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Compressed Sensing for
Engineers
Devices, Circuits, and Systems
Series Editor
Krzysztof Iniewski
Emerging Technologies CMOS Inc.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada
PUBLISHED TITLES:
3D Integration in VLSI Circuits:
Implementation Technologies and Applications
Katsuyuki Sakuma
Advances in Imaging and Sensing
Shuo Tang and Daryoosh Saeedkia
Analog Electronics for Radiation Detection
Renato Turchetta
Atomic Nanoscale Technology in the Nuclear Industry
Taeho Woo
Biological and Medical Sensor Technologies
Krzysztof Iniewski
Biomaterials and Immune Response:
Complications, Mechanisms and Immunomodulation
Nihal Engin Vrana
Building Sensor Networks: From Design to Applications
Ioanis Nikolaidis and Krzysztof Iniewski
Cell and Material Interface: Advances in Tissue Engineering,
Biosensor, Implant, and Imaging Technologies
Nihal Engin Vrana
Circuits and Systems for Security and Privacy
Farhana Sheikh and Leonel Sousa
Circuits at the Nanoscale: Communications, Imaging, and Sensing
Krzysztof Iniewski
CMOS: Front-End Electronics for Radiation Sensors
Angelo Rivetti
CMOS Time-Mode Circuits and Systems: Fundamentals
and Applications
Fei Yuan
Design of 3D Integrated Circuits and Systems
Rohit Sharma
PUBLISHED TITLES:
Angshul Majumdar
MATLAB® is a trademark of The MathWorks, Inc. and is used with permission. The MathWorks does
not warrant the accuracy of the text or exercises in this book. This book’s use or discussion of MATLAB®
software or related products does not constitute endorsement or sponsorship by The MathWorks of a
particular pedagogical approach or particular use of the MATLAB® software.
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1. Introduction .....................................................................................................1
Machine Learning ...........................................................................................1
Signal Processing .............................................................................................4
Low-Rank Recovery ........................................................................................5
Signal Processing ........................................................................................6
Machine Learning .......................................................................................6
xi
xii Contents
xvii
xviii Foreword
xix
xx Preface
The author of this book felt this lacuna when he started teaching this course
to graduate and senior undergraduate students at his university in 2014. As an
instructor, the author realized that it is almost impossible to teach fundamental
concepts of compressed sensing such as the restricted isometric property or the
null space property to a student who is finishing/has just finished his/her first
degree in engineering. However, making the students understand the topics
intuitively was fairly simple. This led the author to write this book—a concise
treatise on the topic of compressed sensing meant for engineers worldwide.
We assume that the reader of this book will have a basic understanding
of mathematics. He/she would have taken the first courses in linear algebra
and some numerical techniques. This is not too much of an ask, given the
fact that engineers all around the world are mandated to take these courses
in their undergraduate education.
In this book, we have thoughtfully left aside the theory of compressed
sensing. This is largely because there are several books on this topic. The
concentration of this book is on algorithms and applications—topics that
have not been covered adequately by others.
The first portion of the book is on the algorithms. We start with algorithms
for classical compressed sensing and then branch off to its extensions such as
group sparsity and row sparsity. Although not exactly compressed sensing,
we discuss the topic of low-rank matrix recovery, since the two are related.
Finally, we cover the topic of dictionary learning.
The second portion of the book is about applications. Admittedly, we fail
to cover every application of compressed sensing. The book tries to cover
some of the major areas such as computational imaging, medical imaging,
biomedical signal processing, and machine learning.
This is not a textbook for compressed sensing. But we believe that it can
serve as a ready material for developing the first course on the topic. A large
number of MATLAB® examples have been provided to help the reader get a
head start on compressed sensing.
Angshul Majumdar
xxi
Author
xxiii
1
Introduction
There is a difference between data and information. We hear about big data.
In most cases, the humongous amount of data contains only concise infor-
mation. For example, when we read a news report, we get the gist from the
title of the article. The actual text has just the details and does not add much
to the information content. Loosely speaking, the text is the data and the title
is its information content.
The fact that data is compressible has been known for ages; that is, the field
of statistics—the art and science of summarizing and modeling data—was
developed. The fact that we can get the essence of millions of samples from
only a few moments or represent it as a distribution with very few param-
eters points to the compressibility of data.
Broadly speaking, compressed sensing deals with this duality—
abundance of data and its relatively sparse information content. Truly
speaking, compressed sensing is concerned with an important sub-class
of such problems—where the sparse information content has a linear rela-
tionship with data. There are many such problems arising in real life. We
will discuss a few of them here so as to motivate you to read through the
rest of the book.
Machine Learning
Consider a health analyst trying to figure out what are the causes of infant
mortality in a developing country. Usually, when an expecting mother comes
to a hospital, she needs to fill up a form. The form asks many questions: for
example, the date of birth of the mother and father (thereby their ages), their
education level, their income level, type of food (vegetarian or otherwise),
number of times the mother has visited the doctor, and the occupation of the
mother (housewife or otherwise). Once the mother delivers the baby, the hos-
pital keeps a record of the baby’s condition. Therefore, there is a one-to-one
correspondence between the filled-up form and the condition of the baby.
