä kai pikemmin kasvaa ja kypsyy Sodomanomenoita.
Ilmotettiin illallis-aterian olevan valmiina.
Sittenkun puheenjohtaja oli kiittänyt isäntää ja isäntä vieraita,

päätettiin kokous vanhaan tapaan siten, että jäsenet seisaalta
lauloivat latinaisen virrenvärssyn, joka ylistää Isää, Poikaa ja Pyhää
henkeä, toivottaa ijäistä autuutta kaikille vainajille ja rukoilee rauhaa
Ruotsille. Jos Lauri olisi ollut läsnä, olisi hän keskeyttänyt laulun ja
tuominnut tämän värssyn perkeleelliseksi sen toivotuksen johdosta,
jolla siinä kuolleita muistetaan.
Sit laus, honor Deo patri, laus perennis ejus Nato, iubilus
Spiritui sancto, salus aeterna defunctis; Pax sit regno Suetie.
[Ylistys olkoon Isälle, ijäinen kiitos Pojalle, ylistys soikoon

Hengelle; ikuinen autuus vainaille, ja rauha Ruotsin vallalle!]
Sitten syötiin illallinen tiilikartanon salissa. Svante tohtori ilmotti,

että hänen täytyi jo seuraavana päivänä lähteä matkalle, jolla hän oli
viipyvä kuukauden tai päällekin. Tämä oli pettymys läsnäolijoille,
jotka olivat toivoneet että "Suoraan sydämestä" yhtyisi ensi
kokoukseensa Talavidiin. Juotiin mestarin paraasta viinistä
sydämellinen malja onneksi matkalle ja onneksi harpulle, josta soi
vain ylentäviä, johduttavia ja suloisia säveliä seutujen asukkaille.
Vieläpä maljalla toivottiin talon omalle pojallekin menestystä hänen
kohta tehtävälle matkalleen saksalaisiin yliopistoihin, sekä vihdoin
Margareeta emännälle.
XII.
MARGIT JA ARVI NIILONPOIKA. VELKA LYBECKIIN.
Sill'aikaa kuin "Suoraan sydämestä" jutteli maalarimajassa, astui

Arvi Niilonpoika sisään Gudmund mestarin ristikkoportista,
huomattuaan sen säleitten välistä kauniin kolmetoistavuotiaan
sukulaisensa Margitin istuvan Fabben penkillä lehmuksen alla, jossa
tyttö lepäsi seuran aterian valmistuspuuhista, joissa hänkin osaltaan
oli ollut apuna, sillä äiti oli aikaisin totuttanut tytärtään ottamaan osaa
taloustoimiin, mikäli tämä sitä tarvitsi voidakseen vuorostaan hänkin
tulla taitavaksi, kunnon emännäksi.
Se arvo ja kunnia, minkä herra Ture Jönsinpoika Roosin pitoihin

kutsu oli tuottanut Arville, ei estänyt tätä useiden sepänsällien
nähden juoksemasta kilpaa Margitin kanssa ristikkoportilta pitkää
pihaa myöten alas laiturille, jossa hän nosti tytön purteen ja istui
airojen ääreen.
— Missä Lauri on? kysyi hän. — Kortebossa. — Se on hyvä.

Minun silmissäni hän näyttää kauniilta niin pitkän matkan päästä,
ettei häntä näe. Milloin hän lähtee Saksaan?
— Muutaman päivän päästä erään kuormueen mukana, jonka on
määrä mennä
Skooneen.
— Entä jos hän ja tuo kuomillekin joutuisi Slatten käsiin! Se olisi

ikävä asia tavarain tähden. Anna anteeksi minulle, orpana, että
puhun näin sinun veljestäsi ja minun koulukumppanistani! Mutta
eihän meillä, sinulla ja minulla, koskaan ole ollut toisiltamme
salattavia asioita. Hän on minulle yhtä epämieluinen kuin sinä olet
mieluinen, ja näitä makujani en saa mitenkään muutettua.
— Oliko sinun hauskaa herra Ture Jönsinpoika Roosin luona?
— Oli ja ei ollut. Onhan siitä nuorukaiselle oppimista ja kunniaa

