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v3.1
About the Author
BARRY TOMALIN is an English writer and trainer with a B.A. in
Anthropology and Linguistics from the University of London. He is
an expert on the business culture of Germany, having worked as a
consultant with five German companies in Munich, Berlin, and
Hamburg. The author of many books on culture and on cultural
training, he is currently a module leader on the M.A. program in
Media, Technology, and Culture Studies at the University of
Westminster in London.

The Culture Smart! series is continuing to expand.


For further information and latest titles visit
www.culturesmart.co.uk

The publishers would like to thank CultureSmart!Consulting


for its help in researching and developing the concept for this
series.
CultureSmart!Consulting creates tailor-made seminars and
consultancy programs to meet a wide range of corporate,
public-sector, and individual needs. Whether delivering courses
on multicultural team building in the USA, preparing Chinese
engineers for a posting in Europe, training call-center staff in
India, or raising the awareness of police forces to the needs of
diverse ethnic communities, it provides essential, practical, and
powerful skills worldwide to an increasingly international
workforce.
For details, visit www.culturesmartconsulting.com
CultureSmart!Consulting and CultureSmart! guides have both
contributed to and featured regularly in the weekly travel
program “Fast Track” on BBC World TV.
contents
Cover
Title Page
Copyright
About the Author
Map of Germany
Introduction
Key Facts

Chapter 1: LAND AND PEOPLE


• Geography
• Climate
• The German People: A Brief History
• The German People Today
• Germany’s Cities
• Government
• American Influence
• The Eurozone

Chapter 2: VALUES AND ATTITUDES


• Ordnung Muss Sein
• Klarheit
• Bildung—Culture and Education
• Truth and Duty
• Duty (Pflichtbewusstsein)
• The Work Ethic
• Authority and Status
• Private and Public
• Social Cohesion and Tolerance

Chapter 3: CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS


• National and Religious Festivals
• Annual Fairs
• Family Occasions
• Historical Celebrations
• Religion in Germany

Chapter 4: MAKING FRIENDS


• Work and Social Life
• Greetings
• Du and Sie
• Greetings in Shops
• Attitudes Toward Foreigners
• Joining Clubs
• Invitations Home
• Entertaining
• Gift Giving
• Manners Makyth Man

Chapter 5: THE GERMANS AT HOME


• Heimat
• Ecological Awareness
• Living Conditions
• Identity
• Daily Life and Routines
• Bounds and Boundaries
• Kinder, Küche, Kirche
• Schools and Schooling
• TV and Radio
• Complaining
• Are you Stammtisch?
• Changing Lifestyles

Chapter 6: TIME OUT


• Shopping
• Sunday Closing
• Banks
• Restaurants, Food, and Drink
• Leisure
• High Culture
• Popular Culture
• Countryside Pursuits
• Sports

Chapter 7: TRAVELING
• Road Sense in Germany
• Getting Caught
• Drinking and Driving
• Car and Driver’s Licenses
• Jaywalking
• Trains
• Local Transportation
• Where To Stay
• Health and Security

Chapter 8: BUSINESS BRIEFING


• Office Etiquette and Protocol
• Management Styles
• Women In Management
• Leadership and Decision Making
• Presentation and Listening Styles
• Meetings and Negotiation Styles
• Teamwork and Managing Disagreements
• German Economic Preeminence
• Be Prepared

Chapter 9: COMMUNICATING
• Language
• Making Contact
• Telephones
• Mail
• Communication Styles
• Lost in Translation
• Seriousness and Humor
• Analysis and Detail
• Honor
• Conversation
• Body Language
• Conclusion

Appendix: Simple Vocabulary


Further Reading
Map of Germary
introduction
The Culture Smart! guides are written for people who want more
than just the nuts and bolts of where to stay, what to see, and how
to travel. They deal with the richly rewarding human dimension of
foreign travel by telling you about the beliefs and attitudes of the
people you will meet and about situations you may encounter. They
help you to understand what makes people tick, the values they live
by, and the kind of behavior they will reciprocate with goodwill and
hospitality.
Germany is a powerful country that in many respects, despite
superficial appearances, operates very differently from the USA and
Britain. Understanding the nature of the differences will help you to
achieve good relationships with the people you meet.
An informed and sympathetic approach is particularly valuable if
you are visiting Germany for more than a few days as a casual
tourist and need to understand how the Germans live and work.
With chapters on core values and social attitudes, and a detailed and
practical business briefing, Culture Smart! Germany offers a valuable
introduction to the German way of life. It tells you what treatment
to expect, what pitfalls to avoid, and how to build rapport and
credibility with German people.
While German history is more than a thousand years old, the
German nation-state is relatively new. Sir Christopher Meyer,
Britain’s Ambassador to Germany in 1997, wrote in his valedictory
comments to the British Foreign Office on his retirement in 2003,
“This is a complex and multilayered country. I have visited eleven
Bundesländer and only scratched the surface. Germany has
astonishing variety and regional differences. It is like having sixteen
Scotlands, plus the complexity of having proportional
representation. The most stultifying conservatism sits alongside a
strong radical and anarchist streak.”
The beauty of Germany and the hospitality of its people make it a
magnet for visitors from all over the world. This volume sets out to
show you how to be a good and sensitive guest. The German people
have a strong sense of social responsibility, and the guidelines given
in these pages will prepare you to fit in with the social rules and
regulations they live by in order to ensure a secure and harmonious
lifestyle.
Culture Smart! Germany will help will open doors for you and will,
we hope, lead you toward a lasting relationship with this culturally
rich, varied, and inventive people at the heart of Europe. Enjoy the
journey!
Key Facts