From this data, the analyst tries to find out what are the factors that lead to
the outcome (infant mortality).
1
2 Compressed Sensing for Engineers
#1
#2
#3
Husband’s age
Mother’s age
Occupation
#4
Education
Food Type
Income
#5
#6
#7
#8
FIGURE 1.1
Health record and outcome.
For simplicity, the analyst can assume that the relationship between the
factors (age, health, income, etc.) and the outcome (mortality) is linear, so that
it can be expressed as shown in the following (Figure 1.1).
Formally, this can be expressed as follows:
b = Hx + n (1.1)
where b is the outcome, H is the health record (factors along columns and
patients along rows), and x is the (unknown) variable that tells us the relative
importance of the different factors. The model allows for some inconsisten-
cies in the form of noise n.
In the simplest situation, we will solve it by assuming that the noise is nor-
mally distributed; we will minimize the l2-norm.
2
x = min b − Hx 2
(1.2)
x
However, the l2-norm will not give us the desired solution. It will yield an x
that is dense, that is, will have non-zero values in all positions. This would
mean that ALL the factors are somewhat responsible for the outcome. If the
analyst says so, the situation would not be very practical. It is not possible to
control all aspects of the mother (and her husband’s) life. Typically, we can
control only a few factors, not all. But the solution (1.2) does not yield the
desired solution.
Such types of problems fall under the category of regression. The simplest
form of regression, the ridge regression/Tikhonov regularization (1.3), does
not solve the problem either.
2 2
x = min b − Hx 2 + λ x 2
(1.3)
x
This too yields a dense solution, which in our example is ineffective. Such
problems have been studied for long statistics. Initial studies in this area
Introduction 3
proposed greedy solutions, where each of the factors was selected following
some heuristic criterion. In statistics, such techniques were called sequential
forward selection; in signal processing, they were called matching pursuit.
The most comprehensive solution to this problem is from Tibshirani; he
introduced the Least Angle Selection and Shrinkage Operator (LASSO). He
proposed solving,
2
x = min b − Hx 2 + λ x 1 (1.4)
x
The l1-norm penalty promotes a sparse solution (we will learn the reason
later). It means that x will have non-zero values only corresponding to cer-
tain factors, and the rest will be zeroes. This would translate to important
(non-zero) and unimportant (zero) factors. Once we decide on a few impor-
tant factors, we can concentrate on controlling them and improving child
mortality.
However, there is a problem with the LASSO solution. It only selects the
most important factor from the set of related factors. For example, in child’s
health, it is medically well known that the parents’ age is an important
aspect. Therefore, we consider the age of both parents. If LASSO is given a
free run (without any medical expertise in deciding the factors), instead of
pointing out to both parent’s ages, it will select only the most relevant one—
say the mother’s age.
If we are to decide the factors solely based on data analysis (and no medi-
cal knowledge), trying to control the outcomes based on the factors’ output
by LASSO would not always yield the correct/expected results. LASSO will
leave aside related important factors. To combat this issue, the elastic-net
regularization was proposed. It is of the form,
2
x = min b − Hx 2 + λ1 x 1 + λ2 x 2
(1.5)
x
2
x = min b − Hx 2 + λ x 2 ,1
(1.6)
x
4 Compressed Sensing for Engineers
The x 2 ,1 is defined as the sum of the l2-norm over the groups. The l2-norm within
the group promotes a dense solution within the group; that is, if the group is
selected, all the factors in the group will have non-zero values; but the sum over
the l2-norms acts as an outer l1-norm and enforces sparsity in the selection of
groups. Such problems belong to the category of structured sparse problems.
Signal Processing
Similar problems arise in signal processing. For example, in functional mag-
netic resonance imaging (fMRI), we image section of the brain, usually the
blood-oxygen-level-dependent (BOLD) signal. The part of the brain that
shows activity has more blood oxygen, so that portion lights up in fMRI.
Typically, only a small portion is activated, and hence, the signal is sparse in
spatial domain. MRI is acquired in the Fourier frequency space; for historical
reasons, this is called the K-space.
MRI is a slow imaging modality; it has great spatial resolution but very
poor temporal resolution. Therefore, only 6–10 fMRI frames can be captured
per second. Owing to poor temporal resolution, transient (short-term) effects
cannot be studied by conventional fMRI. Therefore, a significant effort is
ongoing to reduce the scan time. This can be reduced only if we capture the
Fourier frequency space partially. Mathematically, this is expressed as,
y = RFx + n (1.7)
The acquisition formulation (1.7) is true for MRI scanners having a single
receiver channel. In most cases, multiple receivers are used for parallel
acquisition. In that case, the acquisition is expressed as,
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against the native strength of the other, the manners and
pusillanimity of the one against the fate-defying chivalry of the other
—had each his active workers not only in Spain, but in America,
those of Velazquez being some of them in the very camp of Cortés.
Since the royal grant of superior powers to Velazquez, this faction
has lifted its head. And now its brain works.