päästä semmoiseen seuraan. Mutta ei siellä erittäin hupaista ollut.
Isäntä ja ylhäiset vieraat kohtelivat minua hyvin ystävällisesti ja
antoivat minun varsin varovasti ymmärtää, että olin viidentenä
vaununpyöränä ja kutsuttuna isäni enkä itseni takia, jonka tiesin
ennestään. Skaran piispa, joka oli siellä, kyseli minulta niitä näitä
latinaksi. Minä epäilen, saisiko hänen latinansa parasta arvolausetta
Sven kirkkoherralta, ja minä vastasin hienotunteisesti latinalla, jota
koetin puhua yhtä huonosti kuin hän. Piispa painoi mieleeni, että
Ruotsin aatelisnuorison tulee kaunistaa itseään tiedoilla ja taidoilla,
ettei kanslereita ja muita arvonmiehiä tarvitsisi laivoilla tuoda tänne
ulkomailta. Sitä on isänikin minulle sanonut, ja sen johdosta olen
päättänyt uudestaan ruveta koulupojaksi, ja käydä Sven herran ja,
jos hyvä isäsi sen sallii, hänenkin kouluaan. Sven herra opettakoon
minulle latinaa joka kelpaa diplomaattien, kanslerien ja ruhtinasten
edessä. Gudmund mestarilta tahdon oppia maalaamaan, joka on
samalla kaunis ja huvittava taito, mutta etupäässä tahdon häneltä
oppia piirtämään linnoja ja sotavarustuksia, sillä surkeaa on
mielestäni, että täytyy turvata ulkomaalaisten apuun milloin isompia
rakennuksia meillä on tehtävä. Kyllä meissä on siinä älyä ja kykyä
kuin heissäkin.
— Arvi, sitte tulet taaskin istuneeksi tuntikausia isän luona

maalarimajassa! Sepä hauskaa! Sekös vasta ilahuttaa isää, joka
pitää niin paljon sinusta!
— Kun vain Lauri on poissa, ei minun puolestani mikään estä.

Mutta mennä sinne hänen kanssaan riitelemään, sitä en tahdo. Tulet
kai sitten, kuten ennenkin, aina vähä väliä maalarimajaan katsomaan
isääsi ja minua? Tee niin Margit!
— Mielelläni.
— Ollaan kuin lapset taas, sinä ja minä. Lapsihan todella vielä

oletkin — ainoastaan kolmentoista vuoden ikäinen. Vielä on sinulla
täysi oikeus suudella minua kainostelematta, ihan kuin ennen.
— Sinähän minua suutelit.
— Me tavattiin toisemme puolivälissä, jos oikein muistan. Niinpä

me tuolla rahilla järviaitan seinustalla tapasimme toisemme viisi
kertaa peräkkäin, toisinaan kymmenen, kaksikymmentä kertaa
luulen ma. Ei mikään estä hyvää jatkoa.
— Estääpä.
— Mikäs niin? kysyi Arvi, käsi airon varassa.
— Olen kyllä vain kolmentoista ikäinen, mutta olen saanut arvon.
— Arvon! Mitä tarkotat Margit?

— Vakuutan sinulle, että olen saanut arvon, hengellisen arvon.
— Sepä hassua. Sinä saanut hengellisen arvon? Oletko jossain

luostarissa apetissana.
— En, ei semmoista arvoa. En minä nunnaksi rupea. En suinkaan.

