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Making English Official
In communities across the United States, people wrestle with which languages
to use and who gets to decide. Despite more than sixty-seven million US resi-
dents using a language other than English at home, over half of the states in
the United States have successfully passed English-only policies. Drawing on
archives and interviews, this book tells the origin story of the English-only
movement, as well as the stories of contemporary language policy campaigns
in four Maryland county governments, giving a rare glimpse into what mo-
tivates the people who most directly shape language policy in the United
States. It demonstrates that English-only policies grow from more local
levels, rather than from nationalist ideologies, where they are downplayed
as harmless community initiatives, but result in monolingual approaches to
language remaining increasingly pervasive. This title is part of the Flip it
Open program and may also be available as Open Access. Check our website,
Cambridge Core, for details.
Katherine S. Flowers is Assistant Professor of English at the University

of Massachusetts Lowell. She specializes in language policy, writing studies,
and the English language.
Published online by Cambridge University Press

Making English Official
Writing and Resisting Local Language Policies
Katherine S. Flowers
University of Massachusetts Lowell

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Title: Making English official : writing and resisting local language
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University Press, 2024. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2023028335 | ISBN 9781009278027 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781009278058 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Language policy – United States. | English-only
movement – United States.
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remain, accurate or appropriate.

For everyone who shapes language policy

Contents
List of Figures page viii

List of Tables ix
Acknowledgments x
Introduction 1
1 The Origins of the English-Only Movement 29
2 Creating English-Only Policies: Ghostwriting, Templates,
and Genre Choices 61
3 Emphasizing the Local in Language Policy: From Upscaling
to Downscaling 89
4 Resisting and Rewriting: How People Undo English-Only
Policies112
Conclusion 144
Appendix A: Research Methods 152

Appendix B: Policy Texts 156
References 178
Index 206
vii

Figures
1.1 John Tanton with pen and paper at his desk in Petoskey,
Michigan, in 1986page 53
2.1 A map showing the location of the four counties in Maryland
that passed or proposed English-only policies between 2012
and 2013: Frederick County, Carroll County, Anne Arundel
County, and Queen Anne’s County; Washington, DC, is marked
as a point for reference 62
3.1 A map showing Carroll County, which passed an English-only
policy; two more linguistically and racially diverse nearby counties,
Montgomery County and Howard County; and the two major
cities in the region, Washington, DC, and Baltimore, Maryland 91
viii

Figures
1.1 John Tanton with pen and paper at his desk in Petoskey,
Michigan, in 1986page 53
2.1 A map showing the location of the four counties in Maryland
that passed or proposed English-only policies between 2012
and 2013: Frederick County, Carroll County, Anne Arundel
County, and Queen Anne’s County; Washington, DC, is marked
as a point for reference 62
3.1 A map showing Carroll County, which passed an English-only
policy; two more linguistically and racially diverse nearby counties,
Montgomery County and Howard County; and the two major
cities in the region, Washington, DC, and Baltimore, Maryland 91
viii

Tables
2.1 A timeline of the key language policies discussed in this chapter.

Information includes dates, sponsors, names, genres, outcomes,
and whether the policy shares language with a templatepage 68
4.1 A three-and-a-half-year timeline of events between
the English-only ordinance’s passage and repeal 116
A.1 List of interview participants, including details on their role at
the time, the location, and the date 153
ix

Acknowledgments
Many people helped me write this book. Thank you especially to everyone
who agreed to an interview or donated their papers to a university archive. If
people had not generously shared their time, texts, and perspectives, this book
could not exist.
Archivists were instrumental in making my research possible at the Bentley
Historical Library at the University of Michigan, the Hoover Institution
Library & Archives at Stanford University, and the Special Collections
Research Center at the George Washington University. In particular, I am
indebted to Diana Bachman, Nancy Bartlett, Bronweyn Coleman, Karen
Jania, Kathy Lafferty, Gayle Martinson, Malgosia Myc, Caitlin Moriarty,
Cinda Nofziger, Sarah Patton, Corinne Robertson, Joni Rosenthal, Danielle
Scott Taylor, and Kierra Verdun for their expertise.
I worked with four talented research assistants. Shelby Gordon located,
sifted, and sorted through many of the contemporary news sources and gave
perceptive feedback on an early draft of Chapter 4. Amy LaFleur and Carolyn
Angelo did impeccable work on archival research and reviewing the contem-
porary literature in sociolinguistics. Makayla Camp read early chapter drafts
and prepared citations with aplomb.
My students, too, have shaped and reshaped much of my thinking about
how writers navigate language. I owe a debt of gratitude to my students in
First-Year Writing, Writing across Media, Professional Writing, Language and
Society, and Structure and Variation of the English Language.
For funding this research, I would like to thank the Bentley Historical
Library, for their Bordin/Gillette Research Travel Fellowship, the Hoover
Institution Library & Archives, for their Scholar Research Support Award, the
Conference on College Composition and Communication (CCCC), for their
Emergent Researcher Award, the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign,
Mississippi State University, and the University of Massachusetts Lowell.
At the University of Washington, Gail Stygall first sparked my interest in
language policy and the English language. I was also lucky to work with so
many excellent mentors there who taught me about language, writing, and
research, including Todd Borlik, Anne Browning, Jamie Oldham Feather,

Acknowledgments xi
Gillian Harkins, Becca Herman, Emily James, Rick Keil, Colette Moore,
Michael Oishi, Tanvi Patel, Paul Quay, and Johnny Stutsman.
The Center for Writing Studies at the University of Illinois Urbana-
Champaign was the ideal place for me to push my research further. Paul Prior,
Dennis Baron, Spencer Schaffner, and Michèle Koven totally transformed how
I approached research, both by showing me what it could look like and by
spending countless hours helping me make sense of my own work. Andrea
Olinger welcomed me to Illinois and has continued to be an awe-inspiring and
dear friend ever since. Annie Kelvie makes this work meaningful and fun – she
always knows the right thing to say, and she helps me keep everything in per-
spective. Yu-Kyung Kang showed me it was possible to foreground language,
literacy, and the local, and her work continues to inspire my own. Lindsay
Rose Russell offered peerless advice during the late stages of the writing pro-
cess. I am also grateful to many other colleagues I first met in Champaign-
Urbana, including Paul Beilstein, Teresa Bertram, Andy Bowman, María
Paz Carvajal Regidor, Anne Haas Dyson, Melissa Forbes, John Gallagher,
Bonny Graham, Evin Groundwater, Lauri Harden, Douglas Kibbee, Gesa
Kirsch, Bruce Kovanen, Allison Kranek, Eileen Lagman, Adrienne Lo, Kristi
McDuffie, Thomas McNamara, Logan Middleton, Catherine Prendergast, Eric
Darnell Pritchard, Jenn Raskauskas, Pamela Saunders, Maggie Shelledy, Kaia
Simon, Siobhan Somerville, Jonathan Stone, Nicole Turnipseed, Kate Vieira,
Amy Wan, Carolyn Wisniewski, Vivian Yan-Gonzalez, and Dan Zhang.
Scott Wible showed me it was possible to write the kind of book I wanted
to write and to have the kind of career I wanted to have. He has paved the way
for me in many ways.
My colleagues at Mississippi State University were exceptionally sup-
portive and they made the research process fun. My writing group friends,
Elizabeth Ellis Miller and Melanie Loehwing, were at once great company and
great role models for how to write about activism and advocacy. My depart-
ment head, Daniel Punday, helped me in many ways, not least of which was
graciously matching my CCCC grant with an additional course release, which
gave me a semester to focus on writing. Dhanashree Thorat was there for me,
especially during lockdown. I am also grateful to Ted Atkinson, Diana Brown,
Xi Chen, Shalyn Claggett, Lara Dodds, Kayleigh Few, Taylor Garner, Aaron
Grimes, Margaret Hagerman, Wendy Herd, Holly Johnson, Anne Marshall,
Lisa McReynolds, Ginger Pizer, Donald Shaffer, Megan Smith, Eric Vivier,
Abigail Voller, and Jervette Ward.
I wrote several chapters and navigated the publishing process at the University
of Massachusetts Lowell. Thank you to Luis Falcón and Todd Tietchen for the
opportunity. Jenna Vinson and Robert Forrant provided invaluable feedback
on an early draft of my book proposal. Anthony Szczesiul gave me crucial
comments on a draft of my introduction. Bridget Marshall advised me at the

xii Acknowledgments
contract stage. Rebecca Richards led by example and cheered me on every

