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Genealogy and Defense of the
Traditional Suspicions of Money and
Merchants Justin Pack
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Money and
Thoughtlessness
A Genealogy and Defense
of the Traditional Suspicions of
Money and Merchants
Justin Pack
Money and Thoughtlessness
Justin Pack
Money and
Thoughtlessness
A Genealogy and Defense of the Traditional
Suspicions of Money and Merchants
Justin Pack
Philosophy
California State University, Stanislaus
Turlock, CA, USA
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
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Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 Money,
Myths, and Thoughtlessness 27
A Note About Anti-Semitism 28
The First Debate: The Nature of Money and the Myth of Barter 29
The Second Debate: The Cult of Neoliberalism and Economism 35
Thoughtless Cognition 39
Hyper-complex Abstract Systems and Thoughtless Cognition 41
Money and Thoughtlessness 45
3 The
Neolithic Revolution: From Social Currencies
to Debt 51
Money in the Pre-Axial Age 52
Hunter-Gatherers 55
The Neolithic Revolution: Agriculture and “Civilization” 61
Sacrifice, Hierarchy, and Cosmic Imbalance 67
“Primitive” Money 69
v
vi Contents
5 Animist
Ontologies, Abstraction, and Slavery 99
The Moral Limits of Markets in Contemporary Thought 101
Anthropocentrism, Quantification, Abstraction 103
Power in the Living Cosmos: Native American Ontology 105
Animist Ontologies: Kinship with the Living Cosmos 108
The Force of Things 111
The Modern Ontology of Death 113
Slavery, Abstraction, Disenchantment 115
Initial Conclusions 117
6 Mastering
Money: Usury, Governance and Science in
Medieval Europe121
The Theological Power of Money and Christian Empire 123
Mastering Money 126
Money, Quantification, Proto-Science 130
The Colonizing Empire of Homo Economicus 134
7 The
Modern Attacks on the Traditional Suspicions of
Money and Merchants139
Political Arguments Against the Traditional Suspicions of
Money and Merchants 140
Religious Arguments Against the Traditional Suspicions of
Money and Merchants 143
Aesthetic, Cultural, and Epistemic Arguments Against the
Traditional Suspicions of Money and Merchants 146
The Elided Moral Sources of Modernity 149
Homo Economicus and Meritocracy as Epistemologies of
Ignorance 154
Money and Thoughtlessness 159
Contents vii
9 The
Hermeneutics of Suspicion and Contemporary
Cynicism183
The Hermeneutics of Suspicion Versus the Modern Pretentions
to Objectivity 184
The Hermeneutics of Suspicion Versus Moral Purity 187
Bourdieu: The Strategies of Gift Giving 189
Zelizer Against Quantitative Money 192
Defending Gifts from Cynicism 196
Against Cynicism 198
10 Money
and Thoughtlessness: Abstraction,
Quantification, Adiaphorization201
Abstract Money, Quantitative World 201
Abstraction 203
Quantification 208
The Numbers Game 210
The Adiaphorizing Effects of Hyper-Complex Abstract
Systems 215
11 Conclusions221
Thoughtlessness 222
The Capitalist Schema 223
Money and Thoughtlessness: Is There an Alternative? 225
A Defense of the Traditional Suspicions of Money
and Merchants 228
Bibliography231
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Shortly after the 2008 recession, Michael Sandel warned that we face a
dilemma: continue down the path of what he calls “market triumphalism”
or better recognize the “moral limits of markets” and change our ways.
He argued that markets often “crowd out morals” and are encroaching on
spheres of life like democracy and education that traditionally excluded or
limited the logic of the market.1 Nonetheless, he hoped the recession
would shake us out of our faith in the infallibility of markets and motivate
us to place proper limits on markets.
Sadly, not only has this not happened, but the situation is getting much
worse. We find ourselves caught in a pervasive neoliberal thoughtlessness
in which we fail to recognize alternatives to utopian free markets and have
forgotten the traditional suspicions of money. We are now so used to
money that we forget, most of the time anyways, that commercial money
was viewed as a very dangerous force in many traditional societies, includ-
ing both ancient Greece and Christianity.
According to the anthropologist David Graeber, “this is what money
meant to the majority of people for most of human history: the terrifying
prospect of one’s sons and daughters being carried off to the homes of
repulsive strangers to clean their pots and provide occasional sexual ser-
vices, to be subject to every conceivable form of violence and abuse, pos-
sibility for years, conceivably forever”.2 Graeber claims that for most of
human history, money—especially through debt—was used to entrap
other human beings into servitude and served as a force that tore human
communities apart.