Ei, toisen arvon.
— Minkä?
— Se on salaisuus.
— Se oli hyvä. Sitten sun tulee se sanoa minulle. Sillä sinulla ja

minulla on kaikki salaisuutemme yhteisinä.
— Mutt'ei tämä.
— Sitten minäkin laitan itselleni salaisuuden, jota sinä et saa

tietää. Sitte tulee loppu tuosta ihanasta tuttavallisuudestamme,
jolloin saatoin sanoa itselleni kaikesta, mitä muuten pidin kaikkein
salaisimpana: tämän tietää yksin Margit ja minä. Enpä sentään tahdo
olla utelias. Sinä olet itsepintainen, kun on jotain päähäsi pistänyt,
eikä auta ruveta sinulta salaisuuttasi urkkimaan. Se on minun
mieleeni, sillä juoruttelevia naisia meillä on kylliksi. Ah Margit, iloitsen
ajatellessani että taaskin saan istua koulunpenkillä. Saada jotain
ajateltavaa ja päätä ponnistavaa, siitä syntyy toivoakseni hyvä
vastapaino halulleni hullutella, ilveillä ja kujeilla. Sanos nyt minulle,
orpana, kuka on sinulle mieleisin maan päällä?
— Isäni.
— Ja sitten?
— Äitini.
— Ja sitten?
— Gunnar Svantenpoika.
— En ole mustankipeä. Entäs sitten?
— Svante tohtori.
— Ai! Sitte?
— Fabbe.
— Sitte?
— Herra Sven ja taatto Mathias.
— Sitte?
— Sinä.
— Kiitos! Toiste kun kysyn tätä, alan alapäästä. Silloin pääsen

minä ensisijaan.
*****
Ruotsin velka Lybeckiin oli maksettava, ja kun valtiolta puuttui

varoja tähän, täytyi Gösta kuninkaan ryhtyä kirkkojen ja luostarien
kalliisiin kaluihin ja tavaroihin. Se oli vaarallinen hanke, mutta ei hätä
lakia lue. Vaara oli selvänä jokaiselle ken joutui kuulemaan rahvaan
sanoja, näkemään sen silmäyksiä ja eleitä, kun se, kirkkojensa
juurille kokoontuneena katseli, kuinka kalkkeja ja öylättilautasia
vietiin pois. Sama kansa, joka alttiisti kantoi päivän kuormaa ja
hellettä, joka nöyrästi kesti nälkää ja kaikkia litaniassa mainittuja
maanvaivoja, nurkui ja puristi nyrkkiään peitsen ja kirveen varren
ympäri, kun inhimillinen käskyvalta näkyi sen oikeutta sortavan, ja se
halusi heti käyttää aseitaan, kun tuo oikeudensorto lisäksi samalla oli
pyhyydensolvausta. Näissä tilaisuuksissa nähtiin milloin milläkin
kirkonmäellä Smoolannin, Länsi- ja Itägöötanmaan kihlakunnissa
mies jota kansa kummeksien katseli ja kuitenkin melkein kaikkialla
ihmeellisellä luottamuksella kohteli, harpunsoittaja Svante. Nekin
vanhemmat ja vaikuttavammat maalaisisännät, jotka muuten olivat
luonteeltaan epäluuloisia, tahtoivat taata, että hän oli kansanystävä.
Liikkui huhuja, että hän oli syntyisin jostakin suvusta, joka ennen oli
Ruotsissa pätenyt paljon ja suojellut kansan oikeutta ja maan
parasta. Ekesjön seuduilla moniaat luulivat tuntevansa hänet
ennestään, nähneensä hänet siellä poikasena linnanpihalla, jolloin
häntä muka pidettiin jonakin Sturen suvun jälkivesana. Toiset
juttelivat toisin. Samoin kerrottiin, että Jouif Slatte, "Rosvo-Oden",
jota moni myös luuli kansanystäväksi, vaikka aivan omituisen,
epäkristillisen ja hirveän laatuiseksi, oli henkipatoksi julistanut sen
miehen, joka uskaltaisi harpunsoittajan päästä hiuskarvaakaan
katkaista.
Tuon tuostakin keräytyi kansaa kirkonmäille tämän ympäri