step of the way. Ann Dean created space for conversations about writing, and
at one point she wrote me to say, “Your goals should be (a) survive, (b) work
on your book. Everything else can wait,” which is the best thing someone can
say. Stacy Szczesiul, Sue Kim, Christa Hodapp, and Darcie Boyer brought
junior women faculty in Fine Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences together
for valuable mentoring and camaraderie. Julie Nash created the opportunity
to do the Faculty Success Program, where I was lucky to work with coach
Dione King and group members Nozomi Tanaka, Rebekah Slodounik, and
Hwanhee Hong. I am fortunate to be going through the assistant professor
experience with friends like Larissa Gaias, Anita Li, and Kristen Stern. Rose
Paton and her colleagues at the University Library helped me track down doz-
ens of sources through Interlibrary Loan. I have benefited from so many con-
versations with Sara Backer, Laura Barefield, Shelley Barish, Dina Bozicas,
Rosemarie Buxton, Mary Kate Cragg, Katherine Conlon, Kelly Drummey,
Bernardo Feliciano, Milena Gueorguieva, Paula Haines, Natalie Houston,
Andrew Johnson, Jacqueline Ledoux, Sean McCreery, Tracy Michaels, Keith
Mitchell, Shaima Ragab, Nancy Selleck, Richard Serna, Katherine Shrieves,
Jonathan Silverman, and Wilson Valentín-Escobar.
I wrote Chapter 1 last. When I was stuck, Brendan O’Connor’s work helped
me realize that I should try to follow the money.
Helen Barton, Isabel Collins, Christian Green, Snadha Suresh Babu, Edward
Street, and their colleagues at Cambridge University Press have expertly shep-
herded the manuscript through the publishing process. Thomas Ricento and
the anonymous reviewers were uncommonly brilliant and generous, and they
motivated me to keep writing and revising.
Parts of Chapter 3 first appeared as “Upscaling and downscaling: Negotiating
scale in the English-only movement,” in the Journal of Sociolinguistics, 25(2),
235–252, copyright © 2021, published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. An ear-
lier version of Chapter 4 first appeared in 2019 as “Resisting and rewriting
English-only policies: Navigating multilingual, raciolinguistic, and translin-
gual approaches to language advocacy,” in Literacy in Composition Studies,
7(1), 67–89.
Finally, I owe everything to my family, especially Jean Luchi, Garner Vogt,
Patty Vogt, Alex Vogt, Victor Vogt, Lisa Vogt-Wolfgang, Max Wolfgang,
Marie Poage, Debbie Streck-Black, David Black, Ann Black, Jenna Black,
Thomas Black, Amanda Hightower, Velma Black, Emily Kesheimer, Benjamin
Flowers, Otero Flowers, James Flowers, and Mike Black. Thank you all for
being so generous, funny, supportive, and patient.

Introduction
On November 11, 2000, the executive director of the organization ProEnglish,

K. C. McAlpin, gave a speech at the Social Contract Writer’s Workshop called
“Language as the entry point for the debate: Population numbers, immigration
policy, culture.” The speech proposed language as a litmus test of who belongs
in the United States and who does not. McAlpin (2000) described “multilin-
gualism” as “troubling” (p. 124). From this perspective, people who have “no
intention of abandoning their native language” are a sign of “the growing
occupation of our land by alien cultures” (McAlpin, 2000, pp. 123–124). But
to whom exactly was he referring? The speech touched on several different
(albeit overlapping) groups, including “Hispanic” people, “East Indian” peo-
ple, “Muslims,” and “Native American groups” (pp. 123–124). The inclusion
of Native Americans is one particularly telling clue that this discussion is not
just about immigration – it is about perceptions of language, race, and citizen-
ship more broadly.1
After establishing who he saw as the problem, McAlpin (2000) suggested
a solution: making English the only official language. The reasoning was that
“the official English movement gives us the rare opportunity to play offense. We
can capitalize on this to force the issue wherever we can – through initiatives
and laws to scrap bilingual education, declare English our official language,
and overturn executive actions via the courts” (p. 124). A number of assump-
tions appeared to be in play: that multilingualism is new; that multilingualism is
bad; that people of color deserve scrutiny; and that white people do not. These
beliefs are not necessarily novel; what set the speech apart was its strategy.
This speech anticipated an approach that would go on to play a key role
in language policy in the twenty-first-century United States: making English
seem like an at-risk language in need of community protection. Language pol-
icy includes any institutional efforts to shape how people learn, view, or use
a language, and the English-only movement exemplifies how piecemeal those
1
On language, race, citizenship, and other identities as intertwined social constructions, see
Brayboy (2005), Zentella (2014), Rosa and Flores (2017), Balzhiser, Pimentel, and Scott (2019),
and Khan (2020).
https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

2 Making English Official
efforts can be: The operative phrase here is “wherever we can” (McAlpin,
2000, p. 124).2 While the United States has never had an official language,
localized English-only campaigns have proved more successful. Since 1980,
twenty-six states,3 along with at least eighty-three city and county govern-
ments, have made English the only official language.4 These policies serve as
symbols: As one activist put it, enacting one of these policies is like putting out
an “unwelcome mat” (Wilgoren, 2002, July 19). Activists and politicians have
spent decades testing and refining this approach.
Underlying this English-only movement is the idea that language is a zero-
sum game: In order for English to thrive, other languages need to lose.5 This
zero-sum framing matters, both because language is more complex in practice
(Canagarajah, 2013) and because judgments about language are also judg-
ments about people (Baugh, 2018). The people active in this movement have
successfully made English official in communities and institutions around the
country. These successes raise questions about what drives people to create
English-only policies and how they do it.
Rather than call for reducing the number of people of color in the United
States, McAlpin (2000) suggested a different, more oblique approach, one that
framed the issue in terms of language policy and specifically in terms of pro-
tecting English in a variety of smaller jurisdictions. Many of the people most
directly involved in successfully creating English-only policies situate their
work locally, in the sense that they make English official in their own local
governments and downplay these policies as harmless community initiatives.
These patterns predate McAlpin. The leading activist in this movement, John
Tanton, started the annual Writer’s Workshop event in 1976 and went on to
found a series of organizations that worked on Official English, including the
Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) in 1978, U.S. English in
1983, and English Language Advocates (later renamed ProEnglish) in 1994.6
2
I define language policy fairly capaciously, but for a comparison of various definitions of lan-
guage policy and related terms like “language planning,” “linguistic culture,” and “language
management,” see Calvet (1987/1998), Cooper (1989), Tollefson (1991), Schiffman (1996),
Spolsky (2009), Johnson (2013), and Spolsky (2021).
3
Of these twenty-six policies, twenty-five are still in effect; Alaska’s policy was ruled uncon-
stitutional (ACLU of Alaska, 2007). There are also two state policies that predate the current
movement: Nebraska’s policy is from 1920 and Illinois’ is from 1969 (Faingold, 2018, p. 10).
So, there are currently twenty-seven state policies in effect (Faingold, 2018, p. 12).
4
Herman (2003) lists eleven local policies (p. 101), Flowers (2017) compiles an additional sixty-
five, and I discuss seven more local California policies in Chapter 1, for a total of eighty-three.
5
“English-only” and “Official English” have become the two most common terms, and I use them
interchangeably. Both have their advantages: It is important to emphasize the official aspect, but
it is also important to recognize that these policies are about making English the only official
language (see Diamond, 1990, p. 119).
6
See Lamb (2008) on the 1976 origins of the Writer’s Workshop. There are conflicting accounts
of the history of each of the organizations, but I err on the side of contemporaneous internal
documents, government records, and news interviews. On FAIR, see Morgan (1978, August

Introduction 3
I have spent the last decade studying the English-only movement and
the people who shape local English-only policies. I have interviewed them,
observed their events and meetings, collected drafts of their writing, read
through their organizations’ records, looked through their historical documents
in archives, and followed their work in the news and online, all with the aim
of piecing together where this movement came from, how it works, and how it
might evolve. Specifically, I aimed to address the following questions:
1. How did the current English-only movement begin around 1980?
2. How do people write English-only policies? What is the role of strategies
like ghostwriting, choosing genres, and using templates?
3. How do people in this movement discuss the scale of their work? How do
they situate English as a local, regional, national, and/or global language?
4. How do people resist and rewrite English-only policies?
As I began to answer these questions in 2012, I sought out communities that
were in the midst of proposing English-only policies so that I could examine
language policy discourse as it unfolded.
I focused on four local governments in the state of Maryland: Frederick
County, Anne Arundel County, Queen Anne’s County, and Carroll County.
What drew me to these particular counties was their swell of twenty-first-century
language policy campaigns (2006–2015), their ties to one another, and the fact
that despite these common threads the campaigns had divergent outcomes.
These counties are all geographically close to one another and to English-only
organizations in Washington, DC, which allowed me to also interview the CEO
of U.S. English and the then executive director of ProEnglish. Notably, three
of the four policies share some text in common with a template that ProEnglish
makes publicly available. Despite this common template, the outcomes were
different: One policy passed but was later repealed in 2015 (Frederick County),
two policies passed easily (Queen Anne’s County and Carroll County), and
one policy was withdrawn from consideration before there could be a vote
(Anne Arundel County). While each county is different, they also share many
qualities: They are all more white, higher income, and with more people who
report speaking English at home than the rest of Maryland and the rest of the
United States. Researching these four counties allowed me to examine how
certain policymaking practices have become common throughout the English-
only movement, yet still with some variation across situations.
What I found is that most local governments passing English-only poli-
cies had the help of other local governments and at least one English-only
30). On U.S. English, see Tanton (1983, January 17) and Stanley (1983, June 24). On English
Language Advocates, see Tanton (1994, January 1). On the name change from English Language
Advocates to ProEnglish, see Tanton (2000, October 23).

