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Textbook Ebook Gender and Sexuality in Stoic Philosophy 1St Edition Malin Grahn Wilder Auth All Chapter PDF
Textbook Ebook Gender and Sexuality in Stoic Philosophy 1St Edition Malin Grahn Wilder Auth All Chapter PDF
This book arouse out of a twofold interest. On the one hand, I was
guided by genuine scholarly curiosity to understand how past philoso-
phers theorized about gender. I remember how years ago, as a philoso-
phy student at the University of Helsinki, I was trying to find material
on the Stoic views on gender and was shocked to realize that there was
no monograph or any systematic study on the topic. When I was invited
to join the Antiquity group of the Philosophical Psychology, Morality, and
Politics Center of Excellence as a doctoral researcher, I wanted to fill this
lacuna and started to scrutinize Stoic philosophy through the prism of
gender and sexuality. This research laid the foundations for this book.
On the other hand, my interest in gender is essentially practical and
present-day oriented. In my professional work both as a teacher at the
university level and a dance educator working with children and youth,
I constantly encounter the urgency of critically rethinking the normative
notions of gender that still shape our contemporary world. The binary
conception of gender, different forms of political and economic inequal-
ity, and beauty ideals causing distress and setting unrealistic expectations
are just a few examples of problems we are still struggling with today.
I believe that at best, systematic scrutiny of past thinking can increase
the awareness of our present-day conceptions and ideas. By exploring
Ancient views on gender, we also learn about the origins and develop-
ment of Western thought.
Furthermore, as this book demonstrates, past thinkers can provide us
with arguments that still today are thought-provoking. For those readers
vii
viii Preface
both of whom I was sad to see passing away so prematurely, and both of
whom have had an important impact on my philosophical development
and career. I thank my philosophy teacher Juha Eerolainen at Etu-Töölö
High School in Helsinki for opening up the world of philosophy for me.
I will always remember his pedagogical style and the fantastic ways in
which he challenged his students to think further. Being his substitute
teacher was my very first teaching job as an undergraduate student, and
thus, I thank him for finding my passion both for studying and teach-
ing philosophy. I thank Prof. Juha Sihvola for philosophical companion-
ship and for being an extremely encouraging supervisor of my doctoral
dissertation. As Seneca said that a good philosophy teacher should do,
Sihvola “met me halfway,” sharing his expertise with me and presenting
his critical comments, while also encountering me as an equal partner of
discussion. As a teacher, he always urged me to develop as the individual
thinker I am. Both Eerolainen and Sihvola have been inspirational role
models for philosophical pedagogy and applying philosophical traditions
to a critical examination of what is happening in the world right now.
Finally, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my husband
Clyde Wilder. I thank him for being my partner in philosophical conver-
sation, in love and in life, and for his unlimited support during the pro-
cess of working on this book.
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Mapping the Terrain: Gender in Stoic Sources
and Scholarship 3
1.2 Some Qualifications 5
1.3 The Structure and Main Arguments 8
References 12
xi
xii Contents
15 Conclusion 287
Index 295
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
The Ancient Stoic thinkers discuss problems related to gender and sexual-
ity in various contexts of their philosophy: from cosmology to cosmopoli-
tanism, from metaphysics to moral psychology, and from physics to the
philosophy of life. These discussions relate to many fundamental doc-
trines such as their views of body and reason, theory of emotions, and
political utopias. Furthermore, the sources also provide detailed accounts
of specific topics such as generation, bodily beauty, cosmetics, marriage,
and philosophical exercises for dealing with sexual impulses. This book
explores these views and their significance in Ancient Stoic philosophy.
More specifically, my aim in this book is to scrutinize what features
in humans (or in animals, or even in the entire cosmos) the Stoics dis-
cuss as gendered or sexual, and the role of these phenomena in the Stoic
theory of a human being. Further, I will analyze how gender and sexual-
ity are related to the Stoic ethics and the ideals of virtue and wisdom.