Bundesrepublik Federal Republic of


Official Name
Deutschland Germany
Capital City Berlin
Berlin, Hamburg,
Major Cities Munich, Cologne,
Frankfurt-am-Main
137,847 sq. miles
Area
(357,022 sq. km)
Germany introduced
the Euro to replace
Climate Temperate
the Deutschmark in
1999.
The most populous
country in the EU
81 million (July
Population and the second-
2014)
largest in Europe
(after Russia).
91.5 % German 2.4
Ethnic Makeup % Turkish 6.1 %
others
The average number
The average family
Family Makeup of children per family
size is 2.7 people.
is 1.7.
Language German (official) Sorbian
(Balto/Slavic),
Frisian and Danish
minority languages
are spoken in the
north of Germany.
Members of religious
communities pay the
34% Protestant Kirchensteuer, or
(Lutheran); 34% church tax, of 8% of
Religion Roman Catholic; income in Bavaria
3.7% Moslem; 28.3% and Baden-
others. Württemburg and 9%
in the rest of the
country.
Germany is a federal republic of sixteen
states (or Länder). The seat of government
is in the capital, Berlin. There is an elected
chief of state and an elected head of
government. The legislature has two
houses, the Bundestag (the Federal
Government Parliament) and the Bundesrat (the Federal
Council). Germany is a democracy with
with proportional representation and
elections every four years. The leading
political parties are the CDU (Christian
Democratic Union) and the SDP (Social
Democratic Party).
Germany has a mix of publicly and
privately owned radio and TV stations, both
national and regional. Of the large numbers
Media of regional and national newspapers and
magazines, the Frankfurter Allgemeine
Zeitung, Bild, and Der Spiegel are the best
known internationally.
English-Language Frankfurter Allgemeine
Media has a Web site with
local and
international news in
English.
Two-prong plugs
used. Adaptors
Electricity 230 volts, 50 Hz
needed for US
appliances.
NTSC DVDs may not
TV/Video PAL B system
work in Germany.
Internet Domain .de
Germany’s country Private companies
Telephone code is 49. To dial may have special
out, dial 00. codes.
CET (Central 6 hours ahead of US
Time Zone European Time). Eastern Standard
UCT/GMT + 1 hour Time
The 81 million people of the Federal Republic of Germany occupy a
landmass of 137,847 square miles (357,022 square kilometers) at
the very heart of Europe. Not the largest country in Europe but the
powerhouse of the European Union, Germany is a beautiful, varied,
and fascinating place to live, work, or visit. The impact of her
scholars, scientists, artists, musicians, writers, philosophers, and
politicians on European culture has been profound, and has
influenced much of the way the modern world thinks and acts.
Although Germany had been settled for thousands of years, it
became a single political entity only in 1871, when it was unified
under Wilhelm I of Prussia by the statesman Otto von Bismarck.
Who, then, are the German people, where did they come from, and
what are they like today? A good way to start is by taking a look at
the land that has shaped the people.

GEOGRAPHY
Germany occupies a pivotal position in Central Europe, bounded to
the north by the North Sea, Denmark, and the Baltic Sea; to the east
by Poland and the Czech Republic; to the south by Austria and
Switzerland; and to the west by France, Luxembourg, Belgium, and
the Netherlands. So many neighboring territories have always
created a security problem and, with historically shifting borders,
German-speaking populations have periodically found themselves
incorporated into other countries. This is particularly true of the
Alsace region of France and the German-speaking part of
Switzerland. Until unification in 1871 the word “Germany” had
been a geographical term, referring to an area occupied by small
states, ruled by priests and princes, and for much of its history
under the dominance of Rome and the Holy Roman Empire that
succeeded it.
Germany has a wide variety of landscapes. There are three main
geographical regions: the lowland plain in the north, the uplands in
the center, and a mountainous region in the south. The lowlands
include several river valleys and a large area of heathland (the
Lüneburger Heide, the oldest national park in Germany).