This capacity to undermine communities, among other things, is why
Plato banned the merchants from the ideal city described in The Republic.3
Aristotle would not go that far and recognized there was indeed a need for
trade, but agreed with Plato that the influence of the merchants had to be
kept away from the citizens insofar as possible.4 Arendt claims this attitude
extended to the craftsmen—they were needed to make the great art of the
Athenian polis, but needed to be kept away from the political activity that
went on there or else their utilitarian orientation might undermine the
freedom of the polis.5
The Bible is full of condemnation of inequality and riches. Recall the
famous claim that “the love of money is the root of all evil” (1 Timothy
6:10) or observe St. James’ denunciation of the rich and their wealth:
Come now, you rich, weep and howl for the miseries that are coming upon
you. Your riches have rotted and your garments are moth-eaten. Your gold
and silver have corroded, and their corrosion will be evidence against you
and will eat your flesh like fire. You have laid up treasure in the last days.
Behold, the wages of the laborers who mowed your fields, which you kept
back by fraud, are crying out against you, and the cries of the harvesters have
reached the ears of the Lord of hosts. (James 5:1–4)
We could multiply this with many similar quotes from the Old Testament
that repeatedly condemn the wealthiest and call for help for the poorest,
the widow, and the orphan.6 The Jubilee Year of Mosaic Law mirrored
ancient Mesopotamian periodic debt forgiveness, releasing debtors from
wealthy creditors in order to alleviate social tensions and decrease the
power of aristocratic predatory lenders.7 Similarly, Imperial China saw
merchants as necessary but dangerous and therefore treated them as the
lowest of the four occupations.8
These are just a few initial examples. While the suspicion of money and
merchants in the ancient world varies in different cultures and at different
times, it was widespread and multipronged. If we are to believe many of
the ancients, there is good reason to be worried about money and its influ-
ence on human communities.
Or at least that is what humans thought through most of our history.
The story we hear now sounds more like the historian Niall Ferguson
claiming that “money is the root of most progress” and that “financial
1 INTRODUCTION 3
have ever had it. There is no alternative. Poof! The ubiquitous exploita-
tion disappears.
It isn’t just exploitation. Modern progress has brought widespread
alienation. I don’t just mean this in the traditional Marxist sense, but also
that modern humans tend to be alienated from each other and the physical
world around us.20 There is very little community left in most modern
places, and we are woefully out of touch with the natural world. I live in
an environment that has been largely destroyed and radically altered. My
students have no idea what the environment here was like previous to it
being changed to farmland, and they have little knowledge of the history
of this place. They don’t know the names of the Native American tribes
that lived here. They are always surprised to learn that the bear in the cen-
ter of the California state flag is an extinct subspecies of the grizzly bear.
They have no idea the rivers here used to be so full of salmon they kept
settlers up at night. Not to pick on my students, but there is something
thoughtless about this—to live in a place and not know it nor its history.
There is also a disturbing, pervasive lack of concern in modern society
about inequality. To give just one example: I recall a posh golfing com-
munity surrounded by a large wall. On one side of that wall there was a
shanty town built of corrugated tin shacks, much of which abutted the
golfing community wall. Often golfers would hit a ball astray, and it would
sail over the wall and into the tin shanty town, banging tremendously as it
pinballed around. The wealthy golfers obviously heard the noise and had
even sought to have the shacks removed. I wondered at the dismissive
attitude of the wealthy golfers. What kinds of justifications allow for those
who are wealthy to feel comfortable with their wealth and to not feel they
should share it with those who are in need? How is it possible for some to
feel morally and intellectually at ease in large homes with many comforts
while others can barely pay rent or get enough to eat? Even if we shut
ourselves in gated communities, inequality is everywhere around us—and
yet there seems to be little fuss about it.
These moral failings are often obvious to outsiders, like the Osage chief
Big Soldier, who in 1820 said the following:
I see and admire your manner of living, your good warm houses, your
extensive fields of corn, your gardens, your cows, oxen, workhouses, wag-
ons, and a thousand machines that I know not the use of. I see that are able
to clothe yourselves, even from weeds and grass. In short, you even do
almost what you choose. You are surrounded by slaves. Everything about
6 J. PACK
you is in chains, and you are slaves yourselves. I fear if I should exchange my
pursuits for yours, I too should become a slave.21
then, is the era of money and the utopian freeing of markets from tradi-
tional moralities which would limit it.