The messengers for Spain had scarcely left the port before these
malcontents form a plot, this time not with the sole desire to return to
a more comfortable and secure life, but with a view to advise
Velazquez of the treasure ship so close at hand. Amongst them are
to be found the priest Juan Diaz; Juan Escudero, the alguacil of
Baracoa, who beguiled and surrendered Cortés into the hands of the
authorities; Diego Cermeño and Gonzalo de Umbría, pilots;
Bernardino de Coria, and Alonso Peñate, beside several leading
men who merely countenanced the plot.[252] They have already
secured a small vessel with the necessary supplies, and the night of
embarkment is at hand, when Coria repents and betrays his
companions.
Cortés is profoundly moved. It is not so much the hot indignation
that stirs his breast against the traitors as the light from afar that
seems to float in upon his mind like an inspiration, showing him more
vividly than he had ever seen it before, his situation. So lately a lax
and frivolous youth, apparently of inept nature, wrought to stiffer
consistency by some years of New World kneading, by a stroke of
the rarest fortune he suddenly finds himself a commander of men, in
a virgin field of enterprise fascinating beyond expression, and
offering to the soldier possibilities excelled by nothing within the
century. As the mind enlarges to take in these possibilities, the whole
being seems to enlarge with it, the unstable adventurer is a thing of
the past, and behold a mighty rock fills the place. Against it heads
shall beat unprofitably. The momentous question of to be or not to be
is forever determined; it is an affair simply of life now. Life and the
power of which he finds himself possessed shall rise or fall together;
and if his life, then the lives of others. No life shall be more precious
to him than his own; no life shall be accounted precious at all that
stands in the way of his plans. To a lady who complained of the
burning of the Palatinate by Turenne, Napoleon answered: “And why
not, madame, if it was necessary to his designs?” The Palatinate! ay,
and a hundred million souls flung into the same fire, ere the one
omnipotent soul shall suffer the least abridgment. It was a small
matter, and he would do it; all the islands of the Western Inde he
would uproot and fling into the face of the Cuban governor before he
would yield one jot of his stolen advantage. Each for himself were
Velazquez, Columbus, and Charles, and the rest of this world’s great
and little ones, and Cortés would be for himself. Henceforth, like
Themistocles, though he would die for his country he would not trust
her. Return to Cuba he well knew for him was death, or ignominy
worse than death. His only way was toward Mexico. As well first as
last. All the past life of Cortés, all his purposes for the future,
concentred in these resolves to make them the pivot of his destiny.
Cortés, master of kings, arbiter of men’s lives! As for these traitors,
they shall die; and if other impediments appear, as presently we shall
see them appear, be they in the form of eye or right hand, they shall
be removed. Tyrant, he might be branded; ay, as well that as another
name, for so are great ends often brought to pass by small means.
Unpleasant as it may be, the survivors may as well bear in mind that
it will be less difficult another time.
So the conspirators are promptly seized and sentenced,
Escudero and Cermeño to be hanged, Umbría to lose his feet, and
others to receive each two hundred lashes.[253] Under cover of his
cloth Padre Diaz, the ringleader and most guilty of them all, escapes
with a reprimand. As for the rest, though among them were some
equally guilty, they were treated with such dissembling courtesy and
prudence as either to render them harmless or to convert them into
friends. “Happy the man who cannot write, if it save him from such
business as this!” exclaimed the commander, as he affixed his name
to the death-warrants. For notwithstanding his inexorable resolve he
was troubled, and would not see his comrades die though they
would have sacrificed him. On the morning of the day of execution
he set off at breakneck speed for Cempoala, after ordering two
hundred soldiers to follow with the horses and join a similar force
which had left three days before under Alvarado.[254]
Cortés’ brain was in a whirl during that ride. It was a horrible
thing, this hanging of Spaniards, cutting off feet, and flogging.
Viewed in one light it was but a common piece of military discipline;
from another stand-point it was the act of an outlaw. The greater part
of the little army was with the commander; to this full extent the men
believed in him, that on his valor and discretion they would
adventure their lives. With most men beliefs are but prejudices, and
opinions tastes. These Spaniards not only believed in their general,
but they held to a most impetuous belief in themselves. They could
do not only anything that any one else ever had done or could do,
but they could command the supernatural, and fight with or against
phantoms and devils. They were a host in themselves; besides
which the hosts of Jehovah were on their side. And Cortés measured
his men and their capabilities, not as Xerxes measured his army, by
filling successively a pen capable of holding just ten thousand; he
measured them rather by his ambition, which was as bright and as
limitless as the firmament. Already they were heroes, whose story
presently should vie in thrilling interest with the most romantic tales
of chivalry and knight-errantry, and in whom the strongest human
passions were so blended as to lift them for a time out of the hand of
fate and make their fortunes their own. The thirst for wealth, the
enthusiasm of religion, the love of glory, united with reckless daring
and excessive loyalty, formed the most powerful incentives to action.
Life to them without the attainment of their object was valueless; they
would do or die; for to die in doing was life, whereas to live failing
was worse than death. Cortés felt all this, though it scarcely lay on
his mind in threads of tangible thought. There was enough however
that was tangible in his thinkings, and exceedingly troubling.