At sea level on the North Sea and Baltic coasts there are sand
dunes, marshlands, and several islands including the North Friesian
islands, the South Friesian islands, Rügen, and Heligoland in the
North Sea. The eastern part of the lowland plain is Germany’s
breadbasket, rich in agricultural land. Between Hanover in the north
and the Main River in the south are Germany’s uplands with low
mountains, valleys, and river basins. The mountains include the
Taunus and Spessart ranges, and the Fichtelgebirge in the east.
The part of Germany best known to visitors is probably the
southwestern mountain region containing the Black Forest
(Schwarzwald), where the famous Schwarzwälderkirschtorte (a
chocolate, cream, kirsch, and cherry cake) comes from. In the far
south are the Bavarian Alps with Germany’s highest peak, the
Zugspitze, at 9,718 feet (2,962 meters).

The other major feature of the German landscape is its rivers. The
most important of these is the Rhine, which rises in Switzerland and
flows along the border with France before entering Germany proper
and eventually flowing out through the Netherlands to the North
Sea. The Rhine is both a major water transportation network and
home to some of Germany’s most beautiful scenery. Magnificent
fortress-castles guard its banks. Vineyards cascade down the hill
slopes to the river and its tributaries, the Mosel and the Neckar,
yielding the grapes that produce the Hocks and Rieslings for which
Germany is so well known. The Ruhr, traditional center of German
industry, is also a tributary of the Rhine. The Elbe rises in the Czech
Republic and flows northwest across the German plain to the North
Sea, and the Danube (in German, Donau) rises on the eastern slopes
of the Black Forest and flows eastward before entering Austria. The
Oder and Neisse rivers form the international border with Poland in
the east. Other major rivers are the Main, the Weser, and the Spree.

There are many large lakes on the northeastern plain, but those in
the mountainous south are more dramatic. The most famous of
these is Lake Constance (Bodensee).
Some 30 percent of the countryside is unspoilt woodland. About
80 percent of Germany is agricultural land, but the number of farms
has diminished and agriculture makes up only 0.8 percent of the
German economy (2012 figures) and employs only 1.5 of the
German workforce.
Germany, historically and today, is a focal point of European
interaction, both through its nine bordering states and through its
waterways carrying goods from all over Europe to the North Sea and
Baltic ports.
CLIMATE
Germany’s climate is temperate and marine. The northern lowlands
are slightly warmer than the mountainous south, which gets most of
the rain and snow. The average rainfall is 23–27 inches (600–700
mm) a year. Temperatures range from 21°F (–6°C) in the mountains,
and 35°F (1.5°C) in the lowlands, in winter, to 64°F (18°C), and even
68°F (20°C) in the valleys, in summer.

The Föhn
A peculiar feature of the Alpine climate in southern Germany is the
Föhn. This is a warm, dry wind that blows down the leeward slope
of a mountain. As moist air rises up the windward side, it cools and
loses its moisture. When it descends it heats up because of the
increase in pressure, and can cause a 10° rise in temperature in a
short period. The Föhn brings clear, warm weather, and is often
marked by beautiful twilight periods. Expect sudden atmospheric
changes.

THE GERMAN PEOPLE: A BRIEF HISTORY


Every country has its own founding myth. In Britain it is the story of
the Celts, King Arthur, and the mysterious land of Avalon. In the
United States it is the story of the Founding Fathers.
“Germany” was not a name chosen by peoples who inhabited the
area. “Germania” was the name they were given by the Roman
historian Tacitus, who rather admired them.
The original Germans were hunter-gatherers who seem to have
migrated westward and southward from Asia and from northeastern
Europe around 2300 BCE, and who settled in areas around the
Danube. They seem to have arrived in two main waves. The first
were Celtic peoples, who raised crops, bred livestock, and traded
with their Mediterranean neighbors. Archeological finds suggest that
these people were among the first to develop copper and tin mining,
and to make implements and containers out of bronze. Later
arrivals, probably originally from southern Russia, moved into north
and central Germany, and these are the real ancestors of the
German-speaking peoples. They introduced the use of iron,
developed metal tools and weapons, and eventually absorbed the
peoples of the existing Celtic Bronze Age culture.
The German tribes spread along the northeastern frontier of the
Roman Empire and became Rome’s most ferocious opponents. A
founding myth of Germany is the famous victory over the Roman
legions by Hermann (Latin, Arminius), a chieftain of the Cherusci
tribe, in a battle in the Teutoburg forest in 9 CE. The Teutoburge
Wald remains sacred to German memory to this day.
The movie Gladiator, you may remember, begins with a battle
fought by the Roman army under the Emperor Marcus Aurelius
(161–180 CE) against the invading German hordes. As Roman power
declined, so the German tribes advanced, eventually sacking Rome
itself in 410 CE.