The advocates of economic modernity are not unaware of the exploita-
tion, alienation, and inequality of modern life, but tend to demonize the
past so thoroughly that the present looks sparkling in comparison. Anyone
who doesn’t agree with the narrative of modern progress is accused of
romanticizing the past. Unfortunately, when you demonize the past, you
are likely to not be very interested in understanding it (except as a prede-
termined negative foil) and to throw out the moral arguments that were
made in the past—including the widespread suspicion of money. Not only
is the ancient world portrayed as backward and uninteresting, the colo-
nialism and extreme violence of modernity is downplayed, justified, and
often ignored. Karl Polanyi thus observed that free market utopians tend
to ignore the “near-indigency of the mass of the citizens as the price to be
paid for the highest stage of prosperity”.24
The term “thoughtlessness” comes from the philosopher Hannah
Arendt, who in 1958 declared that “thoughtlessness” is “among the out-
standing characteristics of our time”.25 Thoughtlessness, among other
things, is the inability to see what is happening right in front of us and all
around us. But thoughtlessness does not mean stupidity for Arendt.
Indeed, extremely smart people can be thoughtless. Instead, thoughtless-
ness often involves being caught up in a particular logic, a particular sys-
tem, or a particular set of practices without questioning the game one is
playing. The Nazi Adolf Eichmann was paradigmatic of thoughtlessness
for Arendt.26 Eichmann excelled at what he did but did not seem to have
the moral fortitude to question whether what he was doing was wrong or
right. For Arendt, this was not a Nazi aberration but a reflection that
modern systems are so hyper-complex that they require and educate for
hyper-specialized, narrow-minded technicians.
Thoughtlessness then occurs both at an individual level—thoughtless
people—and at the level of an entire society. A thoughtless society is one
that is caught up processes that it does not comprehend, either because
these processes have now gone beyond their original intent or because
they were not clearly intended at all in the first place. For example, Arendt
was one of the first thinkers to recognize the rise of a modern consumer-
ism. Ostensibly consumerism is a response to highly successful mass pro-
duction enabled by the assembly line and other industrial methods, but
Arendt argued we are actually consuming the world, by which she means
not only the Earth we live on, but especially the historical and cultural
8 J. PACK
1. The cosmos is alive and full of gods, spirits, animals, plants, and oth-
ers. This is what Weber was emphasizing with his distinction between
the disenchantment of modernity and premodern enchantment.
Jonas rephrases this to a distinction between the living cosmos and
10 J. PACK
them into duplicitous actors preying and profiting on others. From the
Sophists to Imperial China through the European Middle Ages, mer-
chants and money have been the object of close scrutiny and suspicion
precisely because the influence of money has the potential to alter human
character, human community, human nature, religion—seemingly every-
thing—and it tends to do so in a way that eliminates the thoughtful aware-
ness of historical, social, or possible alternatives. According to Graeber,
the challenge of the changes caused by money “was not just a philosophi-
cal question; it was a matter of moral rivalry. Money always has the poten-
tial to become a moral imperative unto itself. Allow it to expand and it can
quickly become a morality so imperative that all others seem frivolous in
comparison”.49
Commercial money, then, is not just coinage, capital, or currency—and
it is certainly not merely a neutral tool. Georg Simmel argues in The
Philosophy of Money that “money is the pinnacle of a cultural historical
series of developments which unambiguously determines its direction”.50
In other words, abstract, quantitative commercial money embodies the
“major tendencies” of modern life toward abstraction and quantifica-
tion.51 This is another way of describing the difference between a living,
personal (qualitative) cosmos and a dead, objectified (quantifiable) uni-
verse.52 Indeed it is hard for moderns to fully grasp the moral implications
of abstraction and quantification because we tend to be alienated from the
world and accustomed to a disenchanted, objectified universe instead of a
rich, spiritual, living cosmos. We have not just lost a sense of being a part
of an interconnected, interdependent world, but have largely forgotten
what that would even be.