Finally, I investigate how the Stoics view these phenomena in terms of
interpersonal relationships that also affect society and politics. In order
to arrive at a fuller understanding of Stoic arguments and to position
them in a philosophical context, I also consider their background in the
Ancient philosophical traditions of Plato and Aristotle. As I will show,
the Stoics often take an exceptionally bold line in departing both from
their predecessors’ theoretical views, as well as from the notions on gen-
der embedded in their contemporary culture. I also draw evidence from
other Ancient sources such as Galen’s medical treatises and texts by
The Stoic school of philosophy flourished from the time of its founder
Zeno of Citium (ca. 334–262 BCE) to the late Stoic thinker and
emperor of Rome, Marcus Aurelius (121–180 CE). This book covers
the entire era of Ancient Stoicism, including both Hellenistic and Roman
materials. Unavoidably, there is much more textual material from the
later Roman Stoics, since none of the original works of the early think-
ers have survived, and the research, therefore, has to rely on secondhand
sources such as the testimony of other Ancient philosophers or doxogra-
phers. However, our sources both on early and Roman Stoicism include
highly relevant arguments on gender, and there are both important con-
tinuums and differences between the early and the late school. Indeed,
certain later Stoic arguments on gender make sense precisely against the
backdrop of earlier Stoic theories, and therefore I find it both interest-
ing and necessary to discuss Ancient Stoicism on the whole. All of these
sources must be treated with terminological and historical accuracy and
read within their own cultural, historical, and philosophical contexts.
Particularly, in the case of such potentially controversial issues as sexual-
ity, translations of the original texts can sometimes be inaccurate, or even
misleading. However, even though I make several remarks on the Greek
and Latin terminology, the focus of this book is primarily philosophical,
not philological.
The original Stoic sources include fascinating discussions on gen-
der and sexuality, and these topics are highly relevant in today’s world
and philosophy. Therefore it is surprising how little attention these
topics have attracted in the scholarship on Stoicism. Before this book,
there was no monograph focusing specifically on gender and/or sexual-
ity in Stoicism, nor is there a systematic account of their roles in Stoic
philosophy as a whole. Thus, one of the important tasks of this book is
to fill this lacuna and shift the focus in our way of approaching Ancient
Stoicism. As this book demonstrates, when it comes to gender, the
lacuna in Stoic scholarship is not due to lack of relevant material in the
original sources. Rather, it reflects those questions that the readers pose
to the sources and how they evaluate their findings: what is considered
central and what marginal. The prism of gender, I claim, opens fresh per-
spectives to the entire Stoic philosophical enterprise.
4 M. Grahn-Wilder
1 Foucault presents his genealogical method, or his “history of the present,” e.g., in the
medical discourse and thus did not, as such, occur in Ancient texts. I will
first address the question concerning the two main terms I use in this
study, and then explain why I chose to bring them together.
The practice of observing genital and other physical differences
between the female and the male and having human beings called
“women” and “men” obviously existed before the concept of “gen-
der” was introduced, as did the experiencing of lust and desire, and the
performing of acts such as caressing and making love. Ancient think-
ers, including the Stoics, observed not only the existence of these phe-
nomena but also the power they have in human life, affecting emotions,
choices, self-control as well as the goals and conditions of life. Moreover,
Ancient thinkers, in general, gave considerable attention to gender and
sexuality as philosophical problems, specifically with regard to how they
influence people’s bodies, minds, lives, and happiness. Given this central
role in everyday life and self-understanding, they also had considerable
philosophical relevance in Ancient philosophy, not least in Stoicism that
explicitly aimed to serve a therapeutic purpose in offering guidance on
living a happy, everyday life.
Nevertheless, neither “gender” nor “sexuality” has a specific equiva-
lent in Greek or Latin terminology, and the Stoics (as well as other
Ancient thinkers) used a range of notions to refer to similar phenom-
ena. I use “sexuality” (in Greek often aphrodisia; or different concepts
derived from erôs) to refer to sexual conduct, lust, and pleasure. I use
“gender” to refer to the Stoic conception of men and women, including
the discussion of their physical differences, their respective characteristics,
distinctive social roles, and spheres of life. Even if the binary view of gen-
der is dominant in the sources, it should also be noted that at least some
Ancient thinkers acknowledged that gender is more complicated than a
straightforward distinction into exactly two groups, men and women.
For example, Aristotle and Galen discuss transgressions of binary gen-
der categories in different animal species that are not sexually dimor-
phic. The authors of the original texts sometimes refer to “the male and
the female” (arren, thêly), particularly, but not exclusively in biological
discussions, and sometimes to “men and women” (anêr, gynê), and study
of gender often takes place within the general philosophical theories on
human beings (anthrôpos). Some sources specifically use the concept of
genos (in the general meaning “a kind” or “genus”) in referring to gen-
der. However, my research is not restricted to these concepts.
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saccharin from the medicine chest, so long as they lasted. The milk
often curdled in boiling, owing to the vessels it had been brought in
not having been cleaned since the milking the night before, and we
were compelled to eat the solid curds with a spoon. We served out
an allowance of beads to the men every day, with which they bought
milk, fat, and occasionally meat.