organization, most often ProEnglish. At the same time, what that help looked
like, how welcome it was, and how successful it was have varied significantly.
On one hand, when I asked Kirby Delauter about what it was like to establish an
Official English policy in Frederick County, he described the process this way:
You can make it the official language any way you want, but I would do that same thing
that we did. I would get outside input, you know, from people that have been in through
the court system before, that’s had it challenged, and get your legal team together, and
get something written that’s not going to be challenged in court, and explain exactly
why you’re doing it. And, you know, if you have the votes, do it.
Here, Delauter identifies a number of steps, including assessing the amount of
support, getting “outside input” (ProEnglish, in this county’s case), drafting a
policy that is forceful but not too forceful, and giving reasons for “exactly why
you’re doing it.” Through careful coordination between elected officials, legal
counsel, ProEnglish, and other people in and around the community, the Board
of County Commissioners in Frederick County, Maryland, not only passed an
English-only ordinance in 2012 but inspired three other Maryland counties to
try and do the same. ProEnglish (2014, Fall) echoed Delauter’s account in its
newsletter: “During the last three years, ProEnglish has enjoyed widespread
success getting official English passed at the county level, most notably in
Maryland, where Frederick County, Queen Anne County [sic], and Carroll
County all passed official English legislation in 2012 and 2013” (p. 2). Not
everyone was on the same page, however.
In a very different interview, a conservative activist in Frederick County
named Hayden Duke told me, “If there was an organization behind it, a
national organization, I don’t like that. At all. I’m sorry, I’m getting a little
agitated. …. I don’t like the groups where the people who parachute them-
selves into a locale, get people worked up, to fulfill their own agenda, and then
leave. And they leave the people fighting each other.” Still others disagreed not
just on process but on rhetoric. At one public government meeting, Frederick
County commissioner Billy Shreve complained that people were too quick to
focus on culture, as opposed to economics: “This is truly a business decision.
You guys are missing the point. This is about dollars and protecting taxpayer
dollars. When it costs $170 to translate an 8½” × 11” memo, we have to be sure
that we’re doing the right thing with taxpayer dollars.” As these statements
reveal, there is not necessarily a consensus about who should be involved, and
what they should say, even among people who are open to English being the
official language.
These dynamics and tensions are at the heart of the English-only movement.
US language policy has always been a relatively localized, contingent phe-
nomenon, with significant variation across communities and situations (Baron,
1990, p. 185; Hopkins, 2010; Dick, 2011; Urbano and Daugherty, 2021).

Introduction 5
In 1980, activist Emmy Shafer sparked the modern movement when she had
her lawyer draft an “Anti-Bilingualism” Ordinance for her local government
of Dade County, Florida. In 1981, US Senator S. I. Hayakawa began recruiting
local government leaders to pass resolutions in support of Official English in
his home state of California. By 1982, there were so many such policies that
Tanton had trouble keeping up with all of them, and he asked his staff to find
a list of the “school boards, city councils and other bodies which have adopted
resolutions” on Official English (Bikales, 1982, March 28). Once Tanton
launched U.S. English, his first symbolic victory was a 1983 campaign against
bilingual ballots in San Francisco, California (Woolard, 1989). While the ear-
liest examples of these local language policies emerged relatively indepen-
dently of each other, that gradually changed. People in this movement began
not only observing one another’s work but also coordinating with, hiring, and
taking advice from each other, even though they still could disagree over the
details. While the English-only movement may seem like a relatively stable,
united front, the people involved are actually quite varied in their approaches.
Understanding the nuances of how these policies emerge and change is impor-
tant because they can have serious implications for people and language, and I
turn to those stakes next.
Why Official English Matters

When Carroll County, Maryland, passed an Official English ordinance in
2013, the policy’s preamble gave some reasons why. One was to “promote
proficiency in English”; another was “to protect and preserve the rights of
those who speak only the English language to use or obtain government pro-
grams, services, and benefits.” These explanations suggest that English is an
endangered language, its users are an at-risk group, and both need government
protection in order to survive. The vote on Carroll County’s ordinance was
unanimous, and it is still in place today. Furthermore, this government was not
alone in using this rationale: Identical wording appears in several other local
English-only policies that all stem from the same template. Similar sentiments
have also been part of the English-only movement since its origins (Baron,
1990, p. 79; Lo Bianco, 1999, p. 17). If one switched out “English” for any
other language, this passage could fit into any treatise on language mainte-
nance and revitalization (e.g. Fishman, 1991).
And yet, English is not just any language, and the United States is not just
any linguistic environment. English enjoys the most cachet of any language in
the world (Pennycook, 1994; Prendergast, 2008; Park, 2021). What’s more,
people involved in the English-only movement know so. Whether they are
pushing for English-only policies or protesting against them, the people I inter-
viewed, observed, and studied in the archives are highly attuned to context.

In this section I unpack some of this context, in order to show why these poli-
cies matter. I approach this question with humility, because the people I profile
in this book articulate the stakes of the issue more memorably than I ever
could. What I hope to add here is a sense of what the academic research indi-
cates and what I have witnessed in my own life.
From my perspective, English-only policies matter for four main reasons:
(1) they target people who are already marginalized, (2) they oversimplify how
language works, (3) they are popular, and (4) the strategies people use to write
and promote these policies are ingenious. That fourth reason is where I focus
my original research – I am most curious about the processes of how people
shape language policies like the one in Carroll County. Before I delve into the
details of my study, however, I want to step back and explain why I find these
policies worth studying. In the subsections that follow, I begin with people, by
thinking through who is really the target of English-only policies and who is
not. Second, I loop back around to language, by analyzing the language ideol-
ogies that underly English-only policies. While I will primarily draw examples
from the United States, these ideologies have their roots in global histories of
modernity and colonialism (Bauman and Briggs, 2003). Finally, I address the
popularity of these policies, in order to show that they are not fringe; rather,
they appear popular across the board in the United States. The point is that the
beliefs in question are important not because they are so extreme but because
they are so typical.
A quick note on facts, beliefs, and the stories we tell: Fact-checking people’s
beliefs about language may seem like a rather naïve and futile impulse. After
all, not all policymakers are striving for fairness and accuracy. For some, the
opportunity to sow discord may be a feature, not a bug (Tollefson, 1991, p. 7).
Sometimes the cruelty is the point (Serwer, 2021). Facts may not be enough
in the face of people’s “imperviousness to the data” (Fishman, 1988, p. 31;
see also Tse, 2001; Haddix, 2008; Lejano and Nero, 2020). However, I have
to believe that people can change their minds, because I changed my mind.
When I was young, if a pollster had asked me if English should be the only
official language, I would have said, “Sure, why not?” My English classes
ignored authors who wrote across languages or cultures. My Spanish classes
treated Spanish like something people only used in foreign countries. My
US history classes glossed over anyone who did not grow up using English.
Those narratives were not the whole story; they were not even half the story.
That is why it is worth carving out a place for new, more truthful stories about
language. I say all this to say: For readers who have lived experiences with
multilingualism, migration, and/or discrimination, the content in this section
may seem obvious, and for readers who favor English-only policies, the con-
tent may seem beside the point. For readers who are still making up their
mind, I wrote this part for you.

Introduction 7
Targeting People
Roger Conner was one of the men involved in the early days of the English-
only movement, and at one point he had an epiphany. Conner (1989) recalled,
“I would later come to see the English language initiative as our analog to the
literacy tests in the early part of the century” (p. 80). He came to this conclu-
sion after reading John Higham’s (1955) Strangers in the Land, a classic (and
critical) history of nativism in the United States. Starting in the mid-1800s,
state and local governments used literacy tests as a tool to exclude certain
people from becoming citizens and/or voting. These tests were not about actu-
ally identifying people who were illiterate in some objective sense (although
that would have been problematic, too); people designed these tests with cer-
tain groups in mind. Depending on the time and place, literacy tests targeted
Jewish Americans, German Americans, Irish Americans, immigrant women in
general, Black Americans, Latinx Americans (including Puerto Ricans), and
Asian Americans (Baron, 1990, p. x; Wan, 2014, pp. 43–49). Today’s English-
only policies are not the same as these literacy tests, thankfully. If English-only
policies are like an unwelcome mat, then those literacy tests were more like
an electric fence. As Conner observed, however, they are part of the same
impulse. Like literacy tests, English-only language policies affect some people
more than others. They marginalize people who already tend to be relatively
marginalized.
I purposefully say “people” rather than a more specific term like “immi-
grants.” Put simply, there are immigrants who are not targets, and there
are nonimmigrants who are. Immigration receives a lot of attention, which
is understandable since the United States has such a push–pull, love–hate,
“xenophobia”–“xenophilia” relationship with the figure of the “foreigner”
(Honig, 2001, p. 75). As citizens of a settler colony, people in the United States
are often invested in the idea that people want to come here, work hard, and
contribute to society; yet they can also resent immigrants who shine a little
too brightly and threaten to overshadow them (Honig, 2001, p. 76). There is
a desire for immigrants to succeed but not to stand out. To illustrate, Zentella
(2014) points out “the rising number of cases of people hired for speaking
Spanish, and then fired for speaking Spanish” (p. 623). These employers seem
to have wanted someone who could use Spanish in a pinch, not someone
who would actually use Spanish without shame. While I find Honig’s (2001)
analysis of immigration indispensable, she and Zentella (2014) both point out
the United States is not just a nation of immigrants (see also Dunbar-Ortiz,
2021).7 When Puerto Ricans or African Americans are targets, for instance,
7
For a different, quantitative-data-driven argument that comes to a similar conclusion, see
Fitzsimmons-Doolan (2009). This corpus study of newspapers found surprisingly little overlap
between discourse about language policy and discourse about immigration.