Abstraction and quantification, which Simmel correctly says are embod-
ied in modern money, are key components of contemporary neoliberal
thoughtlessness. The spread of money and markets is the spread of abstrac-
tion and quantification, the de- or im-personalization of the world, which
is to say, the death of the cosmos and the reduction of reality to things
(that can potentially be traded, bought, sold and used). This association of
numbers and abstraction with death and impersonality is one that is strik-
ingly apparent if we make a better effort to understand the premodern
living cosmos and the traditional suspicions of money and merchants. This
explains why Chief Osage claimed despite the comforts of modern life,
European settlers have surrounded ourselves with slaves—that is, they
have turned the world into slaves. This makes sense if we remember the
slave, according to Orlando Patterson, is a person/thing torn from their
1 INTRODUCTION 13
context (family and tradition) and thus abstract (Latin: pulled away or
detached).53
Typically abstraction and quantification are viewed now as neutral tools
that are essential to science and economics and, in light of the good things
brought to us by science and modern economics, morally good. And
indeed, from a certain narrow perspective that values technology, power,
and GDP, this seems true. But if we can step back and take a broader or
older perspective (older here referring to pre- and non-modern views), we
will find an accelerating, impersonal, hyper-complex society that is con-
suming the world from under its own feet and seemingly powerless to
think where it is headed or what it is doing. We have killed the world and
turned it into things/slaves. This predicament is the thoughtlessness I
want to examine.
Considering that money and merchants were such a prominent concern
in premodern morality, why is it not now? We could ask with Jean-
Christophe Agnew: “Why do we lack anything approximating a phenom-
enology of market experience?”54 It is especially odd that contemporary
philosophy in particular seems to have so little to say, despite the rise of
ancient philosophy occurring at the same time as the spread of ancient
coinage,55 the common concern of ancient and medieval philosophers
about money,56 and Socrates’ emblematic defense of his case—that he had
no money. For much of Western intellectual history, money and philoso-
phy were viewed as opposites.57
The classic work on the topic, The Philosophy of Money, was written by
the sociologist Georg Simmel, who is rarely read by sociologists, much less
philosophers. Marx, of course, discusses money, and money is a concern in
critical theory and contemporary work on neoliberalism. In sociology we
find a sub-discipline of thinkers devoted to the sociology of money that
started in the 1990s with the works of Zelizer.58 The Stanford Encyclopedia
of Philosophy includes a very recent entry on the philosophy of money and
finance, which was first published in late 2018, thus reflecting perhaps a
budding new field but that seems to have little connection to anthropol-
ogy or phenomenology.59 The recent work of Christian Lotz on The
Capitalist Schema does specifically draw attention to the way that money
shapes how we perceive the world.60 The clearest and most powerful
recent attempt to draw attention to these issues is Marcel Hénaff’s The
Price of Truth: Gift, Money and Philosophy, but unfortunately this impor-
tant work has not led to sustained discussion of these topics. Other impor-
tant discussion about the nature of money and the cultish religiosity of
14 J. PACK
humanities split off from each other, each having their own rationalities
and methods that are supposedly appropriate for their subject matter. So
too spheres of society have become differentiated: the economic sphere,
the political sphere, the public sphere, the private sphere, and so on. Each
of these spheres has its own contested “logics” and internal tensions.
Zygmunt Bauman claims that the goal to eliminate ambivalence and get
each sphere working with its own appropriate logic or rationality is funda-
mental to modernity.67
The use of more refined methods in the sciences brought a striking
confidence that was most fully articulated in positivism in the 1800s.
Positivism claimed that science was accomplishing “positive knowledge”
or undisputable facts and that this kind of “objectivity” should be desired
not only in science but also in the social sciences and even the humani-
ties.68 This objectivity in turn was used to justify political projects, colo-
nialism—all sorts of radical social changes.69 Supposedly these changes
were “progressive” and based on factual truths.
One of the counter movements to modernity was romanticism.
Romantics argued that many of the changes occurring in modernity were
having dire consequences, including dehumanization, environmental
destruction, and cultural fragmentation. For our purposes here what is of
interest is the way that Romantics often presented premodern cultures as
a “pure” or better alternative to supposedly “civilized” modernity. The
most famous example of this is Rousseau and his stereotype of the “noble
savage”, which he used as a foil to the corruption of the modern world.
The purity here is an inversion of modern homo economicus: instead of the
selfish, profit-seeking desires of the entrepreneur, romanticism lauded
innocence, community, and love. Romanticism saw in “primitive” peoples
the purity it wanted to see, but it presented a sanitized, simplified, inac-
curate image of traditional cultures that also functioned as a form of
colonialism.
The hermeneutics of suspicion criticizes both of these positions.