El Hakim heard that many years before, the sheep and goats of
the Rendili, with the exception of Lubo’s, which were camped in
another place at the time, had been swept away by a pestilence. In
such cases the custom of the tribe appears to be that the owner of
the surviving flocks must give the others sufficient animals to enable
them to recommence breeding; but he has the right to take them
back, together with their progeny, provided that his own needs
require it. Old Lubo, therefore, was practically the owner of all the
vast flocks of the Rendili, which could only be numbered by
hundreds of thousands. The confidence between the animals and
their owners was very noteworthy, even the sheep allowing
themselves to be handled freely for milking, and for purposes of
examination. They are of the fat-tailed variety, some of the tails
weighing as much as thirty pounds. This fat tail is another object
lesson of the way nature provides her creatures against all
emergencies. The Rendili sheep in times of plenty develop and store
a large reserve of nourishment in the fat of their ponderous tails, so
that when, as often happens, their pasturage becomes exhausted
through want of rain or other causes, they have a store to draw
upon, sufficient for their needs for a considerable period. Another
store of fat is also formed, in the case of the Rendili sheep, in a large
pouch or dewlap under the throat, and also on the breast-bone,
where the fat is often a couple of inches in thickness.
As an instance of the ignorance and denseness of the average
Swahili, as regards anything outside his own particular sphere, I will
mention a little incident which occurred one day. El Hakim sent
Jumbi and three or four men with a supply of cloth and beads to buy
sheep at a Rendili village. He was instructed to buy “soben,” i.e.
ewes, in good condition. He returned next day with a dozen or so of
the raggedest scarecrows that the Rendili had been able to rake out.
El Hakim reprimanded him, and asked why he had not obtained
better animals, as those he had brought had no fat tails at all, but
merely shrivelled-up skin. Jumbi answered that it was true that the
Rendili had brought sheep with much fatter tails to him, but he had
rejected them, their tails being so large that he thought the sheep
would not be able to travel!
The Rendili own donkeys, but not so many as the Burkeneji. They
also own horses, which the Burkeneji do not, and which they
probably procure from the Borana, who are reported to own vast
numbers of them. The Borana are a very powerful and numerous
tribe living in north-east Galla-land. They are fierce fighters, and it
was formerly quite the correct thing for any warrior among the
Rendili who yearned for distinction to lead a raiding party against the
Borana, who as often returned the compliment.
The Borana fight with two short, broad-bladed spears, while for
defensive purposes they carry a small round shield made from the
skin of the hump of the oryx. They wear cloth—a small cloth round
the loins and a larger one thrown over the shoulders completing their
costume. They possess large numbers of cattle, sheep, and goats,
and vast herds of half-wild horses. They are a sullen, inhospitable
people, very unwilling to receive strangers. They, like the Rendili and
Burkeneji, wear sandals, the thorny acacia, so plentifully distributed
thereabouts, being even too much for the naked feet of savages.
The Rendili ride their horses with a saddle something like the
native Somali saddle. It is made of wood, covered with sheepskin,
and is fastened by a girth knotted to rings in the saddle. The stirrups
are similar to those of the Somali, consisting merely of two iron rings,
into which the rider thrusts his big toe, his sandals having been
previously removed. A breast-plate and crupper are used to keep the
saddle in place. They use a very crude iron bit, of a particularly cruel
form, attached to strips of undressed leather which do duty for reins.
The Rendili are among the most persistent beggars that I have
ever met with. The Egyptian beggar, with his oft-reiterated
“backshish,” is hard to beat, but the average Rendili could easily give
him long odds and a beating. It grew to be quite a fashionable
amusement with them to come down to our camp, often some hours’
journey, and spend the day in begging for small articles. When El
Hakim, who slept outside his tent, awoke in the morning, he would
find a number of them squatted round his bed, and as soon as he
opened his eyes a murmur of “Mate serutia?” (Is there no brass
wire?) greeted him. He would answer “Mate! mate!” (No! no!) and
retreat hurriedly to the interior of the tent. But it was of no use; a
moment later he would be again approached by his questioners, who
would softly inquire, “Mate serutia?” having apparently forgotten his
emphatic negative to the same inquiry five minutes before. Again El
Hakim would answer, “Mate serutia!” (There is no brass wire!). So,
gazing reproachfully at him, his tormenters would leave him and
come to me.
The same succession of beseeching inquiry and stony refusal
would be gone through, and when they were convinced that I was as
hard-hearted as El Hakim, they would leave me and try George. He
also was adamant; but they were not discouraged. Back they would
go to El Hakim, and repeat the whole performance.