that is a sign that just being a natural-born US citizen is not enough to be safe
(Richardson, 1998; Zentella, 2014, p. 623).
Meanwhile, there are many white people in the world who are multi-
lingual or who do not even know English, but I have never heard of them
experiencing the brunt of an English-only policy during the past fifty years.
As Schildkraut (2005) points out, when people complain about there being
too many foreign-language signs today, they are not talking about the sig-
nage outside white-owned French and Italian restaurants (p. 3). Conversely,
Latinx and Asian American people do tend to be the target of contemporary
English-only policies, even when they may be perfectly competent in English
(Zentella, 2014; Lo, 2016). In a series of focus groups about language and
American identity, participants often “refused to distinguish between recent
immigrants and minorities who are also U.S. citizens” (Schildkraut, 2005, p.
168). If people are conflating all these different groups and different charac-
teristics, then any restrictive language policy, even one that is well-meaning,
will inevitably have disparate impacts. English-only policies become more
meaningful in light of people’s willingness to conflate people who do not use
English, people who are learning English, multilingual people, immigrants,
refugees, and people of color, as though all these groups were the same, all
these groups are undesirable, and all these groups are the opposite of the ideal
English user.
***
In my own fieldwork, I quickly realized I myself am part of these assumptions
around who merits linguistic scrutiny and who does not. One day in 2015,
I was walking around a local fair in Frederick, Maryland, when I suddenly
flinched. A man was calling out to me from a booth several feet away, trying
to get my attention. He exclaimed, “Hey, you look smart!” and then asked if
I would be interested in tutoring. I looked up at the booth’s banner: “Literacy
Council of Frederick County.” I walked closer and replied with something like
“I might be … what would that involve?” and we started talking about their
tutoring services, which focus on teaching adults to read and write in English.
I had read about this organization online before and had taken note of their
waitlists for classes (a sign that their services are in high demand). At one
point, he asked if I was an English teacher or student, and I said I was both.
We started to discuss my study. I wrote down my contact information on their
volunteer sign-up sheet, in case they ever wanted someone to do tutoring or
editing online. As I walked away, I was happy I had had a chance to meet him,
share my study, and get some new leads, but I also thought about how easily
he clocked me. Out of the hundreds of people at the fair, I was one of the few
white people present, and I was the one who he invited to be an English literacy
tutor, without ever saying or writing a single word of English.

Introduction 9
I had heard about the fair from someone I interviewed, Angela Spencer.
Spencer had played a key role in helping Frederick County repeal its offi-
cial language policy. As we wrapped up our interview, Spencer let me know
about a health fair that the Asian American Center of Frederick was organiz-
ing at the Frederick Fairgrounds later that week. I was excited to go and learn
more about the linguistic and cultural landscape of the community. So, that
Saturday, I drove to the location and walked into a bustling space lined with
booths offering complementary medical services (everything from flu vaccines
to osteoporosis screenings), as well as booths representing various social ser-
vices and nonprofit organizations. I quickly realized that I was one of the only
white people who were not standing behind a booth. Most of the people mill-
ing about with me were Latinx, Asian American, or Black.8 I also noticed that
almost everyone else was dressed casually in jeans, whether they were behind
a booth or not, whereas I stuck out like a sore thumb in my blouse, scarf, skirt,
and tights.
Once I got back to my car, I wrote in my field notes, “I guess it was just a
reminder that it’s impossible to move around the world and seem ‘neutral.’
[The man at the booth] pegged me as an outsider in general but a potential
ally for himself immediately, even with no language or literacy cues.” Now, I
would flip that initial analysis: What this encounter really reflects is that from
many people’s perspectives, signifiers of race, class, gender, sexuality, abil-
ity, citizenship, and style are the language and literacy cues. If you look like
a straight, white, able-bodied, white-collar American woman, then you do not
have to say a peep; you are presumed to be competent (not for everything,
necessarily, but at least for tutoring literacy and English!).
The reverse is also true. Decades of US research suggests that people of
color, immigrants, multilingual people, disabled people, and queer people
(groups that sometimes overlap and sometimes do not, of course) often have
their linguistic abilities discounted, particularly by white people in positions of
authority (Alim and Smitherman, 2012; Davila, 2012; Flores and Rosa, 2015;
Baugh, 2018; Yergeau, 2018; Flores and Rosa, 2022). Perhaps most strangely,
people who know multiple languages or dialects often receive the worst treat-
ment, despite the fact that being able to communicate across language variet-
ies can be a resource rather than a problem (Ruíz, 1984) and historically and
globally the norm rather than the exception (Canagarajah, 2013).9 To borrow
a phrase from a collection on discrimination in higher education, many people
8
The makeup of this event is similar to their other offerings. In an annual report, the Asian
American Center of Frederick (2018) notes that the most common participants are “non-white/
black Hispanic/Latino” (54.2 percent), followed by Asian Pacific Islanders (22 percent), Black
people (10.9 percent), white people (9.2 percent), and multiracial people (3.7 percent) (p. 3).
9
On the promise and pitfalls of the language-as-resource orientation, see Ricento (2005) and
Kaveh (2022).

are presumed incompetent when it comes to the English language (Gutiérrez y

Muhs, Niemann, González, and Harris, 2012).
Dyson (2015) captured this point about presumed incompetence poignantly
in her study of one Black kindergartner whose white teacher remarks that he
is a better writer than the “bright” kids in class but she still does not catego-
rize him as “bright,” simply because of who he is (p. 205). The teacher called
students bright only if they were white (with one exception for a Korean
American student) (p. 205). Essentially, this teacher did the opposite of what
the Literacy Council of Frederick County representative did to me: I was
called smart without having to say anything, while the student in Dyson’s
study was not called bright, no matter how well he writes. These dynamics
are all contingent on the situation and the people involved, of course, and
there are certainly exceptions. Nevertheless, I dwell on these ideas because
the point is that language and literacy are not separate from power and iden-
tity. When language is already serving as a proxy for who you are, where you
are from, and what level of respect people think you deserve, then language
policies can become vectors of xenophobia, racism, ableism, and other forms
of oppression.
Oversimplifying Language
Most English-only policies rest on a linked set of assumptions not just about
people but about language itself. If I were to distill these assumptions down to
their narrative essence, it would go as follows:
Everything was fine until recently, when immigrants started bringing in other languages
and refusing to learn English. Now, this new rise in multilingualism is creating tension
and putting English at risk. If immigrants would switch over to English, then the rest of
society would treat them better. Making English the official language is a way to solve
this problem, by incentivizing immigrants to assimilate faster.10
By that logic, English-only policies are helpful and harmless. The issue is that
none of these statements are true. Instead, this description vastly oversimplifies
how language works and has worked throughout US history. The following
account comes closer to the truth:
10
As an early example of this narrative, Senator S. I. Hayakawa (1981, April 14) once remarked
in a TV interview:
Up to now, people who came from Sweden, Denmark, Greece, Italy or Egypt all hurried to
learn the English language. … I’m not trying to impose hardships on immigrants. These are
hardships that come by virtue of being immigrants not being able to speak the language. … It’s
a way of inviting them into the mainstream of American life more quickly. … If we accept a
second language in any American city other than English as the official language of that city,
or municipality or state, then we begin to breed the seeds of possible dissension and possible
division within our country. So what I’m trying to do is to head off trouble in the future.

Introduction 11
The US has always been multilingual. This multilingualism has been societal (dif-
ferent communities using different languages) and individual (people using multiple
languages). Sometimes using a language other than English is tied to recent immigra-
tion, but not always: historically, using other languages has also been common among
Indigenous people, enslaved people, people whose families had already moved here
before their region became part of US territory, Deaf people and their interlocutors,
and refugees. People often want to improve their English, but there are barriers in the
way. English-only policies create more tension than they alleviate. Even if everyone did
master English, it would not be enough to stop linguistic discrimination, particularly
against people of color. Finally, one can be adept at a language while still not knowing
every single variety or register of that language.
I believe some of the oversimplification is unintentional and some is inten-
tional. Some people involved in the English-only movement know quite a bit
about this subject, whether through personal experience or academic study
or both. Roger Conner, who made the comparison to literacy tests, is clearly
aware. However, I do think many members of the general public are unfamiliar
with these facets of history, education, and linguistics. I want to begin with
history, in order to emphasize that multilingualism is not new. As Dowling
(2021) notes, making multilingualism seem new makes English seem “natural
to this region” (p. 442). In reality, what is now the United States used to be
more multilingual than it is now.
The state of Maryland exemplifies this history of language contact: It is home
to Indigenous nations that use Algonquin and Iroquoian languages (among
others),11 it was the site of one of the earliest colonial settlements in the early
1600s, it was an early hub of the enslavement of African people (including in
all four counties I studied),12 and by the 1800s it was home to many German
Americans. Traces of this history are everywhere. There are Indigenous place
names, such as the Monocacy River that runs through Frederick and Carroll
Counties. There are reminders of slavery: At the beginning of an interview,
when I asked Bob Simmons how he would describe Queen Anne’s County, he
described it as “a plantation environment.” There were busts of famous figures
who shaped American understandings of slavery, including Supreme Court
Chief Justice Roger Taney in Frederick. Taney was a one-time resident who
later wrote the 1857 proslavery opinion in Dred Scott v. Sandford, the land-
mark case that prioritized slave owners’ property rights over Black Americans’
citizenship rights (I return to Taney in Chapter 4). I also walked by a statue
11
At Nolands Ferry, in present-day Frederick County, archeologists have found Indigenous
artifacts from approximately 8500 BC (Maryland Historical Trust, 2018). The state currently
recognizes three Indigenous nations: the Accohannock Indian Tribe, the Piscataway Indian
Nation, and the Piscataway Conoy Tribe.
12
While slavery existed in Frederick and Carroll Counties, it was particularly entrenched in the
more coastal plantations in Anne Arundel and Queen Anne’s Counties (Jones, 1724/1956;
Bianca, 2007; Stories of Flight, 2022).