Unfortunately the mind and heart of all his people were not of the
complexion he would have them. And those ships. And the
disaffected men lying so near them, looking wistfully at them every
morning, and plotting, and plotting all the day long. Like the
Palatinate to Turenne, like anything that seduced from the stern
purposes of Cortés, it were better they were not.
This thought once flashed into his mind fastened itself there. And
it grew. And Cortés grew with it, until the man and the idea filled all
that country, and became the wonder and admiration of the world.
Destroy the ships! Cut off all escape, should such be needed in case
of failure! Burn the bridge that spans time, and bring to his desperate
desire the aid of the eternities! The thought of it alone was daring;
more fearfully fascinating it became as Cortés dashed along toward
Cempoala, and by the time he had reached his destination the thing
was determined, and he might with Cæsar at the Rubicon exclaim,
Jacta est alea! But what would his soldiers say? They must be made
to feel as he feels, to see with his eyes, and to swell with his
ambition.
The confession of the conspirators opened the eyes of Cortés to
a fact which surely he had seen often enough before, though by
reason of his generous nature which forgot an injury immediately it
was forgiven, it had not been much in his mind of late, namely, that
too many of his companions were lukewarm, if not openly
disaffected. They could not forget that Cortés was a common man
like themselves, their superior in name only, and placed over them
for the accomplishment of this single purpose. They felt they had a
right to say whether they would remain and take the desperate
chance their leader seemed determined on, and to act on that right
with or without his consent. And their position assuredly was sound;
whether it was sensible depended greatly on their ability to sustain
themselves in it. Cortés was exercising the arbitrary power of a
majority to drive the minority as it appeared to their death. They had
a perfect right to rebel; they had not entered the service under any
such compact. Cortés himself was a rebel; hence the rebellion of the
Velazquez men, being a rebelling against a rebel, was in truth an
adherence to loyalty. Here as everywhere it was might that made
right; and, indeed, with the right of these matters the narrator has
little to do.
Success, shame, fear, bright prospects, had all lent their aid to
hold the discontented in check, but in these several regards feeling
and opinion were subject to daily fluctuations. Let serious danger or
reverses come, and they would flee in a moment if they could. And
the fleet lying so near was a constant temptation. Cut that off, and
the nerves of every man there would be freshly strung. The meanest
would suddenly become charged with a kind of nobility; they would
at once become inspired with the courage that comes from
desperation. Often those least inclined to fight when forced to it are
the most indifferent to death. Other dormant elements would be
brought out by the disappearance of those ships; union, fraternity,
complete community, not only of interest but of life. Their leader with
multiplied power would become their god. On him they would be
dependent for all things; for food and raiment, for riches, glory, and
every success; for life itself. Cortés saw all this, pondered it well, and
thought it would be very pretty to play the god awhile. He would
much prefer it to confinement in old Velazquez’ plaza-pen, or even in
a Seville prison. Cortés was now certain in his own mind that if his
band remained unbroken either by internal dissension or by white
men yet to arrive, he would tread the streets of the Mexican capital
before he entered the gates of the celestial city. If Montezuma would
not admit him peaceably, he would gather such a force of the
emperor’s enemies as would pull the kingdom down about his ears.
It would be necessary on going inland to leave a garrison at Villa
Rica; but it would be madness to leave also vessels in which they
could sail away to Cuba or elsewhere. And finally, if the ships were
destroyed, the sailors, who otherwise would be required to care for
them, might be added to the army. Such were the arguments which
the commander would use to win the consent of his people to one of
the most desperate and daring acts ever conceived by a strategist of
any age or nation.
Not that such consent was necessary. He might destroy the
ships and settle with the soldiers afterward. The deed accomplished,
with or without their consent, there would be but one course open to
them. Nevertheless he preferred they should think themselves the
authors of it rather than feel that they had been tricked, or in any way
unfairly dealt with. And with the moral he would shift the pecuniary
responsibility to their shoulders. So he went to work as usual, with
instruments apparently independent, but whose every step and word
were of his directing. One day quickly thereafter it came to pass that
the masters of several of the largest ships appeared before the
captain-general with lengthened faces well put on, with the sad
intelligence that their respective craft were unseaworthy; indeed one
of them had sunk already. They did not say they had secretly bored
holes in them according to instructions. Cortés was surprised, nay he
was painfully affected; Roscius himself could not have performed the
part better; “for well he could dissemble when it served his purpose,”
chimes in Las Casas. With Christian fortitude he said: “Well, the will
of God be done; but look you sharply to the other ships.” Barnacles
were then freely discussed, and teredos. And so well obeyed the
mariners their instructions that soon they were able to swear that all
the vessels save three were unsafe, and even these required costly
repairs before they would be seaworthy.[255] Thus as by the hand of
providence, to the minds of the men as they were able to bear it, the
deed unfolded. Soon quite apparent became the expediency of
abandoning such vessels as were leaking badly; there was trouble
and no profit in attempting to maintain them, for they would surely
have to be abandoned in the end. “And indeed, fellow-soldiers,”
continued Cortés, “I am not sure but it were best to doom to
destruction also the others, and so secure the coöperation of the
sailors in the coming campaign, instead of leaving them in idleness
to hatch fresh treachery.” This intimation was successful, as had
been foreordained by the ruler of these events it should be. It was
forthwith resolved to scuttle all the ships but one, the one brought by
Salcedo. Accordingly Escalante, the alguacil mayor, a brave and
able officer wholly devoted to Cortés, was sent down to Villa Rica to
carry out the order, with the aid of the picked soldiers there
stationed. Sails, anchors, cables, and everything that could be
utilized were removed, and a few hours later some small boats were
all that remained of the Cuban fleet.[256]
It was then the community first realized its situation. The
followers of Cortés, with unbounded faith in their leader, did not so
much care, but the partisans of Velazquez, few of whom knew that
the affair had been coolly predetermined, were somewhat agitated.