The Carolingian Empire


German history proper begins with the conquests of the Frankish
king Karl der Grosse, better known as Charlemagne, who succeeded
in a short period in consolidating the Germanic tribes, converting
pagans, and imposing order on the whole of continental Europe. His
capital at Aachen in North Rhine-Westphalia became the center of a
renaissance of learning. He also promoted the Frankish tongue.
During the first millennium of the Christian Era borders in Europe
were fluid, first determined by the needs of the Roman Empire, and
later influenced by dynastic marriages and the Church. With the
collapse of the Roman Empire in the West, the Church in Rome
became the sole heir and transmitter of imperial culture and
legitimacy. Charlemagne, as the champion of Christendom, revived
the title of “Roman emperor” and in 800 CE was crowned Holy
Roman Emperor by Pope Leo III in Rome. The new line of “Roman”
emperors he inaugurated lasted for more than a thousand years,
although they seldom had any power outside the boundaries of
Germany. After his death, the empire he had created began to
fragment, partly owing to the peculiarly German laws of inheritance
that apportioned land equally among sons. Nevertheless, a series of
vigorous German kings tried to convert the Roman empire of the
West into reality, which brought them into conflict with the Popes
and the revived city-republics of Italy. This struggle became a major
factor in the political history of the Middle Ages.

During the Middle Ages the German princes consolidated their


landholdings, originally held as fiefs granted by the Holy Roman
Emperor. Gradually these principalities became more independent,
uniting only to elect one of their number as Holy Roman Emperor
on the death of his predecessor. By the sixteenth century, the title
had become hereditary, and had passed to a single German dynasty
—the Austrian House of Habsburg. After the Thirty Years’ War
(1618–48) between Protestants and Catholics in Central Europe, the
Holy Roman Emperor’s authority in Germany was greatly reduced.
What we know today as Germany was thus a patchwork of small
autonomous principalities, duchies, kingdoms, and a few free cities,
owing a loose allegiance to the Holy Roman Emperor. This situation
lasted until the Holy Roman Empire was dissolved by Napoleon in
1806.
Some German cities had acquired a special status. Foremost
among these were the members of the Hanseatic League, a medieval
confederation of north German cities with a monopoly on the North
Sea and Baltic trade. The Hansa towns, which included Bremen,
Hamburg, and Lübeck, traded overseas and had a leading
commercial role in what was a largely agricultural economy.

The Reformation
In 1517, the Augustinian monk Martin Luther initiated the
Protestant Reformation in Germany by protesting publicly against
the Vatican’s sale of indulgences (promises freeing the bearer from
all his or her sins). His protests found an echo in many of the north
German principalities and a number of them adopted the Protestant
Lutheran religion. Political, economic, and religious interests soon
became intertwined. In the following century the Electors of the
Holy Roman Empire were deeply divided into Catholic and
Protestant camps.

A revolt by the Bohemian (Czech) nobles against the proposed


accession to the throne of Bohemia of the Habsburg Emperor’s
cousin, Ferdinand of Styria, soon triggered a wider conflict.
Ferdinand became Holy Roman Emperor the following year, and the
resultant Thirty Years’ War engulfed Germany, Austria, Sweden, the
Netherlands, and France. One legacy of the struggle between the
Catholic and Protestant states is the split today between the mainly
Protestant north of Germany and the mainly Catholic south.

The Rise of Prussia


Crucial to understanding the development of modern Germany is
the rise of Prussia. Officially abolished in 1947, in the postwar
division of Germany, the Prussian state embodied much that seems
quintessentially German—discipline, efficiency, militarism, and the
dominance of the Junker aristocratic class. Interestingly, Prussia
emerged relatively late in German history. Situated in the northeast
of Germany, from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries it was an
undeveloped wasteland, a little like the American West at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, inhabited by pagan Prussian
and Lithuanian tribes. It was formed and governed by the Teutonic
Knights, a chivalric order of military monks, an offshoot of the
Knights Templar, whose mission was to convert the Baltic peoples to
Christianity. At their height they controlled an area the size of Great
Britain from their capital at Marienburg, present-day Malbork in
Poland.
The Teutonic Knights were heavily defeated by a Polish–
Lithuanian army at the Battle of Tannenberg in 1410. In 1525 under
the influence of Martin Luther, their Grand Master, Prince Albrecht
of Hohenzollern, converted to Protestantism and the Order itself was
secularized. The brethren began to marry and hold land, and soon
became a new military aristocracy. In the same year Albrecht
transformed Prussia into a hereditary duchy, owing suzerainty to
Poland. In 1618 Prussia passed by inheritance to the Hohenzollern
Electors of Brandenburg, who consolidated and expanded its power.
Polish sovereignty was thrown off by Friedrich Wilhelm, the “Great
Elector,” and so was born a vigorous new power, whose noble or
“Junker” class was steeped in a long martial tradition.
Prussia became a kingdom in 1701, and rose to international
prominence in the eighteenth century under Friedrich II, known as
“the Great,” who built an army of such efficiency and might that its
soldiers were crucial in maintaining the European balance of power.
For example, at the Battle of Waterloo against Napoleon, in 1815, it
was General Blücher’s Prussian troops who turned the tide of battle
in the Allies’ favor. Nationalist reaction to the creation of the
Napoleonic Empire was a spur to internal social and administrative
reform and Prussian regeneration.
Following the defeat of Napoleon, the victorious Allies created a
new German Confederation to fill the void left by the destruction of
the Holy Roman Empire. This association of states was dominated
by Austria until after 1848. By the middle of the nineteenth century,
however, Prussia had emerged as the most powerful German state
and a deadly rival of Austria. Prussia’s aim, the plan of its
Chancellor, Prince Otto von Bismarck, was to unite the German
nation under its leadership. Austria’s policy was to control a divided
Germany. The determining factor was the strength and organization
of the Prussian army, and the decisive battle took place in 1866.