of Roots author Alex Haley in Annapolis, Anne Arundel County.13 One time
when I was driving into Western Maryland, I noticed a sign for a place called
New Germany State Park. In Frederick County, the county’s Human Relations
Commission cited the community’s rich German heritage as one reason why
their English-only policy seemed out of step. Since 1868, Frederick has also
been home to the Maryland School for the Deaf. To be sure, almost all contem-
porary English-only policies generally have carveouts for language instruction
in schools and services for people with disabilities. The issue is not so much
about enforcement as it is about justification. Any argument that there are
unprecedented levels of multilingualism, or that the earlier generations learned
English with more alacrity, is simply untrue.
The story of Maryland reflects broader truths about language in the United
States. No one was using English in this hemisphere until a few hundred years
ago. Throughout US history, English has never been the official national lan-
guage, and language policy has remained an open question (Heath, 1976;
Baron, 1990). Before European colonialism began, Indigenous people often
learned multiple Indigenous languages in order to be able to communicate
across communities (Spack, 2002). When Europeans began colonizing North
America, they were initially ambivalent about Indigenous people switching to
European languages. At first, there was a bigger push for missionaries to learn
Indigenous languages than for Indigenous people to adopt European languages
(Heath, 1972, p. 6).
And besides, most of the earliest colonizers were not using English. The first
long-term Spanish settlement began in 1565 in St. Augustine, Florida (decades
before the first English settlement), and included both free and enslaved
Africans (Parker, 2014, p. 561). The first French speaker arrived in what
would become Louisiana in 1682 (Dajko, 2019, p. 69). In addition to knowing
one or more African languages, many Black people in early colonial history
had to learn languages like English, German, Spanish, Portuguese, Swedish,
and French, because those were the languages of the white people enslaving
them (Read, 1937;14 Picone, 2003). Eventually, slavery in the United States
became more of an anglophone enterprise, and free and enslaved Black people
were generally using English by the time slavery ended in 1865.15 However,
13
The city of Annapolis was the port of call in Roots, which Haley later adapted into what may be
the United States’ most-watched TV depiction of slavery. The novel and show include a famous
scene where the character Kunta Kinte is punished for wanting to keep his name rather than
answer to a new English name.
14
During early American history, many of the references are to “Dutch” rather than “German,”
but the language in question is usually what we would think of as German today (Read, 1937,
p. 94). This pattern lives on in the term “Pennsylvania Dutch.”
15
Histories of African American language suggest that enslaved people learned English relatively
quickly, albeit with variation depending on when they arrived, where they lived, who they
interacted with on a daily basis, and whether they came directly from Africa or from plantations

Introduction 13
Smitherman (1977) notes that newly enslaved people were arriving from
Africa as late as 1858 (p. 12). Meanwhile, many Indigenous people did learn
European languages, but at first it was more about adding something new than
subtracting Indigenous languages. There was no concerted effort to eliminate
Indigenous languages until the late 1800s (Spack, 2002).
Even when anglophone settlers began expecting Black people and
Indigenous people to use only English, multilingualism often persisted among
people who immigrated voluntarily. Then, as today, Black and Indigenous
people were held to different standards (a point I return to when discussing
the origins of the English-only movement in Chapter 1). New immigrants
brought in languages like German, Chinese, Japanese, Italian, and Polish.
At one point there were at least thirty-eight German-medium newspapers in
the United States (Pavlenko, 2002, p. 168). Even as late as the early 1900s,
immigrants from Germany often maintained their heritage languages well past
three generations, such that even the grandchildren of immigrants might not
use English as their primary language (Wilkerson and Salmons, 2008, p. 260).
The United States also expanded its empire. Places like Puerto Rico and the
American Southwest already had large numbers of Spanish speakers before
they became US territory (Lozano, 2018). In these cases, then, it was not so
much that people crossed the border but rather that the border crossed them
(Anzaldúa, 1987; Zentella, 1999; Cisneros, 2013; Enoch and Ramirez, 2019).
One other key moment was the development of American Sign Language in
the early 1800s, which grew out of French Sign Language (Reagan, 2010,
p. 97). Overall, the early-mid nineteenth century was a time of acceptance for
many heritage languages.
In response, some supporters of Official English might reasonably suggest
that the past is the past, and what really matters is that people use English
now. I am sympathetic to that view. The trouble is that everyone already has
strong incentives to use English, that English-only policies do not help people
learn English, and that learning English is, unfortunately, not enough to suc-
ceed in the United States. Of course, there are people in the United States
who have less experience using English, but they tend to want to learn. In
one large-scale survey study, Mexican Americans who opted to answer the
survey questions in Spanish were three times as likely to say that knowing
the English language is “very important” compared with people who chose to
take the survey in English (Dowling, Ellison, and Leal, 2012, p. 370). In other
words, Spanish users were much more likely to place a premium on English,
not less likely.
in the Caribbean (Read, 1939; Smitherman, 1977; Morgan, 2002; Mufwene, 2008; Mufwene,
2015). Debates remain over the details of African American language, and especially over the
historical possibility of creole influence (Weldon, 2003).

Because people are so motivated to learn and use English, there is great
demand around the country for classes in ESOL (English for speakers of other
languages). At my local public library in Lowell, Massachusetts, there is a
six-to-nine-month waiting list for an English tutor (Learn to Speak English,
2022). The situation has been similar in Maryland. The Literacy Council of
Carroll County, which offers tutoring in English, “always has a waiting list
of people needing its services” (Oland, 2012, May 18). The Literacy Council
of Frederick County’s (2012) ESL coordinator reports “12 students on the
waiting list,” even though the organization already has “68 active tutors”
(p. 2). Four years after that newsletter, and one year after I met the man at
the fair, the Literacy Council of Frederick County (2016) was still reporting,
“There’s always a waiting list of students who need tutors.” Unfortunately,
policies making English the official language of local governments generally
do not come with any strategies or resources for actually alleviating any of
these wait lists.
Tollefson (1989) argued that this sort of gap may be more than an oversight.
In his study of how the United States works with refugees from Southeast
Asia, he documented a system in which refugees are purposefully provided
with subpar education in English. He found that the US government wants
refugees to assimilate into US life but not so much that they actually qualify for
white-collar jobs. Ricento (2021) reported a similar dynamic in a recent study
of refugees in Canada who were medical doctors in their countries of origin,
which emphasizes that this problem has not gone away and it is not limited
to the United States.16 When refugees try to practice academic and profes-
sional registers of English, some teachers actively discourage them (Ricento,
2021, p. 81). In these systems, the goal seems to be for these people to form a
sort of permanent underclass. Tollefson’s (1989) study is particularly haunt-
ing because these were refugees who had to leave their countries due to US
military interventions in and around the Vietnam War. These refugees’ experi-
ences thus show that language issues are not just a product of outside forces.
Instead, policymakers often set language learners up to fail and then blame
them for failing. To be sure, the county governments I study have little to no
control over US foreign policy or even US education policy (much to their
chagrin). The point is that scapegoating multilingual people can be a crude way
to try to gain some semblance of control.
Readers may be wondering whether the solution could be to revise English-
only policies so that they are more about actually helping people learn English.
I agree that there should be much more societal investment in language educa-
tion. However, it is important to recognize that learning English may never be
16
In the United Kingdom and Europe too, language policies around asylum seekers, refugees, and
incoming migrants tend to be exceptionally Kafkaesque (Blommaert, 2010; Khan, 2022).

Introduction 15
enough (Flores and Rosa, 2015; Rosa, 2021). Fishman (1988) tartly observed
that if knowing English were enough to escape discrimination, then Black
Americans would experience much less discrimination (since nearly all Black
families whose ancestors were enslaved here have been using English as their
primary language for more than 150 years) (p. 131).
Furthermore, some people do not believe bilingualism is really possible for
people of color, and so if they still use a first language, then it does not matter
how fluent they become in English: They are still tainted. Conservative com-
mentator William F. Buckley, Jr. (1983, November 10), made this point on an
episode of his TV show Firing Line: “My own experience with bilingualism
is that it’s an utter and total phony. What you end up doing is having a society
in which people speak either English or Spanish, and understand a few frijol-y
words in between.” Buckley is likely talking specifically about bilingualism
among Mexican Americans, based on the facts that the overall episode is about
immigration in Texas and he chooses “frijol-y” as his example of a bivalent
word (Woolard, 1998). From his perspective, anyone in this group who claims
to be bilingual is stretching the truth; at best they know one language plus a few
words of Spanglish. Rosa (2019) documented a similar ideology even among
bilingual people, like a bilingual principal at a high school with predominantly
Mexican American and Puerto Rican students, who equates bilingualism with
students who lack English, who “don’t know the language,” who “need help”
(p. 128). While bilingual people do push back and even make fun of this ide-
ology of languagelessness,17 there is still a pervasive assumption that people
of color have to choose one language; it’s an “either/or”, rather than a “both/
and.”18 From that perspective, if a person of color is using a language other
than English in any everyday context, then that means they have failed to learn
English. Tanton (1994a) went a step further, by questioning bilingual people’s
abilities in both languages: He wrote that “bilingual” is more like “bi-illiterate”
(p. 47). If people believe that bilingualism is not really possible for people of
color, then English proficiency is not the crux of the issue.
This “either/or” framing also makes it difficult to accept that knowing a
language is always necessarily partial. This point is not just about particu-
lar identities or about the English language but about the very foundations of
how language works. In the immortal words of Blommaert (2010), “No one
knows all of a language”; there are always a variety of repertoires, registers,
genres, dialects, and, often, literacies in play (p. 103; see also Rymes, 2014).
17
See Rosa (2019) on the ideology of languagelessness, as well as people’s playful and reclama-
tive forms of Inverted Spanglish (pp. 160–176).
18
See Subtirelu (2017) and Panaligan and Curran (2022) for an example of how this dynamic
results in lower salaries for multilingual people of color, both in the United States and in the
Philippines, a former US colony.

Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Now Joseph, being on his way through Egypt, sent down to the
priest Potipherah, to command him to bring his daughter before him.
Thereupon Potipherah was glad, and told his daughter that Joseph,
the Strength of God, was coming, and that she should become his
wife. At this Asenath was very indignant, and spoke angry words of
Joseph, declaring that she would be wife to no man, saving to a
king’s son. Now, while she thus spake, Joseph came, seated in the
chariot of Pharaoh, which was all of gold, drawn by four horses white
as snow, with gilt reins. And Joseph was dressed in a radiant tunic,
with gold embroidery, and a robe of crimson woven with gold hung
from his shoulders, and a fillet of gold was about his temples, and in
his hand was an olive branch, full of fruit.
Then Potipherah came with his wife, and did him homage. Joseph
entered the hall, and the doors were shut, and Asenath beheld him,
and she was troubled at what she had said of him, and thought,
“This is the sun come from heaven; I knew not before that Joseph
was divine. What father hath begotten so much beauty, or what
mother borne so much light?”
Then Joseph said, “Who was that woman that was here, but hath
gone?” for Asenath had hastened to her chamber.
And Potipherah said, “My lord, my daughter is a maiden, and very
modest; she hath, till this day, seen no man save myself. If it please
thee, she shall come and salute thee.”
Then Joseph said, “If thy daughter be a maiden, I will treat her as a
sister.”
They brought her into his presence, and Potipherah said to her,
“Salute thy brother, who hateth women as thou hatest men.”
And Asenath said, “Hail, blessed of God, who giveth life to all!”
Then Potipherah bade his daughter kiss Joseph, but when she
approached him, he thrust forth his hand and said, “It becomes not
the man worshipping the living God to kiss an outlandish woman
whose lips kiss dumb idols.”
Asenath, hearing these words, fell into great grief and wept. Joseph
had compassion on her, and laid his hand on her head and blessed
her, and Asenath was glad because of his benediction. But she went
to her couch in the tower, and was ill with fear and pain, and she
turned with penitence from her idols, and renounced them, and cast
them out of her window.
Joseph ate and drank, and went his way, promising to return in eight
days. Then Asenath put on a black robe, and closed her door and
prayed, and cast her food to the dogs, and laid her head on the
pavement, and wept seven days.
Then an angel visited her, and gave her honey gathered from the
roses of Paradise; and the honey was so sweet, that when she had
tasted it she could not doubt whence it had come, and she felt
herself enlightened by the true God; and the angel signed the honey
with the cross, and the trace of his finger was blood. Along with faith
and hope, charity enlightened her heart, and she besought of the
angel to give of this honey to the seven maidens who attended on
her; and when they had obtained this favour, they all became like
their mistress, servants of the Most High. Then the angel bade her
lay aside her tears and black garment, and rejoice, for her prayer
was heard.
At that moment one of the servants of Potipherah entered, saying,
“Behold, Joseph, the Strength of God, approaches; go ye out to
meet him.”
Now when Joseph had alighted down from his chariot, he came into
the hall; and when he knew that Asenath had cast away her idols, he
rejoiced greatly, and he sought her in marriage of Potipherah, and
the Priest of On made a great supper, and gave his daughter to
Joseph, and he called Joseph the lord of lords, and Asenath he
called the daughter of the Most High.[432]
XXIX.
THE TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE
PATRIARCHS.
The “Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs” is one of the seventy-two