This happened every hour of every day during the whole period of
our sojourn among them; it almost drove us frantic on occasions. To
do them justice, the cry was sometimes varied; sometimes it was
“Mate serutia?” and other times “Mate tumbao?” (tobacco), of which
they are inordinately fond, probably because they can obtain it only
on the rare occasions when they come in contact with the Wa’embe,
and the Reshiat at the north end of the “Basso Norok” (Lake
Rudolph).
Lubo himself often sat for hours in front of the temporary hut of
palm leaves we had erected as a council house, begging for a few
beads or a small piece of brass wire. We ridiculed him once, saying
that we were surprised that he, who was such a wealthy man, should
beg for a few beads. He was amazed!
“Is it not good to give?” he said.
“Well, then, why do you not give us something?” we inquired.
“You have never asked me!” he answered simply.
If we had been a wealthy exploring caravan, rich enough to have
bestowed munificent gifts on the Rendili on our arrival, doubtless
their value, or near it, would have been returned to us in kind, but we
could not then have been certain of getting what we needed, as the
return gift might have consisted of camels or some other commodity
which we did not require, and which we would be unable, from the
nature of the case, to refuse. We preferred, therefore, the slower and
more sordid process of bartering for what we wanted. We had, of
course, bestowed presents on arrival, but nothing large enough to
warrant the gift of perhaps half a dozen camels in return.
Their begging was at times particularly aggravating; for instance,
after a hot and weary morning passed in trade “shauries” and
discussions with the various elders respecting presents to be given
and received. Having lunched on a quart of milk or so, we would
retire for a smoke and a siesta. Just as we were dropping off into a
delicious doze, a dusky countenance would be thrust into the hut,
and a gentle voice would softly utter, “Mate serutia?” accompanied
by a touching smile and insinuatingly outstretched paw. At such
times language failed us, and we could only glare. But glaring did not
seem to have any effect; the intruder did not mind it in the least, so
the services of Ramathani had to be requisitioned, and as he led the
culprit gently away, we would compose ourselves once more to
sleep to the accompaniment of the plaintive murmur of “Mate serutia”
sandwiched between the voluble remonstrances of our faithful
henchman.
But five minutes later, the whole performance would be repeated!
The Rendili villages consist of low, flat-topped huts constructed of
bush and reeds arranged in a circle a hundred yards or so in
diameter. In the centre they construct a circular enclosure for their
flocks. Outside the whole a strong thorn “boma” is built, with
generally two gateways on opposite sides, which are closed at night.
In consequence of the great reduction in their numbers by small-pox,
most of the villages were very short handed. Women and little
children acted as shepherds in place of the now extinct warriors,
whose duty it had been before the scourge removed them. So much
was this the case that in some villages the inhabitants, even when
reinforced by the women and children, were still too few to be able to
drive all their animals to water daily. They were therefore reduced to
the expedient of driving their sheep and goats down one day, and
the camels the next, and so on alternately.
Their household utensils were few, and simple in construction.
Their milk-vessels were either of wood, hollowed and shaped, or of
plaited string, made watertight with gum. Some of the vessels of
plaited string were further strengthened by a covering of raw hide
stitched with gut. They were made in all sizes, ranging from a tiny
measure holding scarcely a pint to large vessels holding two or three
gallons. They also construct a rude spoon from plaited string. They
possess a few gourds, doubtless obtained by barter from other
tribes. They use the bladders of animals for the purpose of holding
fat, and for other purposes, such as satchels and bags.
The pack-saddles for their camels and donkeys are made of
wickerwork. They are very light and strong, and answer the purpose
admirably. The donkey pack-saddle consists of two elongated oval
frames of bent wickerwork laced with strips of hide in a similar
manner to the gut in a tennis racquet. These frames are then
connected with two broad bands, which are fastened to their lower
edges and pass over the donkey’s back. The forage or household
effects, or whatever has to be carried, is packed on the donkey,
being kept from slipping by the frames, which are then tied with
cords on their upper edges, one to the other, thus making the
package complete and snug.
Their weapons consist of spears, shields, and bows and arrows.
The spears are very light, and do not look at all dangerous. The
blade is of the usual laurel-leaf shape, common to the Suk, Turkana,
and Kamasia tribes, though one or two of Somali pattern are
occasionally seen.