And when on closer inquiry they were enlightened by certain of the
mariners, the cry arose that they were betrayed; they were lambs led
to the slaughter. Cortés promptly faced the now furious crowd. What
did they want? Were their lives more precious than those of the rest?
“For shame! Be men!” he cried, in conclusion. “You should know ere
this how vain are the attempts to thwart my purpose. Look on this
magnificent land with its vast treasures, and narrow not your vision
to your insignificant selves. Think of your glorious reward, present
and to come, and trust in God, who, if it so please him, can conquer
this empire with a single arm. Yet if there be one here still so craven
as to wish to turn his back on the glories and advantages thus
offered; if there be one here so base, so recreant to heaven, to his
king, to his comrades, as to slink from such honorable duty, in God’s
name let him go. There is one ship left, which I will equip at my own
charge to give that man the immortal infamy he deserves.” This he
said and much more, and to the desired effect. The speaker knew
well how to play upon his men, as on an instrument, so that they
would respond in any tune he pleased. Cheers rent the air as he
concluded, in which the opposition were forced to join through very
shame. Seeing which Cortés gently intimated, “Would it not be well
to destroy the remaining vessel, and so make a safe, clean thing of
it?” In the enthusiasm of the moment the act was consummated with
hearty approval.[257]
“To Mexico!” was now the cry, and preparations for the march
were at once made. Escalante, whose character and services had
endeared him to Cortés, was placed in command of Villa Rica. The
native chiefs were directed to regard him as the representative of the
general, and to supply him with every requirement.[258]
Some nine days after the sinking of the fleet a messenger
arrived from Escalante, announcing that four vessels[259] had
passed by the harbor, refusing to enter, and had anchored three
leagues off, at the mouth of a river. Fearing the descent upon him of
Velazquez, Cortés hurried off with four horsemen, after selecting fifty
soldiers to follow. Alvarado and Sandoval were left jointly in charge
of the army, to the exclusion of Ávila, who manifested no little
jealousy of the latter. Cortés halted at the town merely to learn
particulars, declining Escalante’s hospitality with the proverb, “A
lame goat has no rest.” On the way to the vessels they met a notary
with two witnesses,[260] commissioned to arrange a boundary on
behalf of Francisco de Garay, who claimed the coast to the north as
first discoverer, and desired to form a settlement a little beyond
Nautla. It appeared that Garay, who had come out with Diego Colon,
and had risen from procurador of Española to become governor of
Jamaica, had resolved to devote his great wealth to extending his
fame as explorer and colonizer. On learning from Alaminos and his
fellow voyagers of the coasts discovered in this direction, he
resolved to revive the famed projects of Ponce de Leon, and with
this view despatched a small fleet in 1518, under Diego de Camargo.
[261]Driven back by the Floridans with great slaughter, says Gomara,
the expedition sailed down to Pánuco River, again to be repulsed,
with the loss of some men, who were flayed and eaten. Torralba,
steward of Garay, was then sent to Spain, and there, with the aid of
Garay’s friends, obtained for him a commission as adelantado and
governor of the territories that he might discover north of Rio San
Pedro y San Pablo.[262] Meanwhile a new expedition was
despatched to Pánuco, under Alonso Álvarez Pineda, to form a
settlement and to barter for gold. After obtaining some three
thousand pesos, Pineda sailed southward to take possession and to
select a site for the colony.[263]
And now while the notary is endeavoring to arrange matters with
Cortés, Pineda waits for him a little distance from the shore. At that
moment Cortés cared little for Garays or boundaries; but he would
by no means object to a few more Spaniards to take the place of
those he had hanged, and of others whom he might yet be obliged to
hang. To this end he converted perforce to his cause the notary and
his attendants. Then learning from them that Pineda could on no
account be prevailed on to land for a conference, Cortés signalled to
the vessels with the hope that more men would come on shore. This
failing, he bethought himself of letting three of his men exchange
clothes with the new-comers and approach the landing, while he
marched back with the rest in full view of the vessels. As soon as it
grew dark, the whole force returned to hide near the spot. It was not
till late the following morning that the suspicious Pineda responded
to the signals from shore, and sent off a boat with armed men. The
trio now withdrew behind some bushes, as if for shade. Four
Spaniards and one Indian landed, armed with two firelocks and two
cross-bows, and on reaching the shrubbery they were pounced upon
by the hidden force, while the boat pushed off to join the vessels all
ready to sail.[264]
FOOTNOTES
[252] The names vary somewhat in different authorities, Bernal Diaz including
instead of Peñate, a number of the Gibraltar sailors known as Peñates, who were
lashed at Cozumel for theft. The plot was hatched ‘Desde â quatro dias que
partieron nuestros Procuradores.’ Hist. Verdad., 39. Cortés mentions only four
‘determinado de tomar un bergantin ... y matar al maestre dél, y irse á la isla
Fernandina.’ Cartas, 53-4. Gomara assumes them to be the same who last
revolted on setting out for Tizapantzinco. Hist. Mex., 64. ‘Pusieron ... por obra de
hurtar un navío pequeño, é salir á robar lo que llevaban para el rey.’ Tapia,
Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 563. Peter Martyr jumbles the names, dec.
v. cap. i.