apocryphal books of the Old Testament which were at one time in
circulation, and, according to Epiphanius, it formed one of the
twenty-two canonical books sent by the Jews to Ptolemy, king of
Egypt.[433]
It is a work of Jewish origin, which has been tampered with and
interpolated by Christian copyists. S. Augustine numbers it with the
Apocrypha; he says, “There are the apocryphal books of the Old
Testament: the works falsely attributed to Enoch, the Patriarchs, the
Discourse of Joseph, the Assumption of Moses, the pseudographia
of Abraham, Eldad and Medad, Elias the prophet, the prophet
Zephaniah, Zechariah, Baruch, Habakkuk, Ezekiel, and Daniel.”
Curiously enough, the Testament of the Patriarchs contains a large
number of alleged quotations from the Book of Enoch, which are not,
however, to be found in that book as we now have it.
This Testament was read by the Jews at the time of Christ’s coming,
and S. Paul seems to have been acquainted with it, for he quotes it,
“Awake, thou that steepest, and arise from the dead;”[434] and again
he quotes the Testament of Levi, “The wrath is come upon them to
the uttermost.”[435] S. Jerome remarks on this, “The Apostle Paul
quoted from the hidden prophets and from those books which are
called Apocrypha,” and he adds, “That he did so in several other
places is very evident.”[436] And Origen says, “It is evident that many
examples were quoted and inserted in the New Testament by the
Apostles and the Evangelists from those Scriptures which we do not
read as canonical, but these passages are found in the apocryphal
books, and it is evident that these passages were extracted from
them;” and he gives the reason why that was lawful to the Apostles
which is not lawful to us.
He says, “It may have been, that the Apostles and Evangelists, filled
with the Holy Ghost, may have known what was to be taken from
these writings and what was to be rejected; but for us to presume to
do such a thing would be full of danger, not having the Spirit in the
same measure to guide us.”[437]
Robert Grostête, Bishop of Lincoln, translated the Testament of the
Twelve Patriarchs into Latin, in 1242, according to Matthew Paris.
“Also, in this time, Robert, Bishop of Lincoln, a man most skilled in
Latin and Greek, translated accurately the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs from the Greek into Latin; which for many years had been
unknown and concealed, through the jealousy of the Jews, because
of the prophecies concerning our Saviour therein contained. But the
Greeks, the most indefatigable investigators of all writings, being the
first who learnt about this, translated it from Hebrew into Greek, and
kept it to themselves until our own time. For in the time of S. Jerome,
or of any other holy interpreter, it could not in any way whatever
come to the knowledge of the Christians, on account of the
scheming malice of the Jews. Therefore the above-named Bishop,
assisted by Master Nicholas, a Greek, and clerk to the Abbey of S.
Albans, translated clearly, evidently, and word for word, into Latin,
that glorious treatise, to the strengthening of the Christian faith, and
to the greater confusion of the Jews.”[438]
The Testaments were published by Grabe, at Oxford, in 1698, and
were republished by Fabricius in his “Codex Pseudepigraphus Vet.
Testamenti,” at Hamburg, in 1722.[439]
XXX.
JOB.
Job was the great grandson of Esau. He was the son of Amos, the
son of Zara, the son of Esau, and he had to wife Rahma, daughter of
Ephraim, son of Joseph. Ephraim left two sons who were prophets
after him; but amongst the children of Esau there was no prophet,
saving Job.
Job was more patient than any other prophet; therefore it is said of
him in the Koran, “Certainly we have found this excellent servant
patient.”[440]
The Rabbis say that Job, Jethro, and Balaam were King Pharaoh’s
three councillors, and they were also his chief magicians. They, by
their enchantments, drew a line round the land of Egypt, so that no
slave could escape out of it; for when he came to the line, he was
held back and could not overleap it. But when the Israelites broke
away and disregarded the enchanted line, Job, Jethro, and Balaam
gave up their witchcrafts, and turned to the service of the living God.
[441]
Job lived in Bashan, which lies between Damascus and Ramla, and
there he reigned as a prince. Job had five hundred yoke of oxen, and
to every yoke there was a she-ass to carry the instruments of
husbandry. He had also a thousand flocks of sheep, and a thousand
sheep in each flock. He had ten children, seven sons and three
daughters; all were grown up.[442]
In the “Testament of Job,”[443] we read that this great man, illumined
by the Divine light, comprehended that the idols which his people
adored were no gods, and that there was but one only true God, the
Creator and Preserver of all things. There was near his house an idol
which attracted great worship. He prayed the Lord to show him
whether this idol were a demon or not; and he promised, in that
case, to destroy it and purify the place; and this he was able to do,
being a sovereign.
God sent him an angel, who illumined him, and strengthened him in
his resolution. So he destroyed the idol, and abolished its worship.
But this act drew upon him the wrath of Satan. The angel had
foreseen the disasters which would befall Job if he resolved to strive
against the Evil One, and he had warned Job what to expect; but Job
answered that, being convinced of the truth, he was ready to suffer
for it.
Satan presented himself at the door of Job’s house. He had taken
upon him the form of a pilgrim, and he said to the portress, “I desire
to see the faithful servant of the Most High.”
Now Job, who had received the gift of prophecy, knew that this was
the Evil One, and he refused to see him, saying to the gate-keeper
when she brought the message, “Tell him that I am occupied, and
that I cannot receive him.”
Satan retired, but he returned soon after, disguised as a beggar, and
he said to the portress, “Go and ask Job to give me a morsel of
bread.”
“Tell him,” replied Job, “that I will not give him of the bread I eat,
because I will not have anything in common with him. But offer him
this burnt crust, that he may not say I sent him empty away.”
The servant, not venturing to give the burnt crust, because she was
not aware who the beggar was, offered him some good bread. But
Satan, who knew what Job had commanded, thrust it away, saying,
“Begone, bad servant, and bring me the bread you were told to give
me.”
The portress replied: “You say well, I am a bad servant, for I have not
done that which I was commanded to do. Here is the crust my
master ordered me to give you. He will not have anything in common
with you; no! not even the bread he eats; but he sends you this, that
it may not be said of him that he dismissed thee empty from his door
without an alms.”
Satan took the charred crust, and bade the servant tell Job that he
would soon render to him such measure as he had dealt to him.[444]
Then Satan ascended to God, and desired permission to afflict and
prove Job. And when leave was given him, he descended to earth,
and breathed such a hot blast, that all the cattle, and sheep, and
servants of Job were burnt up. Then Satan took the form of a slave,
and ran and told the prophet. Job answered, “The Lord gave, and
the Lord hath taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord!”
Then Satan went and shook the earth under the house where the
sons and daughters of Job were assembled, and the house fell and
destroyed them all.
Satan immediately hastened in the disguise of a servant to Job, and
told him what had taken place. He said, “O Job! God has shaken
down the house about your children, and they are dead. Had you
seen their bleeding faces and broken limbs, and their brains
bespattering the stones, and had heard their piercing cries, you
would have been heart-broken.”
Job wept, and lifted his eyes to God; and he knew who addressed
him, and he said, “Satan! it is thou who comest to tempt me and to
cast doubt into my heart, and mistrust in the wisdom and goodness
of God; get thee hence.”
Satan then blew a hot breath up the nose of Job, and poisoned all
his blood. His body became scarlet next day, and the day after was
covered with ulcers from head to foot; there was no whole place in
him, except the head, the tongue, the eyes, and the heart; for over
these portions God had not given Satan power.
All Job’s friends deserted him and fled; Rahma,[445] his wife, alone
remained, and she spent on him the rest of his possessions, but he
was not cured of his disease. And this was why all his possessions
went—Satan stole them away; and thus in a short time he was
reduced to penury, and Rahma went from house to house begging
alms for his support.
Satan saw that he could not triumph so long as the wife remained
with her husband; she was a comfort and joy to him, and he cared
not for possessions, or children, or health, so long as his wife was at
his side; therefore, he sought occasion to separate them. One day,
as Rahma was carrying food to Job, Satan presented himself before
her in the form of an old man, and asked her, “O Rahma! art thou not
the daughter of Ephraim, the son of Joseph?” She replied, “I am.”
Then said the Evil Angel, “In what condition do I see thee?” She
answered, “My husband Job has fallen into poverty, and I serve him.”
He said, “Do not serve him, for when thou touchest him, the poison
of his disease passes into thy veins.”
She replied, “He is my husband, and I must attend on him as long as
I live, in health or sickness.”
Then Satan retired, despairing of seducing her from her duty. Rahma
told Job all that had been said to her.
The prophet said, “O woman! he whom you have seen is Satan, and
he desired to separate us. Do not speak to him again when he
addresses you.”
Some time after, the Evil One presented himself before the faithful
wife under the form of a beautiful youth; and said to her, “What
woman art thou, who art so radiant in beauty?” She answered, “I am
the wife of a poor man, named Job.”
He said, “O woman! what hast thou, with thy wondrous beauty, to do
with a poor sick husband? Go, be divorced from thy husband, and
marry me. I have great possessions, and I will treat thee as a
queen.”
She answered, “I am the wife of a prophet; I desire nothing higher.”
Then Satan withdrew, despairing of seducing her from her duty.
Rahma told Job all that had been said to her.
Job said, “O woman! did I not tell thee to speak with him no more;
why hast thou disobeyed my voice? That was Satan, and he sought
to separate us. Do not speak to him again when he addresses thee.”
Some time after, the Evil One presented himself before the faithful
wife, under the form of an angel; and said to her, “O woman,
daughter of a prophet! I am an angel sent from God with a message
to thee.”
She said, “What message?”
He said, “Behold the Most High is wroth with Job, for he renders no
thanks for all the good things He gave to him; therefore hath the Lord
rejected him from being a prophet, and he shall fall from worse to
worse, till he is cast into the flames of hell; we, the angels of God,
curse him, and do thou, daughter of a prophet, avoid him, lest thou
come into the same condemnation.”
When Rahma heard these words, she wept, and said, “After so
many afflictions, shall the name of Job be taken from the number of
the prophets? And after so many sufferings shall he perish
everlastingly?”
Then she went to Job and told him all that had been said to her.
Job was greatly angered when she told him the tenor of the words,
and he cried out, “Have I not warned thee these two times not to
speak with him, who is the author of my affliction? Wait till I am well,
and I will give thee a hundred strokes with a rod.”[446]
But the story is told differently by others. It is said that the third time
Satan appeared as a baker, and Rahma wanted bread, but had
nought to pay. Then said the pretended baker, “Thou hast locks of
very beautiful hair; cut off thy hair and give it to me, and thou shalt
take the largest of my loaves.”
Then she cut off three locks and gave them to him.
And when Job saw that she had done this, he was filled with fury,
and he swore that when he was well he would beat her for having
cut off her hair.[447]
Thus Satan triumphed in making Job to sin by swearing, and
threatening to ill-treat a true and good woman.
Next the Evil One went as an angel, and announced to all the people
of the land that he came from God to declare to them that Job was
no more reckoned among the prophets; and that they were not to
trust his words and believe his doctrine, but were to return to the
worship of those gods he had blasphemed and cast out.
Soon after, Job heard his three friends, Bildad, Eliphaz, and Zophar,
converse together, and repeat what had been told them by Satan;
and the thought that he was supposed to be rejected by God from
among His prophets, was so distressing to him, that he cried out,
“Truly, O God! evil has befallen me; but Thou art the most merciful of
those who show mercy.”[448] That is, the words of men are cruel, but
Thou, O God, wilt deliver me out of all my evils.
Job was sick for seven years, and all that while his wife ministered to
him.
But the mediæval commentators draw a very different picture of this
wife, relying on the words of Scripture which make her tempt Job to
“curse God and die.” They say that her tongue was one of the
plagues of Job. That he bore patiently the loss of his cattle, of his
children, and of his health, was indeed wonderful; but that he also
endured the nagging of his wife with equanimity,—that was the most
wonderful of all.
Then God looked on Job and had compassion upon him, and he
said to him, “Strike the earth with thy foot.”[449] Job stamped, and
from the dung-heap on which he had been seated a clear stream of
water issued, the sweetest that there is, and the water continued to
flow. Then God said to Job, “Wash in this water.”
Rahma, the wife of Job, poured the water upon his head and over
his body, and he washed himself. All the sores that were on his flesh
disappeared, and he was healed; there was not a scar left, and he
appeared more beautiful than before he was afflicted.
Then God said to Job, “Drink of the water.”
Then all the worms that were in the inside of Job died, and he was
quite whole. Now this took place in Bashan, and the fountain
remains to this day, and is called Qarya-Aïyub, and the city near
which it is, Aïrs-Aïyub. “I have seen the city of the fountain,” says the
Persian translator of Tabari: “every person who goes there, affected
by internal or external maladies, and washes and drinks of that
water, is healed of his disease.”[450]
Then God said to Job, “Fulfil thy vow, and take in thine hand a
bundle of rods.”[451] But the rods God told him to take were light
sticks; and he took a hundred of these, and bound them together
and smote Rahma with them, and he did not hurt her. By this action
of Job, the Mussulman doctors support their advice to those who
have taken rash oaths to clear themselves by a subterfuge. Thus, if
a man has sworn he will not enter his house again, he is
recommended to allow himself to be bound hand and foot and be
carried into his home. Or, if he has sworn to recite the whole Koran,
it will be sufficient for him to say the word “Koran,” and listen to the
imaum reading before the assembly.
Then God restored to Job double all that he had lost; and Job lived,
after he was recovered of his disease, twenty years, and he died at
the age of ninety-three.
The worms which had devoured the body of the prophet, God turned
into silk-worms; and the flies which had bitten him and tormented his
sores, converted He into honey-bees; and before this there were
neither silk-worms nor honey-bees on the earth. Also the rain and
the snow which fell within his possessions, were grains of gold and
pearl.
Isidore of Seville places the fountain which cured Job in Idumæa. He
says, it is clear during three months of the year, troubled during the
next three, then for three months it is green, and for the last three, it
is red.
In the “Testament of Job,” we read some details concerning his
death, written by his brother Nahor.
After three days of sickness, Job, lying on his bed, saw the angels
come to receive his soul. After having divided his substance between
his seven sons (for, after his troubles, he became the father of seven
sons and three daughters), he gave his daughters three mantles of
inestimable price, which he had received from heaven. To the eldest,
Hemera (Jemima), he gave his harp; to the second, Cassia (Keziah),
he handed his censer; to the third, Keren-happuch, he remitted his
tambourine: and as he sang his last hymn to the Most High on his
death-bed, Hemera and Keren-happuch accompanied him with harp
and timbrel, and Cassia cast up fumes of sweet incense. Thus they
greeted the messengers of heaven who came for the soul of Job.
XXXI.
JETHRO.
As has already been related, Jethro formed one of the council of