Prussia’s other main rival in Europe was France, and in 1870


Bismarck succeeded in maneuvering the French Emperor Napoleon
III into declaring war. After inflicting a humiliating defeat on the
French in 1870, in 1871 Bismarck declared Prussia’s Wilhelm I
Kaiser (Emperor) of a united Germany, with its capital at Berlin, in
an historic ceremony in the hall of mirrors of the palace at
Versailles.
The new German Empire thus came into being with little
experience of democracy, but great experience of military
organization and campaigning. The huge organizing power and
energy of Germany was soon evident in the speed of its
industrialization—by 1900 German industrial output matched the
achievements of first Britain and then America in the century and a
half before. Bismarck, the architect of German unification, became
the first Chancellor of the Empire, but was later dropped by the
Kaiser’s successor, Wilhelm II. It was Wilhelm II who precipitated
the First World War (1914–18), which not only engulfed Europe but
saw American troops fighting in Europe for the first time.
The Weimar Republic
Anger with Germany for causing the First World War led the
victorious Allies to impose crippling reparation payments, while
cutting Germany back to its pre-1914 borders. In 1919 a National
Constituent Assembly met at Weimar, on the Elbe River, to draw up
a new, democratic constitution. One could argue that the young
Weimar Republic never stood much of a chance, sandwiched as it
was between the demands of an aggressive Communist Party (fired
by the recent success of the Russian Revolution of 1917) on the left,
and the rise of National Socialism (fueled by resentment of the
unfair burden of reparations, the loss of German territory, and the
social dislocation brought about the by the Great Depression of the
early 1930s) on the right.
The National Socialist, or Nazi, party won the elections of 1932
with 37.3 percent of the vote, and by 1933 its leader Adolf Hitler
was both Chancellor and Head of State of the Third German Reich.

The Third Reich


Hitler aggressively pursued his aim of making Germany great again
by building up the German army, navy, and airforce, and seeking to
reverse the territorial losses of the First World War. Annexation of
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“There is always hope. Let us hope that in another state we shall
better know how to love and forgive one another. Here, we have a
poor understanding of this; but even here we can forgive. They will
not now forgive you; but you will leave them that which will make
them do so hereafter. Leave them your pardon.”
“O, Alice,—my daughter! Not if they murder Alice.”
“They shall not. I promise you——”
“But I did not expect this,” uttered the shivering prisoner. “I went to
bed——”
“Then collect yourself now. A few minutes’ resolution.—One effort
at calmness——”
“But is there no hope?”
“None whatever. Settle your mind to your fate. There is only
misery in struggling against it.”
“I will. I will. Only stay by me.”
“What a confidence for such a moment!” thought Charles, as he
saw the tractable expression which the countenance assumed. It
was some comfort, however, that there was any confidence which
could give decency to his dying deportment.
The people around grew impatient. The executioner lifted his
sword. The victim looked up at it, half fearfully, half meekly, like a
penitent child at the impending rod. He fell, without a sign or a cry;
and at the moment, the flames burst forth from the lower windows,
as if to lick up, in as summary a vengeance as they had been guilty
of, the perpetrators of this murder. All rushed from the terrace, with a
yell of consternation, leaving the body alone, its unclosed eyes
shining in the glare, as if gazing unmoved on that violence which
could no longer reach it in the shape of injury.—When the gust fell,
and the flames retired some space, the ruffian who held the sword
returned to the place of execution, severed the head, tossed the
body into the flames, and returned with his trophy to the cheering
mob.
There was nothing for Charles and Antoine to stay for. They could
neither save property, nor prevent crime. There was no purpose to
be answered by an attempt to do the first; for the lady Alice could
never return hither, or probably find any corner of her native land in
which to dwell in peace. Any endeavour to check the people’s rage
would only have brought on more murders. It was better that they
should occupy themselves with destroying inanimate things than
have their wrath directed upon human objects. The brothers
therefore left them endeavouring to discover the treasure-chamber,
and paced silently homewards, trying whether, after such a spectacle
as this, their hopefulness could get the better of their heart-sickness.
Chapter IX.

ADJUSTMENT.