[253] Thus Cortés had his revenge on the alguacil. ‘Y no le valiò el ser su
Compadre,’ says Vetancvrt, with a hasty assumption which is not uncommon with
him. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 119. Gomara mentions no mutilation. ‘Parece claro ser
aquestas obras, ... propias de averiguado tirano,’ says Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv.
496, which may be regarded as a singularly mild expression for the bishop.
Herrera dwells upon Cermeño’s extraordinary skill with the leaping-pole; he could
also smell land fifteen leagues off the coast, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv. ‘Coria, vezino
que fue despues de Chiapa.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 39.
[254] ‘Embiado ... por los pueblos de la sierra, porque tuuiessen que comer;
porque en nuestra Villa passauamos mucha necessidad de bastimentos.’ Id. This
seems unlikely, since the Totonacs were not only willing, but bound, to provide
supplies.
[257] It is generally admitted that Cortés suggested the idea of destroying the fleet,
for even Bernal Diaz, who at first gives the credit to the men by saying, ‘le
aconsejamos los que eramos sus amigos,’ confesses on the following page that
‘el mismo Cortès lo tenia ya concertado.’ Hist. Verdad., 39-40. The preponderating
testimony also shows that the masters made their report in public, with the evident
object, as the best authorities clearly indicate, of obtaining the consent of the
responsible majority for the scuttling. During the partition of treasures at Mexico,
large shares were set aside for Cortés and Velazquez to cover the cost of the fleet
and the outfit, ‘que dimos al traues con ellos, pues todos fuimos en ellos,’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84, which is proof, in addition to the reliable assertion that the
deed was agreed upon by the majority. Cortés’ expression, ‘los eché á la costa,’
Cartas, 54, is merely that of a leader of that party or majority, who besides really
gives credit to others. Hence the conclusion of Prescott and others, that the
scuttling was done on his own responsibility, is not well founded. Cortés was
clever enough always to have those present who were ready to take any
responsibility for him that he might wish. The phrase, ‘his was the greatest
sacrifice, for they (the vessels) were his property,’ Prescott’s Mex., i. 374, is also
wrong, for he was compensated by the army. And it is an exaggeration to say that
the execution of the measure ‘in the face of an incensed and desperate soldiery,
was an act of resolution that has few parallels in history,’ Id., 376, since his party
supported him. According to Gomara the pilots bore holes in the vessels, and
bring their report, whereupon five vessels are first sunk; shortly afterward the
remainder except one are scuttled. The offer of this vessel to those who wished to
return was made with a view to learn who were the cowards and malcontents.
Many indeed did ask for leave, but half of them were sailors. Others kept quiet out
of shame. Hist. Mex., 65. It was never Cortés’ policy to mark the disaffected,
however. This author is followed by Torquemada, ‘porque asi se ha platicado
siempre entre las Gentes, que mas supieron de esta Jornada,’ i. 409, and on the
strength of this the latter argues that Herrera’s version, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv.,
which adheres chiefly to Bernal Diaz’, must be wrong. Tapia, Relacion, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 563, conforms chiefly to Gomara. Robertson, after
following Bernal Diaz, takes the trouble of having the ships ‘drawn ashore and ...
broke in pieces.’ Hist. Am., ii. 33-4; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 35-6; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., iii. 262; Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 171; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. i. Peralta
has them burned by secret agents of Cortés. Nat. Hist., 76. Solis, ever zealous for
his hero, objects to Bernal Diaz’ attempt to pluck any of the glory, and scouts the
idea that fears of pecuniary liability could have influenced Cortés to gain the
approval of others for his act. ‘Tuvo á destreza de historiador el penetrar lo interior
de las acciones,’ is the complacent tribute to his own skill in penetrating the
question. Hist. Mex., i. 214-15. The view of the foundering fleet, appended to
some editions of his work, has been extensively copied. One is given in the
Antwerp edition of 1704, 141. A still finer view, with the men busy on shore, and
the sinking vessels in the distance, is to be found in the Madrid issue of 1783, i.