kuulemaan, mitä hänellä oli päivän tapauksista sanottavaa. Hän ei
koettanut vähentää sen merkitystä mitä oli tapahtunut ja ehkä vasta
tapahtuisi; päinvastoin sanoi hän arvaavansa, että sittenkun rahoja,
ehtoolliskalkkeja ja öylättiastioita oli otettu, piakkoin taitaisi tulla
kirkonkellojenkin vuoro, sillä peräti köyhtyneen maan velka oli suuri
ja paljo kulunkeja kysyi valtakunnan järjestäminen ja suojeleminen.
Hän ei yrittänyt heikontaa sitä vaikutusta, jonka pakolliset
kirkonryöstöt tekivät rahvaan mieliin; hän paremmin puheilla ja
lauluilla syventeli tätä vaikutusta, mutta muunteli sitä samalla sen
kaltaiseksi, mitä hän itse tunsi. Seurattuaan kirkolta kotia jotakuta
etevämpää isäntämiestä, jolloin tavallisesti monta seudun miestä ja
naista yhtyi samaan joukkoon, lauloi hän siellä ensin virsiä ja
hengellisiä lauluja, jotka olivat heille tuttuja ja rakkaita, sitten
Engelbrektinlaulun tai jonkun muun semmoisen, mikä herätti mieliin
isänmaallisia muistoja, sen perästä jonkun laulun, jonka hän tekaisi
hetken herättämäin tunteiden vallassa.
Milloin lauleli hän ehtoollismonstransista, josta sukupolvi toisensa

jälkeen oli pyrkinyt Nasaretilaisen kansanvapahtajan jumalallisuuden
yhteyteen; josta mies miehen, nainen naisen perästä oli saanut
salaperäisen voiman halulla ja toivokkaana lähtemään siihen
maahan, niissä poismenneet odottavat maailman uudestiluomisen
päivää…
Milloin kirkonkelloista, jotka sointuisalla soitollaan julistavat

jumalanpalveluksen ja levon päivät; joiden soidessa vastasyntyneet
tuodaan kasteelle ja kuolleet viedään haudan lepoon.
Pian ne ehkä vaikenevat, vuosisatoja heläyteltyään

malmihuuliltaan soinnukkaita ajanrenkaita luomaan liittoa täältä pois
liiteleväin ja tänne saapuvain sielujen välille.
Mutta entä sitten?
Painanevatko nämä uhrit enemmän kuin se, että Ruotsin kansa

menettäisi kunniansa? Velka on maksettava, vaikkapa vaivoillakin
kuolemaan asti. Velka on hiisi, joka surmaa sielusi jalouden, jollet
sinä surmaa häntä. Alentava häpeän tieto rasittaisi työtäsi vainiolla ja
salossa, Ruotsin mies. Se silpoisi siivet rukouksilta, joita lennättelet
korkeuteen sarkojesi viljan, kotosi ilon ja rauhan puolesta.
Säilyneen kunnian tunto on kyntävä vakosi syvemmältä ja lisää
idinvoimaa siemeniin, joita niihin kylvät. Se luo rukoustesi siivet
jänteviksi. Se nostaa selkäsi suoraksi, niiden edessä, jotka tahtovat
sinua orjuuttaa, ja se lisää monikertaista tehoa niihin iskuihin, joita
lyöt vapauden, lain ja oikeuden puolesta. Auranvaosta ja
rukouksesta ja verestäsi, jota oikeuden edestä sotiessa vuodatat, on
versova siunattu sato; siunatusta sadosta parempia kaunisteita
alttareillesi, heleämpiä ja väkevämpiä kellonsäveliä soimaan yli
Ruotsinmaan. —
Tämmöistä Svante harppunsa säesteellä lauleli. Ja niinkuin

kuningas Hjarrande harpullaan osasi kiistää myrskyt ja aallot
alenemaan, samoin tämänkin harpunsoittajan sävelistä toistaiseksi
asettui se myrsky, joka oli uhannut ruveta riehumaan.
NELJÄN VUODEN KULUTTUA.
XIII.
MAISTERI LAURI.
Lauri Gudmundinpoika eli Laurentius Gudmundi oli palannut