Marguerite began to think that she and her family had better have
staid in Paris, since violence as foul as any there, with less chance
of redress, took place in the country. But as there were fewer marked
for destruction in a thinly peopled than in a crowded district, the work
of horror was sooner over; and within a few weeks, all was quiet
around her dwelling. No judicial inquiry whatever was made into the
fate of the marquis; and night after night, ominous gleams were seen
from afar, marking where life and property were being offered up in
expiation of former tyranny. When every neighbouring chateau that
was empty had been sealed up and guarded by the people from
being entered by its owners; and when every inhabited one had
been dismantled or converted into a pile of blackened ruins, there
was a truce. The gentry sighed over the abolition of feudalism; the
peasantry gloried in the destruction of the aristocracy; and both,
looking no farther than their own borders, supposed that all was
over, and the state of the country,—miserable as it was,—settled.
Charles and his brother knew too well what was passing in Paris
to acquiesce in this belief; but they were glad of the good effects it
seemed to produce in quieting the minds, and therefore fixing the
outward circumstances of their neighbours. People went about their
regular business once more, prices grew steady in the markets, and
the mysterious, dishonest sort of bargaining which had gone on
immediately after the destruction of the chateaux, was seen no
more. No golden timepieces now passed from hand to hand, in
exchange for the coarsest articles of clothing or furniture; and if
polished tables, or morsels of curious old china were seen here and
there in the hovels of half-starved peasants, they were not put up for
sale, and did not answer the purpose of further perplexing the values
of things. Seeing that Marguerite began to feel pretty much at her
ease once more, going to rest without presentiments of being roused
by fire, and venturing, with only the children, to transact her
necessary purchases among the peasantry, Charles began to try
whether he could make anything of his business at Paris; and set
out, in order that he might be on the spot to take advantage of the
first symptoms of tranquillity to meet the demand which would then
certainly arise.
He went to Paris before winter was quite over; and found more
promise of a settlement of public affairs than at any time since the
commencement of the revolution. Yet he would not hear of his family
joining him, till it should be known whether or not king, parliament,
and people would cordially agree in the new constitution which was
then in preparation. When there was not only a promise of this, but
all arts and artificers were actually put in requisition to render the
spectacle of taking the oath as magnificent as the occasion required,
there was no further pretence for Charles’s prudence to interfere with
the hopefulness which now seemed rational enough. He sent a
summons to Marguerite to return and witness the festival from which
her loyalty and his patriotism might derive equal gratification. But
Marguerite was detained in the country by her father’s illness,—his
last; and the children were deprived of the power of saying
afterwards that they had witnessed in Paris the transactions of that
day which was regarded at the time as the most remarkable in the
annals of France.
That day, the 14th of July, 1790, was appointed to be a high
festival throughout the kingdom: Charles passed it in the Champ de
Mars; Marguerite by the dying bed of her father; the children, under
the guardianship of their uncle Antoine, among the rejoicing
peasantry; and Steele, who had returned to Bordeaux when Charles
settled himself again in Paris, took the opportunity of visiting La
Haute Favorite for the first time after so many vicissitudes.
It seemed to them all a strange,—to the superstitious among them,
an ominous circumstance that they should be thus separated on the
occasion when all were called upon to recognize the social
agreement under which they and their successors were to live.
A gleam of the afternoon sun shone in upon the face of
Marguerite’s father as he dozed, and made him turn restlessly on his
couch. His daughter hastened to shut it out, and the movement
awoke him.
“One is fit only for the grave,” he said, “when the light which shines
on all above it becomes painful.”
“Father! you are better,” said Marguerite, turning round astonished.
“No,” said he, faintly, “not better. I cannot bear this light,—or this
heat,—or—but no matter; it will presently be over. But where is
Charles?”
“He will be here very soon; but it is only two days since you
became worse; and there has been no time for him to come yet. To-
day he is waiting upon the king, and next he will wait on you.”
“On the king!” and the old man was roused at once. “And all the
people? I fancied they had left off their duty. Who waits upon the
king?”
“The whole nation,” Marguerite replied, sighing to herself,
however, over her own view of the matter—that the king was, in fact,
waiting upon the nation. She proceeded to tell what was doing in
Paris, and remarked that she hoped they had finer weather there
than here, where it had been a day of continued rain, till the gleam
came which had wakened her father.
M. Raucourt was too ignorant of the events of the last two years to
be able to comprehend the present proceeding. He could not see
what the people had to do with the constitution; but laid the blame on
his own weak brain, when assured that the loyal men of France were
all consenting to the measure. Other tokens of ignorance were much
more affecting to his daughter. He wished to be raised in bed, so that
he might see his olive woods in the evening glow. They were no
longer there, and his attention must be diverted to something else.
He wished to behold the marquis de Thou passing the house for his
daily ride.—The bones of him he asked for were mouldering under
the ruins of his own abode.—“At least,” said M. Raucourt, “let me be
carried to the window, that I may see the chateau. It looks so finely
on the terrace! and it is so long since I saw it!”—Grass was growing
on its hearths, and the peasants’ children were playing hide and
seek among its roofless halls.
“You have not asked for the children,” said Marguerite. “If you are
so strong this afternoon, perhaps you can bear to speak to them.”
And they were sent for, and presently made their appearance from
the river-side, full of what they had been seeing and doing. They told
how one cannon was fired when the hour struck at which the royal
procession was to set out, and another when the whole array was to
be formed in the Champ de Mars, and others to represent the taking
of the oath by the king, by the representatives of the parliament, and
by Lafayette in the name of the people.
“And what is all this for?” asked the old man. “It is a beautiful
spectacle, no doubt; but there were no such things in my time as the
king and the people swearing at the same altar.”
“The people make the king swear, and some of them do not think
he likes it,”—observed Julien, unmindful of his mother’s signs.
Pauline went on,
“No more than he liked being brought prisoner from Versailles, and
having his guards’ heads cut off.”
The little girl was terrified at the effect of her words. She in vain
attempted to make up for them by saying that the king and queen
were very well now; and that the people did not expect to be starved
any more, and that everybody was to be very happy after this day.
The loyal old man said he should never be happy any more; and
groaned and wept himself into a state of exhaustion from which he
did not revive, though he lived two or three days longer.
“I wish,—I wish—” sobbed poor Pauline, “that the people had
never meddled with the king——”
“Or the king with the people,” said Julien, “for that was the
beginning of it all.”
“I am sure so do I,” said Marguerite, sighing. “It is little comfort to
say, as Antoine does, that the world cannot roll on without crushing
somebody.”
“If that somebody puts himself in the way, uncle said,” observed
Julien.
“Everybody has been in the way, I think, my dear. All France is
crushed.”
“Not quite, mamma. Uncle Antoine and Mr. Steele are sitting
between the two big vines, and they say that everybody will be
buying wine now that buying and selling are going to begin again.”
It was very true that the young men were enjoying their favourite
retreat to the utmost; gilding it with the sunshine of their
expectations, and making it as musical with the voice of hope as with
the gay songs which were wafted from the revellers below.
They were not a little pleased when their anticipations were
countenanced by a letter from Charles which reached his wife on the
day of her father’s death, and was not the less in accordance with
her feelings for having been written before tidings of the old man’s
illness had reached Paris, and being, as usual, hopeful and happy.
“I have written to Antoine,” he said, “to urge all care in the
approaching vintage, and all dispatch in the management of our
immediate business. Good days are coming at last, unless
despotism should bring on itself a new punishment, and rouse once
more the spirit of faction, which has been laid to rest this day by that
powerful spell, the voice of a united nation. It would astonish you to
see how commercial confidence has already revived; and, as a
consequence, how the values of all things are becoming fixed; and,
again, as a consequence of this, how the intercourses of society are
facilitated, and its peace promoted. It was the perception and
anticipation of this which to me constituted the chief pleasure of the
magnificent solemnity of this day. It was a grand thing to behold the
national altar in the midst of an amphitheatre filled with countless
thousands; but it was a grander to remember that these thousands
were only the representatives of multitudes more who were on tiptoe
on all our hills, in all our valleys, watching and listening for the token
that they may trust one another once more, and exchange, for their
mutual good, the fruits of their toil. It was touching to see the
battalion of children,—‘the hope of the nation,’—coming forward to
remind the state that it sways the fate of a future age; but it was
more touching to think of our own little ones, and to believe that, by
the present act, the reward of the social virtues we try to teach them
is secured to them.—It was imposing to see one golden flood of light
gush from a parting cloud, giving an aspect of blessing to what had
before been stormy; but it was as an analogy that it struck us all, and
impelled us to send up a shout like the homage of worshippers of the
sun. Has not a light broken through the dreariness of our political
tempests? There maybe,—let us hope there will be, from this day,
order in the elements of our social state. Let but all preserve the faith
they have sworn, and there will be no more sporting with life and
property, no absurd playing with baubles while there is a craving for
bread, no ruin to the industrious, and sudden wealth to such as
speculate on national distress. We may once more estimate the
labour of our peasantry, and the value of our own resources, and fix
and receive the due reward of each. We may reach that high point of
national prosperity in which the ascertainment and due recompense
of industry involve each other; when the values of things become
calculable, and mutual confidence has a solid basis.—I do not say
that this prosperity will come, but I hope it will; and if all others have
the same hope, it certainly will. It may be that the sovereign will lose
his confidence, and go back. It may be that the parliament or the
people will do the same; and then may follow worse miseries than
we have yet known. But if they see how much social confidence has
to do with social prosperity, they will refuse to disturb the tranquillity
which has been this day established.
“And now, however you may sigh or smile a the spirit of hope
which is in me and Antoine, what say you to it in the case of a
nation? Are not its commercial exchanges a most important branch
of its intercourses? Must not those exchanges be regulated by some
principle of value, instead of being the sport of caprice? Is not that
principle the due and equable recompense of labour, or (in business-
like terms) the cost of production? Is not this recompense secured by
the natural workings of interests—and can these interests work
naturally without an anticipation of recompense—that is, without
hope, inspiring confidence? Depend upon it, hope is not only the
indispensable stimulus of individual action, but the elastic pressure
by which society is surrounded and held together. Great is the crime
of those who injure it; and especially heinous will be the first trespass
on public confidence of any who have been in the Champ de Mars
this day. As that which is national springs from that which is
individual, I will add that Antoine and Steele are patriotic if they exult
in the ripening beauties of Favorite; and if you would be patriotic too,
gladden yourself with the promise of our children, and tell me, when
we meet, that you trust with me that all will be well both with our
wines and our politics.”
Summary of Principles illustrated in this Volume.