Pharaoh till he found that his incantations had no effect on the
Israelites. He escaped from Egypt before Job; for he had found in
the palace of the king the staff of Joseph which had been cut from
the Tree of Life, and therewith he hied him into the land of Midian,
along with his daughter Zipporah.
According to Mussulman tradition, Jethro, whom the Arabs call
Schohair or Schohaib, was a great prophet; and he was sent by God
to the Midianites to call them to repentance and the rejection of
polytheism. Jethro was old and nearly blind. He preached to the
people, and exhorted them with many words and for a long season,
but all his words were in vain; the Midianites would not be converted,
and at length they openly accused him of being a false prophet, and
denied that God had sent him.
Therefore God gave over this nation to destruction. He sent a fiery
breath upon the land, and the people could not bear the great heat,
and retired into the fields, where there was shadow; for God sent a
cloud to hide the face of the sun, and it cast a blot of shade upon the
fields. But there were old men and women and little children, and the
sick who could not leave the city and take refuge in the shade.
Slowly the cloud came down from heaven, like the lid of a saucepan,
and covered all the Midianites that were in the field, and the cloud
was of fire, and they fried “as fish fry in an oven.” Then the angel
Gabriel, gave a great shout, and all that were in the city, saving
Jethro and his family, died of fright when they heard his cry.
Then Jethro lived in the land of Midian till Moses came to him out of
Egypt.[452]
XXXII.
MOSES.[453]
1. ISRAEL IN EGYPT.
After the death of Jacob, his descendants were drawn into servitude
by soft and hypocritical speeches. Fifty-four years had passed since
the death of Joseph.
Joseph had had the good fortune to acquire the favour of Mechron,
the son and successor of that Pharaoh who had raised him from the
dungeon to be second in the kingdom. Almost all the inhabitants of
Egypt had loved Joseph; only a few voices were raised in murmurs
at a foreigner exercising such extensive powers.
The successors of the patriarchs mingled among the people of the
land and learned their ways; and many of them abandoned the rite of
circumcision, and spoke the language of Mizraem.
Then God withdrew His protection for a while; and the former love of
the Egyptians towards the Hebrews was turned into implacable
hatred. By degrees the privileges of the children of Israel were
encroached upon, and they were oppressed with heavy taxes, from
which hitherto they had been held exempt.
Afterwards the king exacted from them their labour without pay; he
built a great castle, and required the Hebrews to erect it for him at
their own cost.
Twenty-two years after the death of Joseph, Levi died, who had
outlived all his other brothers.
Fields, vineyards, and houses, which Joseph had given to his
brethren, were now reclaimed by the natives of Egypt, and the
children of Israel were enslaved.
The Egyptians, effeminate, and hating work, fond of pleasure and
display, had envied the prosperity of the Hebrews, who had thriven in
Goshen, and whose wives bore sometimes six and sometimes
twelve infants at a birth.
They also feared lest this people, increasing upon them, should
become more numerous than they, and should seize upon the
power, and enslave the native population.
Nine years after the death of Joseph, King Mechron died, and was
succeeded by his son Melol.
But before pursuing the history of the oppression of the Hebrews, we
must relate some events that had occurred before this time.
When the body of Jacob, according to his last will, had been taken to
the cave of Machpelah, Esau and his sons and a large body of
followers hastened to oppose the burial of Jacob. After the death of
Isaac, Esau and Jacob had come to an agreement, by which all the
moveable property of the father was made over to Esau, and all that
was immoveable, especially the burial cave, was apportioned to
Jacob. But now Esau desired to set aside this agreement, and, as
first-born, to claim the tomb as his, trusting that the sons of Jacob
could not prove the agreement.
But no sooner had he raised this objection, than Naphtali, who was
swift of foot, ran into Egypt, and returned in a few hours with the
writing of agreement.
Esau, seeing himself baffled, had recourse to arms: and a fight took
place, in which Esau was killed, and his followers put to flight or
taken as captives to Egypt, where they became the slaves of the
Israelites. Amongst these captives was Zepho, son of Eliphaz, son of
Esau.
Even in Joseph’s lifetime, the Edomites made incursions into Egypt
to recover their captive relatives, but their attempts led to no other
result than the tightening of the chains which bound the captives.
Later, however, Zepho succeeded in effecting his escape, and he
took refuge with Angias, king of Dinhaba (Ethiopia), who made him
chief captain of his host.
Zepho persuaded the king to make war upon Egypt. Among the
servants of Angias was a youth of fifteen, named Balaam, son of
Beor, very skilful in the arts of witchcraft. The king bade the youthful
necromancer divine who would succeed in the proposed war.
Balaam formed chariots and horses and fighting men of wax,
plunged them in water, which he stirred with palm twigs; and it was
seen by all who stood by, that the men and horses representing the
Egyptians and Hebrews floated, whereas those representing the
Ethiopians sank.
Angias, deterred by this augury, refused to have anything to do with
a war against Egypt. Then Zepho left him, and betook himself to the
land of the Hittites, and he succeeded in combining that nation, the
Edomites, and the Ishmaelites together in making an invasion of
Egypt.
To repel them, the Hebrews were summoned from the land of
Goshen, but the Egyptians would not receive their allies into the
camp, fearing lest they should unite with their kindred nations, and
deliver them up to destruction.
Zepho now asked Balaam, who had followed him, to divine the end
of the battle, but the attempt failed; and the future remained closed
to him. But Zepho, full of confidence, led the combined army against
the Egyptians, repulsed them at every point, and drove them back
upon the camp of the Hebrews. Then the Israelites charged the
advancing forces flushed with victory, who, little expecting such a
determined onslaught, were thrown into confusion, and routed with
great loss. The Hebrews pursued them to the confines of Ethiopia,
cutting them down all along the way, and then they desisted and
returned: and on numbering their band—they were but a handful—
they found that they had not lost one man. They now looked out for
their allies, the Egyptians, and found that they had deserted and fled;
therefore, full of wrath, they returned to Goshen in triumph, and slew
the deserters, with many words of contempt and ridicule.[454]
Thus the Hebrews were puffed up with pride, regarding themselves
as invincible; and the Egyptians were filled with dread, lest this small
people should resolve on seizing upon the supremacy, and should
subjugate them.
Therefore the reigning Pharaoh and his council assembled to consult
what should be done; and this was decided:—“The cities Pithom and
Rameses (Tanis and Heliopolis) are not strong enough to withstand
a foe, therefore they must be strengthened.” And a royal decree went
forth over all the land of Egypt and Goshen, commanding all the
inhabitants, both Egyptians and Hebrews, to build. Pharaoh himself
set the example by taking trowel and basket in hand, and putting a
brick mould on his neck. Whoever saw this hastened to do likewise,
and all who were reluctant were stimulated by the overseers with
these words, “See how the king works. Will you not imitate his
activity?”
Thus the Israelites went to the work, and laid the mould upon their
necks, little suspecting the guile that was in the hearts of the king
and his councillors.
At the close of the first day, the Hebrews had made a large number
of bricks; and this number was now imposed upon them as the
amount of their daily task.
Thus passed a month, and by degrees the Egyptian workmen were
withdrawn, yet the Hebrews were paid the regular wage.
When a year and four months had elapsed, not an Egyptian was to
be seen making bricks and building; and the wage was stopped for
the future, but the Hebrews were kept to their work.
The harshest and most cruel men were appointed to be their
overseers, and if one of the Israelites asked for his wage, or fainted
under his burden, he was beaten or put in the stocks.
When Pithom and Rameses were walled, the Israelites were
employed to strengthen with forts all the other cities of Egypt, then to
build storehouses and pyramids, to dig canals for the Nile, and to
rear dykes against the overflow. They were also employed to dig and
plough the fields, to garden and prune the fruit-trees, and to exercise
trades. They were engaged from early dawn till late at night, and
because the way from their homes was often far, they were forced to
sleep in the open air, upon the bare ground.[455]
As the life of the Israelites became embittered to them, they called
the king Meror, “the embitterer,” instead of Melol, “the grinder,”
though that was appropriate enough, one would have supposed.[456]
But matters grew worse; the Edomites and Hittites again threatened
Egypt, and Pharaoh ordered a closer guard to be kept, and heavier
tasks to be laid upon the Hebrews.
Notwithstanding all attempts to crush the spirit of this unfortunate
people and to diminish their numbers, they were sustained by hope
in God, for a voice was heard from heaven, “This people shall
increase abundantly, and multiply.”
Whilst the men of Israel slept exhausted after their unspeakable
oppression of mind and body, the faithful women laboured to relieve
and strengthen them. They hastened to the springs to bring pure
water to their husbands to drink, and, by the mercy of the All
Merciful, it fell out that their pitchers were found, each time, to
contain half water and half fish.
These gentle and diligent women dressed the fish, and prepared
other good meats for their husbands, and they sought them at their
work with the food, and with their cheerful words of encouragement.
This loving attention of the women soothed the hearts of the men,
and gave them fresh energy.
When 125 years had elapsed since Jacob came into Egypt, the fifty-
fourth year after Joseph’s death, the elders and councillors of Egypt
presented themselves before Pharaoh, and complained to him that
the people increased and multiplied and became very great in the
land, so that they covered it like the bushes in the wood; and two of
the king’s councillors, of whom one was Job of Uz, said to Pharaoh,
“It was well that heavy tasks were laid upon the Hebrews, but that
doth not suffice; it is needful that they should be diminished in
number as well as enslaved. Therefore give orders to the nurses to
kill every male child that is born to the Hebrews, but to save the
women children alive.”
This counsel pleased the king well; and what Job had advised was
put in operation.
Pharaoh summoned the two Hebrew midwives before him; they were
mother and daughter; some say their names were Jochebed and
Miriam, but others Jochebed and Elizabeth. Now, Miriam was only

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Making English Official: Writing and

Resisting Local Language Policies

Katherine S. Flowers is Assistant Professor of English at the University

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Cambridge University Press is part of Cambridge University Press & Assessment,

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List of Figures page viii

Appendix A: Research Methods 152

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2.1 A timeline of the key language policies discussed in this chapter.

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contract stage. Rebecca Richards led by example and cheered me on every

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On November 11, 2000, the executive director of the organization ProEnglish,

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Why Official English Matters

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https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

are presumed incompetent when it comes to the English language (Gutiérrez y

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009278058.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

The “Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs” is one of the seventy-two

As has already been related, Jethro formed one of the council of

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