Jönköpingiin saatuaan Wittenbergissä maisterinarvon sekä runsaan
laihon kunnialaakereita, joita hän oli korjannut kokouksissa ja
väittäjäisissä moniaalla Saksassa, Hollannissa ja Sveitsissä. Hänen
maineensa oli käynyt hänen edellään Tukholmaan asti, jossa
paremmin kuin hänen pienessä syntymäkaupungissaan tiedettiin,
että hänestä Saksan yliopistopiireissä oli paisunut aika mies, jota
huomattiin, jollei juuri humanistisen oppinsa vuoksi, sillä sitä hänellä
oli ainoastaan vähin välttämätön määrä, niin ainakin hehkuvasta
teologisesta innostaan ja verrattomasta taistelukyvystään
katederissa. Hän oli voitolla lähtenyt julkisista kiistoista katolilaisten,
salakatolilaisten, kalvinistein ja zwingliläisten kanssa; useimmiten
hän jollakin äkkiarvaamattomalla johtopäätöksellä onnistui
ällistyttämään vastustajansa ja saattamaan heidät siksi kertaa
sanattomiksi. Ankara hän oli saarnamies; täysinäiset kirkot pohjois-
ja keski-Saksassa olivat hartaalla hämmästyksellä kuunnelleet tuon
hartevan pohjoismaisen jättiläisen jyriseviä soimaussaarnoja ajan
moninaista harhaoppia vastaan ja hänen kauheita ennustuksiaan
niiden johdosta. Eipä korkeimmanarvoisia lutheris-mielisiäkään
opettajia säästetty, jos Lauri luuli heidän mielipiteissään
vainunneensa edes vienointakaan vivahdusta, joka poikkesi siitä
mitä hän oli puhdas-oppisuudeksi säätänyt. Kirkossa samoin kuin
oppisalissa riippui hänellä pitkä miekka vyöllään — ei aivankaan
harvinainen tapa sen ajan saarnaajilla ja oppi-istuinten isännillä, jota
oikeutti yhtä yleinen tarve käyttää itsepuolustusta persoonallista
väkivaltaa vastaan. Lauri maisteri itse vakuutti varustaneensa
miekan itselleen ainoastaan sentähden, ettei se ollut niin
hengenvaarallinen ase kuin hänen nyrkkinsä. Häntä huvitti näytellä
voimaansa, esimerkiksi taittamalla poikki paksuja rautoja ja
vetämällä hevosenkenkiä oikoisiksi. Mutta niissäkin tiloissa, milloin
hän suvaitsi antaa urheilunäytteitä, osotti hän olennossaan
majesteetillista mahtavuutta ja käskevää ylhäisyyttä, jonka
nähdessään jopa vanhat kunnianarvoisat professorit ja tohtoritkin
tunsivat jotakin hädän ja levottomuuden tapaista ja heidän oli
mielestään pakko myöntyä, etenkin koska sitä säesti kaksi kylmää,
harmaata käskevää silmää, joista puhui horjumaton itsevarmuus.
Olisipa luullut Laurin näinä opintojen, kiistojen ja voittojen vuosina

kaukaisilla mailla unohtaneen tuon vanhan vihreäniljaisen pölkyn
isänsä laiturissa. Eipä suinkaan! Hän oli ajatuksissaan tuon tuostakin
hautonut sitä sotaretkeä, jota hän ennen lähtöään päätti käytäväksi
Gudmund mestarin "muistoja" vastaan, hänen tuhmia tapojansa ja
kerettiläisiä luulojansa vastaan, ja rynnäkkö mainitun pölkyn
kimppuun oli oleva ikäänkuin sodan alkajaisleikkinä.
Gudmund mestari myöntyi kuin myöntyikin kohta, vaikka kyllä

huokaillen, kun Lauri nyt uudelleen väitti, että pölkky ei enää
kelvannut virkaansa ja pitäisi poistettaman. Niin tapahtuikin. Fabbe,
joka oli mukana puuhassa, hakkasi kirveellään pari kertaa puuhun ja
näytti, että tämä rakas muisto Pietari Maununpojan ja mestari
Gudmundin nuoruuden ajalta vielä oli sisältä terve. Mutta Lauri
maisteri lausui ehdottoman päätelmänsä, että pölkky oli laho, koska
sen täytyi olla laho, se kun oli maannut vedessä sata vuotta ehkä
enemmänkin. Fabbe tahtoi väittää vastaan; mutta "vaiti mies!" ja
ojennettu koura tukki häneltä suun.
Laiturilta tultaessa sanoi Lauri maisteri Gudmund mestarille: Sinä