There are two kinds of Value: value in use, and value in exchange.
Articles of the greatest value in use may have none in exchange;
as they may be enjoyed without labour; and it is labour which confers
Exchangeable Value.
This is not the less true for capital as well as labour being
employed in production; for capital is hoarded labour.
When equal quantities of any two articles require an equal amount
of labour to produce them, they exchange exactly against one
another. If one requires more labour than the other, a smaller
quantity of the one exchanges against a larger quantity of the other.
If it were otherwise, no one would bestow a larger quantity of
labour for a less return; and the article requiring the most labour
would cease to be produced.
Exchangeable value, therefore, naturally depends on cost of
production.
Naturally, but not universally; for there are influences which cause
temporary variations in exchangeable value.
These are, whatever circumstances affect demand and supply.
But these can act only temporarily; because the demand of any
procurable article creates supply; and the factitious value conferred
by scarcity soon has an end.
When this end has arrived, cost of production again determines
exchangeable value.
Its doing so may, therefore, stand as a general rule.
Though labour, immediate and hoarded, is the regulator, it is not
the measure of exchangeable value: for the sufficient reason, that
labour itself is perpetually varying in quality and quantity, from there
being no fixed proportion between immediate and hoarded labour.
Since labour, the primary regulator, cannot serve as a measure of
exchangeable value, none of the products of labour can serve as
such a measure.
There is, therefore, no measure of exchangeable value.
Such a measure is not needed; as a due regulation of the supply
of labour, and the allowance of free scope to the principle of
competition ensure sufficient stability of exchangeable value for all
practical purposes.
In these requisites are included security of property, and freedom
of exchange, to which political tranquillity and legislative impartiality
are essential.
Price is the exponent of exchangeable value.
Transcriber’s Note
Words hyphenated on line or page breaks have the
hyphen removed if the preponderance of other
occurences are unhyphenated. Hyphens occuring
midline are retained regardless of other unhyphenated
occurences (step-mother/stepmother, straight-
forward/straightforward, life-time/lifetime, work-
house/workhouse, fish-women/fishwomen, door-
way/doorway).
At line 12 of page 27 in “For Each and For All”, there is
an opening double quote which seems superfluous. The
author’s intent not being clear, it has been retained.
Other errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s
have been corrected, and are noted here. The
references are to the page and line in the original. Given
the independent pagination of the original, these are
divided by volume.
Homes Abroad.