213. The destruction of the fleet has been lauded in extravagant terms by almost
every authority, from Gomara and Solis to Robertson and Prescott, as an
unparalleled deed. Of previous examples there are enough, however, even though
the motives and the means differ. We may go back to Æneas, to whose fleet the
wives of the party applied the torch, tired of roaming; or we may point to
Agathocles, who first fired his soldiers with a resolution to conquer or to die, and
then compelled them to keep their word by firing the vessels. Julian offered a
tamer instance during his campaign on the Tigris; but the deed of the terrible
Barbarossa in the Mediterranean, only a few years before the Mexican campaign,
was marked by reckless determination. Still examples little affect the greatness of
an act; motives, means, and results afford the criteria. ‘Pocos exemplos destos ay,
y aquellos son de grandes hombres.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 65. ‘Una de las
acciones en que mas se reconoce la grandeza de su ánimo.... Y no sabemos si
de su género se hallará mayor alguna en todo el campo de las Historias.’ Solis,
Hist. Mex., i. 213. ‘An effort of magnanimity, to which there is nothing parallel in
history.’ Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 34. ‘Un’impresa, che da per se sola basterebbe a
far conoscere la sua magnanimità, e ad immortalare il suo nome.’ Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 35; Prescott, Mex., i. 375-6, is equally carried away, and he finds
more words for his admiration. He is wrong in supposing that one of the vessels in
the harbor was left intact; the exempt ship referred to by a chronicler was the one
carrying the messengers to Spain.
Antonio de Solis y Ribadeneyra is remarkable as the first Spanish historian of
the conquest. It appears to us strange that an episode so glorious to the fame of
Castilians should have been allowed to lie so long neglected in the musty pages of
their chroniclers. True, these were worthy, zealous men, who conscientiously
narrated every occurrence of any note, but their standard for historic truth and
dignity caused them to clothe facts, however striking, in a garb of dreary gravity,
dryness of detail, and ambiguous confusion, which discouraged even the student.
It required the dramatic eye of the composer and the imagination of the poet to
appreciate the picturesque sketches of a strange people now fading into oblivion,
the grandeur of a semi-savage pageantry, the romantic exploits that recalled the
achievements of the Cid. This faculty was innate in Solis, developed besides by a
long and successful career in letters. He had profited also by the advantages
opened to him as the secretary of Conde de Oropesa, Viceroy of Navarre and of
Valencia, who Mæcenas-like fostered the talents and aided in the promotion of the
promising savant, for as such he already ranked. Cradled in the famous college
town of Alcalá de Henares, he had given early evidence of talent, and at
Salamanca university he had signalized himself in his seventeenth year by
producing a comedy of considerable merit. While pursuing with energy the study
of law and moral philosophy, he cultivated with hardly less ardor the muses, to
which end he was no doubt impelled also by his intimacy with the illustrious
Calderon. Several of his dramas were received with acclamation, and one was
translated into French, while his miscellaneous poems, reprinted in our days, are
marked by a vivid imagination and an elegance which also adorns his letters.
Talents so conspicuous did not wait long for recognition, and with the aid of his
patron he advanced to the dignities of royal secretary and chief chronicler of the
Indies. When 56 years old his mind underwent a change, and entering the church
he abandoned forever the drama and light literature. The pen changed only its
sphere, however, for it served the historiographer zealously, achieving for him the
greatest fame; and fame alone, for at his death, in April, 1686, at the age of 76,
deep poverty was his companion. When he entered on this office the Indies had
lapsed into the dormant quietude imposed by a strict and secluding colonial
régime. There were no stirring incidents to reward the efforts of the historian, save
those connected with free-booter raids, which offered little that could flatter
Spanish pride. To achieve fame he must take up some old theme, and present it in
a form likely to rouse attention by its contrast. Thus it was that he selected the
thrilling episode of the conquest of Mexico, with the determination to rescue it from
the unskilful arrangement and repetitions, the want of harmony and consistency,
the dryness and faulty coloring, to which it had hitherto been subjected, and to
expend upon it the effects of elegant style and vast erudition. When the work
appeared at Madrid, in 1684, its superior merits were instantly recognized, and
although the sale at first was not large, editions have multiplied till our day, the
finest and costliest being the illustrated issue of 1783-4, in two volumes, which I
quote, while consulting also the notes of several others. So grand and finely
elaborated a subject, and that from a Spanish historian who was supposed to
have exhausted all the available resources of the Iberian archives, could not fail to
rouse general attention throughout Europe, and translations were made into
different languages. Robertson, among others, while not failing to point out certain
blemishes, has paid the high compliment of accepting Solis for almost sole guide
on the conquest, and this with a blindness which at times leads him into most
amusing errors. Even Prescott warms to his theme in a review of six closely
printed pages, wherein eulogy, though not unmingled with censure, is stronger
than a clearer comprehension of the theme would seem to warrant. But in this he
is impelled to a great extent by his oft displayed tendency to hero worship.
Solis deserves acknowledgment for bringing order out of chaos, for presenting
in a connected form the narrative of the conquest, and for adorning it with an
elegant style. But he has fulfilled only a part of the promises made in his preface,
and above all has he neglected to obtain information on his topic beyond that
presented in a few of the generally accessible works, even their evidence being
not very closely examined. He has also taken great liberties with the text,
subordinating facts to style and fancy, seizing every possible opportunity to
manufacture speeches for both native and Spanish heroes, and this with an
amusing disregard for the consistency of language with the person and the time.