rupeat nyt käymään vanhaksi, isä, ja minä ajattelen että lepo
vanhuuden päivillä tekisi sulle hyvää. Olen ajatellut, että möisit tai
vuokraisit pois pajat, mutta pitäisit niellotehtaan. Niellotaidossa olet
sinä mitä etevin. Se työ huvittaa sinua ja tuottaa sinulle kunniaa ja
rahaa. Niin, arvelenpa että se tulee sinua huvittamaan yhä enemmin
ja että kyllästyt tuohon maalustelemiseen, joka vaan kiusaa vanhoja
silmiäsi.
— En suinkaan, sanoi Gudmund; värit ilahuttavat ja luullakseni

virkistävätkin silmiäni.
— Se on mahdotonta, sanoi Lauri; väreistä ne pilaantuvat, siitä

emme huoli kiistelläkään.
— En voi vuokrata pois enkä myydä pajojamme, jakamatta

tonttiamme tai saattamatta tänne vieraita ihmisiä, ja sepä, pelkään
mä, vähentäisi kotihauskuuttamme. Sitä paitsi talo on isäin perintöä,
jota en tahdo hajottaa.
— Eihän se sen arvoa enennä, että se on isiltä peritty. Talonala on

niin tilava, että siihen mahtuisi ruhtinaallinen linna. Näkisitpä vaan,
kuinka ahtailla tonteilla Saksan kaupungeissa rikkaimmatkin porvarit
tulevat toimeen. Meidän, jolla prameilee kaksi kartanoa kadun
puolella rautaristikkoineen, joka on tuhlausta, näyttää suorastaan
ylpeältä ja muistuttaa minulle sananpartta, että ylpeys käy
lankeemuksen edellä. Se kerskaa jokaiselle joka astuu tästä ohitse:
"tässä asuu Jönköpingin rikkain porvari". Minun on vaikea saarnata
ylpeyttä vastaan, niin kauvan kuin me näin uljaasti asumme. Vaikea
on minun myöskään saarnata Herran käskyä Sinailta: "älä tee
itsellesi kuvia", niinkauvan kuin näen neitsyt Maarian kuvan ja Vidrik
Valandinpojan päädyillämme. Olen tiedustellut Vidrik Valandinpojan
elämäkertaa ja oppineesta lähteestä saanut tietää, että hän
enemmän oli joku pakanain epäjumala, toisin sanoen siis perkele
kuin kristitty ihminen. Mutta siitä saamme puhua enemmän toiste.
Ymmärrät sen kyllä itsekin, ettei kristitty pappi ja pilaantumattoman
opin tunnustaja tahdo pitää perkeleenkuvaa seinällään
kummittelemassa. Siitä olemme kaiketi yhtä mieltä. Mitä nyt tulee
talon alaan, on sinun paras jakaa se pitkinpäin ja myydä läntinen
puolikas ynnä siinä vanha puinen asuinrakennus pajoineen. Itäinen
puolikas jää sinulle, ja olkoon se entisellään, paitsi että teet
maalarimajan niellopajaksi ja revität tulipirtin, joka on pakanain pesä.
— Jos talontila jaetaan pitkinpäin, miten silloin käy vanhan

hoitopuumme keskellä pihaa?
122
123
— Hoitopuun, mitä sillä nimellä tarkotat?
— Perhepuumme.
— Perhepuu! Olemmeko lähemmin sukua sille puulle kuin mille

muulle tahansa tässä maailmassa? Isä hyvä, kyllä sinä jo joutaisit
peseytyä puhtaaksi pakanallisesta taikauskosta. Ei mitään saastaista

The Role of Universities and Heis in The Vulnerability Agenda Joyce Liddle Full Chapter