The phrase “hermeneutics of suspicion” comes from Paul Ricouer, who
used it to describe how Marx, Nietzsche, and Freud critiqued the sup-
posed objectivity of modern science and rationality. Each showed that
there were often ulterior motives driving human reason—whether ideo-
logical and class-based biases, arguments warped by resentment, or the will
to power, or driven by hidden and unresolved psychological trauma. Marx,
Nietzsche, and Freud undermined the modern account of reason and
objectivity, but this suspicion also extends to romantic accounts of
1 INTRODUCTION 17
scholars at the conference invariably assumed that ‘gifts’ do not really exist:
Scratch deep enough behind any human action, and you'll always discover
some selfish, calculating strategy. Even more oddly, they assumed that this
selfish strategy was always, necessarily, the real truth of the matter; that it
was more real somehow than any other motive in which it might be entan-
gled. It was as if to be scientific, to be ‘objective’ meant to be completely
cynical.71
Gifts and gift cultures have been one of the primary places where this
dynamic between modernity, romanticism, and the hermeneutics of suspi-
cion has played out in the twentieth century.72 The “discovery” or recog-
nition that premodern societies did not function at all like modern free
market societies (in other words, premodern societies were not proto-
capitalist barterers that just didn’t know how to do it efficiently as figures
like Adam Smith thought—rather these cultures functioned entirely dif-
ferently) is one of the key rebuttals to the claims of modernity to be merely
describing human nature and human rationality instead of forcibly creat-
ing a certain kind of economic human being and enforcing a certain kind
of instrumental rationality.73 Marcel Mauss’ The Gift is a pivotal text in
that it argued that instead of trade and barter, many premodern cultures
were focused on ceremonial gift exchange. Gifts are often seen now as the
opposite of economic trade: we tend to give gifts out of love, care, and
appreciation for others. Holidays like Christmas are treated in pop culture
as a wonderful alleviation of the greedy rush of normal consumer life.74
Thus, at first blush, Mauss seemed to be saying that many traditional cul-
tures were founded on the opposite of self-interested trade: sharing and
gift giving. And indeed, there are many examples of non- or premodern
peoples being shocked by the self-interested morality of modern capital-
ists. Take, for example, an interaction with the Arikaras by Canadian
Trader Pierre-Antoine Tabeau:
The Arikaras … [do not grasp] our ideas of interest and acquisition beyond
what is necessary, it is a principle with them that he who has divides with him
who has not. 'You are foolish,' said one of the most intelligent seriously to
me. 'Why do you wish to make all this powder and these balls since you do
not hunt? Of what use are all these knives to you? Is not one enough with
which to cut the meat? It is only your wicked heart that prevents you from
giving them to us. Do you not see that the village has none? I will give you
a robe myself, when you want it, but you already have more robes than are
necessary to cover you’.75
1 INTRODUCTION 19
money, the rise of homo economicus, and how modern assumptions about
money function as an epistemology of ignorance.
Chapter 8 discusses the pushback against the modern rejection of the
traditional suspicions of money and merchants. While there are many and
varied critics of modernity, this chapter focuses on Mauss and how the
anthropology of gift cultures has served as a critique of modern utilitarian-
ism but is also threatened by misrepresentations and misunderstandings.
Gift cultures became a centerpiece in twentieth-century anti-utilitarianism
(especially in France).
Chapter 9 discusses the hermeneutics of suspicion with special atten-
tion to Bourdieu and Zelizer. The former argues that gift cultures are not
as “pure” as they are often presented. The latter argues against the criti-
cism made by Simmel against modern money by trying to argue that
Simmel’s claims construct an unrealistic image of “pure” modern money.
I explain how this seems to give rise to a cynicism that, while ostensibly
critical of modern economism, can have the unintended effect of reinforc-
ing modern assumptions about self-interest and strategy. This closes the
genealogical portion of the book.
Chapters 10 and 11 bookend the genealogy of the traditional suspi-
cions of money and merchants by returning to the question of thought-
lessness. Relying on Arendt’s account of thoughtlessness, these chapters
turn to the phenomenology of money with special attention to the abstract
and quantitative aspects of modern money to show how these contribute
to contemporary neoliberal thoughtlessness.
Notes
1. Sandel, Michael. What Money Can’t Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets.
(NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2013).
2. Graeber, David. Debt: The First 5000 Years. (Brooklyn, NY: Melville
House, 2014), 85.