His religious tendencies seriously interfere with calm judgment, and impel him to
rave with bigoted zeal against the natives. The hero worship of the dramatist
introduces itself to such an extent as frequently to overshadow everything else,
and to misrepresent. ‘Sembra più un panegirico, che una istoria,’ says Clavigero,
very aptly. Storia Mess., i. 16. His arguments and deductions are at times most
childish, while his estimation of himself as a historian and thinker is aired in more
than one place with a ridiculous gravity. With regard to style, Solis had Livy for a
model, and belonged to the elder school of historians; he was its last good
representative, in fact. His language is expressive and elegant, greatly imbued
with a poetic spirit not unsuited to the subject, and sustained in eloquence, while
its pure idiom aids to maintain the work as classic among Castilians. ‘Ingenio
Conceptuoso, Floridisimo, i Eloquente,’ is the observation in the work of his
historiographic predecessor, Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 607. But it lacks in boldness and
dignity; the rhapsodies are often misplaced, and the verboseness is tiresome.
Some of the faults are of course due to the time, but not the many, and it also
becomes only too apparent that Solis is so conceitedly infatuated with his affected
grandiloquence as to sacrifice facts wherever they interfere with its free scope. It is
said that he intended to continue the history of Mexico after the conquest, and that
death alone prevented the consummation of the project. But this is mere
conjecture, and it appears just as likely that the dramatist recognized the effect of
closing a great work at so appropriate a point as the fall of Mexico. The work was
taken up, however, by Salazar y Olarte, who published in 1743 the second part of
the Conquest, till the death of Cortés, abounding in all the faults of the superficial
and florid composition of Solis.
[258] ‘Luego le zahumaron [the chiefs] al Juan de Escalante con sus inciensos.’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 40. ‘Dejé en la villa de la Veracruz ciento y cincuenta
hombres con doze de caballo.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52-3. One hundred and fifty
Spaniards, with two horses and two fire-arms, were left here under Pedro de Ircio,
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 65-6, but Bernal Diaz corrects him. ‘Al Pedro de Ircio no le
auian dado cargo ninguno, ni aun de cuadrillero.’ ubi sup.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
291. The force seems to be altogether too large. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 51,
says 60 old and suffering soldiers were left as garrison.
[259] Bernal Diaz says one vessel; but Cortés and other authorities mention four.
[260] Bernal Diaz, who appears to have been with the party, names them as
Guillen de la Loa, notary; Andrés Nuñez, shipwright; Pedro de la Arpa, a
Valencian, and a fourth man. Hist. Verdad., 40.
[261] ‘Armo Francisco de Garay tres carauelas en Iamaica, el año de mil quiniẽtos
y deziocho, y fue a tentar la Florida.’ Gomara, Hist. Ind., 55. ‘Determinó de enviar
á un hidalgo, llamado Diego de Camargo, á descubrir é continuar el
descubrimiento que Grijalva habia hecho, con uno ó con dos navios; el cual
descubrió la provincia de Panuco, ó, por mejor decir, comenzó de allí donde
Grijalva se habia tornado, que fué desde Panuco, y anduvo navegando por la
costa cien leguas hácia la Florida.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 466; Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. iii. cap. xi.; Galvano’s Discov., 133-4.
[262] See Hist. Mex., i. 29, this series. ‘El Rey se las concedió el año de 819,
estando en Barcelona.’ Las Casas, loc. cit. ‘Torralua ... truxo prouisiones para que
fuesse Adelantado, y Gouernador desde el rio de San Pedro, y San Pablo, y todo
lo que descubriesse: y por aquellas prouisiones embiò luego tres Nauios con
hasta dozientos y setenta soldados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.
[263] Bernal Diaz intimates that Pineda had remained at Rio Pánuco to colonize,
while one vessel was sent down to take possession where Cortés met the men.
After giving an account of two expeditions in 1518 and 1519, Gomara says: ‘Otros
dizen, que no fue mas de vna vez. Sino que como estuuo mucho alla cuẽtan por
dos.’ Hist. Ind., 55. But Las Casas mentions distinctly that it was on the strength of
Camargo’s discoveries, in 1518, that the grant was made to Garay in the following
year, ubi sup. ‘Garai auia corrido mucha costa en demãda de la Florida, y tocado
en vn rio y tierra, cuyo rey se llamaua Panuco, donde vieron oro, aun que poco. Y
que sin salir de las naues auiã rescatado hasta tres mil pesos de oro.’ Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 67; Cortés, Cartas, 56-7; Oviedo, iii. 262-3; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap.
i.
[264] ‘El uno(of the captured ones) era maestre de la una nao, é puso fuego á la
escopeta, é matara al capitan de la Veracruz, sino que á la mecha le faltó el
fuego.’ Oviedo, iii. 263. Bernal Diaz, in a less intelligent account of the capture,
states that only two men landed. ‘Por manera que se huuieron de aquel Nauio
seis soldados.... Y esto es lo que se hizo, y no lo que escriue el Coronista
Gomara.’ Hist. Verdad., 41. But Cortés’ version must surely be the best, since it
was related shortly after the occurrence, and by an immediate participator in the
events.
CHAPTER XII.
MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.
August-September, 1519.