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The Role of Universities and HEIs in the

Vulnerability Agenda Joyce Liddle

More information about this series at

Rethinking University-Community Policy Connections

Cover Image: Pattern © Melisa Hasan

In producing this short pivot, we extend our sincere thanks to colleagues

2 Vulnerability: A Complex and Contradictory Concept for

3 The Changing Role of Universities in Society: Key Influences 33

4 The Role of the University in the Vulnerability Agenda 53

5 Mechanisms for Addressing Vulnerability: Giving Voice to

6 Two North-East of England Case Studies—Northumbria

7 Conclusion: Future Role of Universities in Vulnerability 97

Joyce Liddle is Professor of Public Leadership and Enterprise and

Local Government Studies, Regional Studies, International Review of

Abstract In this introductory chapter, we provide a rationale and set the

Keywords Universities • Vulnerability • Politics • Pandemic • Brexit

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

This book addresses an important gap in knowledge because although the

Neo-classical liberal policies not only affected communities but also

Growth sought to highlight the role of universities helping to create pros-

• Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Data—putting the UK at the fore-

are gaps in knowledge and understanding of how to respond to the escala-

Furthermore, social mobility and responding to the conditions resulting

Kagan, C., & Diamond, J. (2019). University-community relations in the

Vulnerability: A Complex and Contradictory

Abstract In Chap. 2, we draw on earlier research (Addidle and Liddle,

Keywords Vulnerability • Inequalities • Policing • Health •

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 13

Vulnerability, a complex ‘wicked issue’ is moving up global political agen-

different individuals and groups have been categorised as vulnerable from

“who is or may be in need of community care services by reason of mental

When it comes to children, definitions of vulnerability are similarly

Vulnerability is a frequently used term yet, as continuously demon-

Further definitions link vulnerability to the inevitable result of ageing

A person is vulnerable if, as a result of their situation or circumstances, they

The key to dealing with vulnerability, in accordance with the College’s

many believe and recognise corporate social responsibility as a key indica-

Economics Foundation report, June 2021, cited in Hughes, 2021, The

education on disadvantaged communities, and enhancing greater partici-

recovers from COVID 19. The focus is on supporting local economic

• Develop partnerships on research and develop strategies to define

• Embed universities in local cultural and creative activities to regener-

Throughout 2020 and 2021, and to debate how the aforementioned

(the replacement for European Union structural funds) to support a major

Vulnerability is becoming one of the key political issues of twenty-first

House of Commons Library. (2021). The levelling up agenda. CDP 2021/0086,

The Changing Role of Universities

Abstract Chapter 3 offers a historical analysis of the role of universities,

Keywords Neo-liberalism • New public management • Wicked issues •

Globally, nationally, and internationally, prior to the current Brexit and

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 33

educational opportunities, equity, diversity, and social justice. Though

third-stream activities and uncovered many examples of community-­

• The Entrepreneurial University

• The Reflective University

— Tuo ei tosin, sanoi esimunkki, olisi estänyt perisyntiä

— Esiveli, mitä kirjallisuutta sinä olisit suonut mukaan vietäväksi?

— Kirjallisuutta ja taidetta vaille eivät uudet yhteiskunnat olisi

— Minä jätän herrain harkittavaksi, sanoi Sven herra, eikö sentään

— Etupäässä haluaisin tietysti tietää, niille kannalle pappien olo

— Pappia siellä on, tiesi tohtori sanoa, vaikka ei paljo. Ne valitsee

— Avioliittoon meno on heidän velvollisuutenaan.

— Onhan sillä hyvä puolensa, sen myönnän suoraan, sanoi Sven

2 Vulnerability: A Complex and Contradictory Concept for

3 The Changing Role of Universities in Society: Key Influences 33

4 The Role of the University in the Vulnerability Agenda 53

5 Mechanisms for Addressing Vulnerability: Giving Voice to

6 Two North-East of England Case Studies—Northumbria

7 Conclusion: Future Role of Universities in Vulnerability 97

third-stream activities and uncovered many examples of community-