3. Hénaff, Marcel. The Price of Truth: Gift, Money and Philosophy. (Stanford,
Stanford University Press, 2010), 61.
4. Ibid., 63.
5. Arendt, Hannah “Culture and Politics.” Reflections on Literature and
Culture. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007).
6. Heschel, Abraham J. The Prophets. (NY: HarperCollins, 2001).
7. Hudson, Michael. … and forgive them their debts: Lending, Foreclosure and
Redemption from Bronze Age Finance to the Jubilee Year. (Glashütte,
Germany: ISLET Verlag-Dresden, 2018).
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
que soit ce morceau du lever du soleil, si varié, si brillant, si
complet? Il consiste dans un simple accord d’ut, répété sans cesse,
et auquel Rossini n’a mêlé qu’un accord de quart et sixte. En ceci
éclate la magie de son faire. Il a procédé, pour vous peindre l’arrivée
de la lumière, par le même moyen qu’il employait pour vous peindre
les ténèbres et la douleur. Cette aurore en images est absolument
pareille à une aurore naturelle. La lumière est une seule et même
substance, partout semblable à elle-même, et dont les effets ne sont
variés que par les objets qu’elle rencontre, n’est-ce pas? Eh! bien, le
musicien a choisi pour la base de sa musique un unique motif, un
simple accord d’ut. Le soleil apparaît d’abord et verse ses rayons sur
les cimes, puis de là dans les vallées. De même l’accord poind sur la
première corde des premiers violons avec une douceur boréale, il se
répand dans l’orchestre, il y anime un à un tous les instruments, il s’y
déploie. Comme la lumière va colorant de proche en proche les
objets, il va réveillant chaque source d’harmonie jusqu’à ce que
toutes ruissellent dans le tutti. Les violons, que vous n’aviez pas
encore entendus, ont donné le signal par leur doux trémolo,
vaguement agité comme les premières ondes lumineuses. Ce joli, ce
gai mouvement presque lumineux qui vous a caressé l’âme, l’habile
musicien l’a plaqué d’accords de basse, par une fanfare indécise
des cors contenus dans leurs notes les plus sourdes, afin de vous
bien peindre les dernières ombres fraîches qui teignent les vallées
pendant que les premiers feux se jouent dans les cimes. Puis les
instruments à vent s’y sont mêlés doucement en renforçant l’accord
général. Les voix s’y sont unies par des soupirs d’allégresse et
d’étonnement. Enfin les cuivres ont résonné brillamment, les
trompettes ont éclaté! La lumière, source d’harmonie, a inondé la
nature, toutes les richesses musicales se sont alors étalées avec
une violence, avec un éclat pareils à ceux des rayons du soleil
oriental. Il n’y a pas jusqu’au triangle dont l’ut répété ne vous ait
rappelé le chant des oiseaux au matin par ses accents aigus et ses
agaceries lutines. La même tonalité, retournée par cette main
magistrale, exprime la joie de la nature entière en calmant la douleur
qui vous navrait naguère. Là est le cachet du grand maître: l’unité!
C’est un et varié. Une seule phrase et mille sentiments de douleur,
les misères d’une nation; un seul accord et tous les accidents de la
nature à son réveil, toutes les expressions de la joie d’un peuple.
Ces deux immenses pages sont soudées par un appel au Dieu
toujours vivant, auteur de toutes choses, de cette douleur comme de
cette joie. A elle seule, cette introduction n’est-elle pas un grand
poëme?
—C’est vrai, dit le Français.
—Voici maintenant un quinquetto comme Rossini en sait faire; si
jamais il a pu se laisser aller à la douce et facile volupté qu’on
reproche à notre musique, n’est-ce pas dans ce joli morceau où
chacun doit exprimer son allégresse, où le peuple esclave est
délivré, et où cependant va soupirer un amour en danger. Le fils du
Pharaon aime une Juive, et cette Juive le quitte. Ce qui rend ce
quintette une chose délicieuse et ravissante, est un retour aux
émotions ordinaires de la vie, après la peinture grandiose des deux
plus immenses scènes nationales et naturelles, la misère, le
bonheur, encadrées par la magie que leur prêtent la vengeance
divine et le merveilleux de la Bible.
—N’avais-je pas raison? dit en continuant la duchesse au
Français quand fut finie la magnifique strette de
Voci di giubilo
D’in’orno echeggino,
Di pace l’Iride
Per noi spuntò.