11.13 and immedi[di]ately Removed.


placed
12.21 and get no bread?[’/”] Replaced.
19.29 to save them yet.[’/”] Replaced.
20.20 the happiness of the Added.
people[.]
31.4 is the price of food?[’/”] Replaced.
45.32 prosperity of John Lawe, Replaced.
Esq.[’/”]
38.18 [“]You had need take care Restored.
47.8 on a fool’s errand.[”] Added.
48.29 pleased [ta/at] the Transposed.
appearance
52.31 who had settled among Added.
them[.]
55.28 [y/h]ence arise Transposed.
discontents
55.29 [h/y]ears years of his new Transposed.
life
57.33 [rdbo/bord]ering upon it Transposed.
62.26 any thing about them.[’/”] Replaced.
67.24 [‘/“]She will do Replaced.
87.21 a gang of bush[ /-]rangers Added.
116.19 It was not Ellen[ /’]s wish Restored.
125.1 of her colonies[.] Added.
125.13 can be had Transposed.
el[es/se]where.

For Each and For All.

38.13 from a deficiency of Restored.


[g]ood
96.1 to convey him a[u/n]d his Inverted.
securities

French Wines and Politics.

21.34 [e]verybody else Restored.


64.7 and to recal[l] the Added.
servants
68.2 downfal[l] of their Added.
despotic sway
80.27 as there wo[n/u]ld be Inverted.
81.7 A[u/n]d a low Inverted.
exchangeable value
98.1 your literal Replaced.
depend[a/e]nce on them
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