Their shields are also of the shape peculiar to the Suk and
Turkana. Made of buffalo-hide, they are of a very narrow oblong
shape, with a peculiar curve when seen in profile. They are
ornamented with a tuft of feathers at the top. They are now usually
constructed of ox-hide, as, since the rinderpest, the buffalo is very
scarce, and a buffalo shield is valued accordingly. There are also a
few of the wickerwork shields of the Reshiat in use among them.
Their bows differ in shape from those of the A’kikuyu and
Wa’kamba, in that they are turned forward at the ends, in a similar
manner to the conventional Cupid’s bow. So far as I could ascertain,
their arrows are not poisoned.
They do not use clubs as weapons; at least, I saw none that could
be used as such. The only club they carried consisted of the kernel
of the doum nut fastened on to the end of a slight stick some
eighteen inches in length, a hole being bored longitudinally through
the nut, and the stick inserted. The kernel was in many cases
ornamented with small coloured beads, which were inlaid when it
was new and comparatively soft, the whole then finished off by being
covered with a thin layer of gum.
That the reports of the powers of the Rendili in warfare were not
devoid of foundation was borne out in a striking manner by facts
which came under our observation. Many of our visitors showed livid
scars on the left forearm and breast. Inquiry revealed the fact that
the warriors who wished to be accounted brave in warfare dispensed
with their shields altogether, receiving on their left forearm those
spear-thrusts they were unable to avoid. This is, as far as I know, a
unique characteristic among African savages, though I am open to
correction on that point. The fact that the Rendili, besides attacking
the Borana, have also successfully raided the Wa’embe and the
A’kikuyu of north-east Kenia speaks well for their courage and
enterprise. Most of the elders we met showed great scars on the
arms, breasts, and thighs—relics of spear-thrusts received in the
sanguinary conflicts of their hot-blooded youth. The tribe now shows
only the merest traces of its former greatness, depending mainly on
the Burkeneji for protection from outside interference, though they
are still by no means to be despised.
The Burkeneji, noting the ravages of the small-pox on their once
all-powerful neighbours, were not slow in profiting by the lesson.
When the scourge appeared, they sent their young men away to
separate camps, and so preserved them. They were able to do so
without inconvenience, as they did not own such numbers of animals
as the Rendili, who would not send their youths away, as they
wanted them to look after their flocks and herds—a short-sighted
policy which cost them very dearly.
Now, the Burkeneji were perfectly willing to protect the Rendili, but
in return they considered that they ought to be allowed the right to
help themselves from the Rendili flocks whenever they felt so
disposed; and to do them justice they fully acted up to this idea,
without fear of reprisals. It seemed to me a very peculiar state of
affairs. The two tribes lived together, that is, their villages were
intermingled, and they travelled together; yet the Burkeneji
constantly raided the Rendili, and though the Rendili did not seem to
like it, they never openly resented the depredations.
Old Lubo once complained to us that he had been raided during
the afternoon—as a matter of fact, the raid took place not five
minutes’ walk from our camp—and a few score of sheep and two
women had been looted from him. We inquired why he made no
attempt to recapture them. He opened his eyes widely at the novelty
of the idea.
“We do not fight between friends,” he said.
Notwithstanding their fighting qualities, both the Rendili and
Burkeneji were very anxious about the Masai. They seemed to live in
dread of them. We were frequently asked if we had seen any Masai
on our march up, and whether we thought they were coming to the
Waso Nyiro. Large parties of Masai “elmoran” (warriors) had
occasionally attempted to raid the Rendili, but were almost always
unsuccessful, the principal reason being the inaccessibility of the
country and the nomadic habits of the tribe.
On the march the Masai elmoran carries next to nothing in the way
of provisions, trusting to find cattle on the road, which he can use for
food, after massacring the owners. Thompson describes the
ceremony of the departure of a Masai war-party thus—
“For a month they devoted themselves to an indispensable,
though revolting preparation. This consisted in their retiring in small
parties to the forest, and there gorging themselves with beef. This
they did under the belief that they were storing up a supply of muscle
and ferocity of the most pronounced type. This strange process
being finished and the day fixed on, the women of the krall went out
before sunrise, with grass dipped in the cream of cow’s milk. Then
they danced, and invoked N’gai for a favourable issue to the
enterprise, after which they threw the grass in the direction of the
enemy. The young men spent several hours at their devotions,
howling out in the most ludicrous street-singer fashion, ‘Aman N’gai-
ai! Aman M’baratien!’ (We pray to God! We pray to M’baratien!).
Previous to this, however, a party had been sent to the chief ‘lybon’
of the Masai—M’baratien—to seek advice as to the time of their
start, and to procure medicines to make them successful. On their
return the party mustered and set off!”