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Ethnographic Plague: Configuring Disease On The Chinese-Russian Frontier 1st Edition Christos Lynteris (Auth.)
Ethnographic Plague: Configuring Disease On The Chinese-Russian Frontier 1st Edition Christos Lynteris (Auth.)
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Configuring Disease on the
Chinese-Russian Frontier
ch ri s t os ly n t e ri s
Ethnographic Plague
wwwwwwwwwwwwwww
Christos Lynteris
Ethnographic Plague
Configuring Disease on the Chinese-Russian
Frontier
Christos Lynteris
University of Cambridge, UK
vii
wwwwwwwwwwwwwww
PREFACE
ix
x PREFACE
xiii
xiv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
amazing range of people from across the disciplines. For their anthropolog-
ical insights, medical, socio-cultural, and historical, I would like to thank
Susan Bayly, Marc Berdet, Franck Billé, John Borneman, Hannah Brown,
Matei Candea, Carlo Caduff, Hansjörg Dilger, Roy Dilley, Peter Gow,
Jan Grill, Mark Harris, Michael Herzfeld, Christopher Hewlett, Angela
Hobart, Chris Kaplonski, Frédéric Keck, Ann Kelly, Valentina Kharitinova,
Alexandra Kurlenkova, Maryon McDonald, Sayana Namsaraeva, Alex
Nading, David Napier, Anastasia Piliavsky, Tristan Platt, Ruth Prince,
Nigel Rapport, Tatiana Safonova, Istvan Santha, Juan Pablo Sarmiento
Barletti, Nikolai Ssorin-Chaikov, David Sneath, Olga Ulturgasheva, Piers
Vitebsky, and Tanya Zivkovic. For their warm welcome to the history of
medicine community, advice, and critical encouragement as regards his-
torical methods and analysis at different stages of this project, I would
like to thank Anna Afanasyeva, Maria Antónia Pires de Almeida, David
Arnold, Jim Bolton, Samuel Cohn, Chris Courtney, Christopher Cullen,
Neil Cummins, Marta Hanson, Vanessa Harding, Larissa (Ari) Heinrich,
John Henderson, Rosemary Horrox, Robert Hymes, Susan Jones, Lars
Laamann, Angela Leung, David Luesink, John Manton, Dmitry Mikhel,
John Moffett, Anne-Marie Moulin, Robert Peckham, Robert Perrins,
Leon Rocha, Carole Rawcliffe, and Norman Smith. For their generosity
in advising me on and discussing matters zoological, molecular, and epide-
miological regarding plague I would like to thank Michael Begon, Barbara
Bramanti, Kenneth Gage, Michael Kosoy, Herwig Leirs, Daniel Salkeld,
Boris Schmid, Nils Christian Stenseth, Victor Suntsov, and Lars Walløe.
Finally, I would like to thank the organisers and participants in a long
list of seminars and conferences where I have presented material from this
book, as well as the staff of libraries and archives across the world, includ-
ing the archivists and librarians of the Russian State Library, the Countway
Library at Harvard, the Wellcome Library, the Medical Library of the
University of Peking, the Hong Kong University Library, the Library
of the Hong Kong Museum of Medical Science, Cambridge University
Library, the Library and Archives of the Institute of Experimental
Medicine (St Petersburg), the Staatsbibliothek (Berlin), the New York
Academy of Medicine Library, the Archives of the Kitasato Institute, the
Pasteur Institute Archives (Paris), the Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire de
Santé, and the Library of the Needham Research Institute for their invalu-
able help and support in this project.
xv
8 ETHNOGRAPHIC PLAGUE
‘the micro-organism, and not the whole farm, the smell, the cows, the
willows along the pond or the farmer’s pretty daughter’.39 By isolating the
microbe, the laboratory allowed Pasteur to perform a radical change of
scales from the outside in, reversing the balance of power between humans
and the microbe.40 Latour is careful to note that this was not a simple
operation of extending the laboratory, nor was it a mere transformation of
the field ‘into the guise of a laboratory’. For, he claims, this ‘metaphorical
drift’ rendered the ‘outside/inside notion irrelevant’ as ‘the laboratory
positions itself precisely so as to reproduce inside its walls an event that
seems to be happening only outside’.41
Latour’s ‘new internalism, an internalism in which nothing is left out-
side’ was later adopted by Andrew Cunningham in his analysis of the
importance of the laboratory in ‘transforming plague’.42 Cunningham
thus produced one of the most powerful dictums in the contemporary
history of medicine: ‘following the advent of laboratory medicine, infec-
tious diseases are now necessarily and exclusively defined by the laboratory
and thus receive their identity from the laboratory’.43 Making a bold and
lasting contribution to historical debates regarding retrospective diagno-
sis by arguing that pre- and post-1894 identities of plague are incom-
mensurable, Cunningham asserted that plague ‘is defined by—that is, its
identity derives from—the question we ask and the activities we undertake
in making the identification’.44 This conclusion came to support Latour’s
argument that since the Hong Kong 1894 outbreak the question at hand
was no longer clinical but bacteriological. Following this line of think-
ing, whilst the clinical diagnosis of plague was an act which ‘all it can do
is suspect’ the presence of the pathogen as the cause of the disease, the
laboratory was what could confirm or establish the latter.45 Asserting the
‘absolutely crucial’ role of the laboratory, Cunningham claimed that the
latter assumed ‘total authority of the authentication of plague’ as ‘the final
arbiter of the accuracy of the diagnoses’.46
Cunningham’s picture of medical research during the third plague pan-
demic is hence dominated by the laboratory. It asserts that as of July 1894
the question asked in the process of identifying plague shifted from a con-
cern regarding its identity as a disease or illness to one about the identity
of plague as a pathogen—two ontologically and epistemologically distinct
categories. Cunningham argued that the new, transformed identity of
plague ‘involved, and depended totally on, a new way of thinking and
seeing, the laboratory way of thinking and seeing’.47 Here Cunningham
again followed Latour in placing emphasis on the visual aspect of this
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Yolala, 298
Yolk, 19, 64, 145, 152, 545
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It must not be supposed that all wingless Insects fall within the
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[110]
"Syst. Zool. Studien." S.B. Ak. Wien, xci. 1885, Abth. I. p. 374.