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ôZ gzZ ,Å yZ gzZ ì Y Y H76,gîÆ 'èa gzZ ¶ðƒ T‹Š x ® ~ Y 1847 [ Ât
H7k½Z {gÃè » é+ &
+Z ~ sfÃ7Æ pŠ ÏZXì @* Û ]â ¥NŠ
™ë Z ¶] ‡5 ÅkZ ÌÐ -´ â gzZ Ô å » ~{°!* » kzZ
Xì ; g Y si›q -’ïE L i8™™»/ßkZ {°!* jt Â
g ÇŠ c*
14 13

Å l7 ê16X åc*
Š ™ `gŠ ~g¨Øg x **
»−ZzÆ kZgzZ ¶à ™ b & Z Åwì kZ LZ An Adventurer:
Û dWz6,~ }g !*
x Z™ Z ËZ e gzZ ¹Z Æ<Ø è Æ yZ 6,gîm{ gzZ öZÎÔ Ï0
+i On Saturday, the 10th August, died at Lucknow, after a

Ù Š& Ôì Qc ×~ V¶û%Æ ð,
very painful illness of nearly three months, an officer of
LZ OY ä V,ZX 7]gz¢ÅäZC
some name and fame- Mr. Delmerick, commonly called
-Z ¡c*
q Û {°‡!*
å‘ ðÃt HÔ¶Š Z% HÅyZÐ < Ø è kZ Xì H™f »6ÑïE
L 4Xè Yeosuff Khan Bahadoor, a title conferred on him by the
ä V,Zì D] !*
-Z%ZX  F
q F6,kªt
# Ix Ó~}g !*
kZX {o‚Šp Court of Lucknow, and by which, from prudential

Xì HÐ g ÃZ z ] ܾzt £._Æ i Z0
+Z x ¬Æ Vâ ›Ô i ¸W » ?£VâzŠ
motives, he always sought to be known. The deceased
had served for nearly thirty years in the King's army as
Ù ª µ Z Ð V ⠛Êp}Ìy ZgzŠ Æ Q
ì 4 (Z X Å 7ÒÃÅ ä™C Adjutant. During his time he was always employed on
HH wEZ a Æ j§ c*
Š Ø è
Ý Ô ._Æ ` Zzg x ¬ Æ gzŠ kZ ÔÂ » < active service, fighting the rebellious talookdars in the

kZ Âì m» Ï0
] ~ }g !* +i ‹ Ñq vŠ Æ l7 êy{ Š- J
- V ˜Xì Salone, Seetapore and Baiswarra districts. About fifteen
or twenty years ago, he proceeded to England and thence
Æ> á szcÆ ~gzZ¸²
"WZg©zZp² áq
-Z {zì ¸ 'Ýq » ]â ¥ having traveled all over France, Spain, Portugal and a
Û dWz6,17X ¸Š¤
: ˜ ¹Z /á portion of Germany, returned via Turkey and Arabia to
India. Though he could neither read nor write any of the
HlçÉ»−ZzÆ kZ ÔZƒ Za “
 l7 êy{Š- European languages perfectly, he could speak many well,
kZ Ô7c* á ä kZ Ô ð0*
Å ~Š  ½V¹ä l7 êÔå and the English, particularly very fluently. An account in

Š ZÜçÔ‰,Š ÑzZ XÅ
]©ùÆ kZB‚Æ !*
Oordoo, written by himself, of his travels and experience
in the world, is, we believe, extant, and we doubt not
´Ô¸ n
pg ñZg H~}g !* -Zt gzZ¸
Æ}uzŠ q would be well-worth translating into English. When the
lçÉ» kZ¬ Ð ä™g (Z # Ö i 5 Åg©+−Z Mutiny broke out in Oudh, Yeosuff Khan was living on
E+G
kZ {z´Æó ó8 Û ‹¿ ÚL L c*
ó ó;- ÷L g @*
his estate at Pershedapore. He was hunted, and for four
- L t gzZ å H
L months saved his life by hiding about the jungles, under
Û [Z »]ÑZÎx ÓyZ Ô~hgg ÇŠ c*
ë Z "ÏyÃä the protection of Surrebjeet Singh, talookdar of
18X @*
ƒ7 Teckaree. he had been long in the enjoyment of a
pension from the Government of which he had ever been
åÿ†Ò„i "gÅ ( Y 1880X Y 1804) ì ã0* á Z_¨¦ä ð, x Z™ Z ËZ e
g¹{  one of the warmest and most loyal supporters.
Ð&
¢ ̹Zpì H Š~ólLZŠ Zñx Ó0Æ l7 êq
-ZgÃè ~ än$çÆ -VŒ Å ØnÚ àm;Þ] Ô ZÎÆ x **
l7 êy{ Š- Â] â ¥ `gŠ J .- G
Æ uçG e›
Ïg à Åà‹Š ¹ZŠpX  'Æó**
^Æ \g-   l7 ê„ztì 7 YWt ‚ òúŠ » äƒ ð|~ß ¤ZÆ kZˆ Ug ¯Æ kZp CWtŠ ™6,]ÑqÆ
@*
ƒ yáÐ Tì M™f » ó óV
ì @* á 7 êÓ z¤ -Z~ ( ¯N)Ù‡^ßÛÖ] § õg @*
/L Lq ~ˆ ä Ï@* Hƒ Y q
Š °g ÇXì Š Û Z ZzŠì @*
- Uœwq »Š Z ƒ wìÐ Tì
16 15

A Travelled Native Û ðà » {z¤


: ˜ {zXƒŠ /ÏZ l7 êgÃè ~än$çÆ åÿ†Ò„i h
+á
Eusoph Khan, soubadhar of Lakhnow, who
was on a visit to England, is now safely sÜÅ l7 êöâ)**
^ì t X ÝZ |gŠ
arrived at Calcutta. He expressed himself  ;- èõg @*
ªÔì [ø
7Š J
-[ Z Ôì "„ q
-Z
highly gratified with the kind treatment and
è~ ( Y 1847·,) zŠg ZQgzZ ( NY 1843) Ïg ì
hospitality he received from the nobility and
gentry. His remark on English character is @gzZ Æ ó ó³ ¸wq L LyZ> ~ qzÑÆ kZ X ˆ
Ö
worthy of notice: ''English men in this K yÒ U¿`ZäZÎ LZ ä ³ ¸ }}~
+
» Ï0i ‹ ÑqÆ l7 êvŠ p Ö!*
X  R„z Ô
country and Englishmen at home are totally
different in point of character." He intends
to publish his diary, which will no doubt, be bZzZ Æ Y 1840 ä kZ  Ôì )** .â x„ q
^t ~ -Z
very interesting to our native readers, as it c*
Ô CYƒ Äc* /ZX å 1™å~
gŠ [ ÂgzZ ðÃÅ kZ ¤
7Š ]Š ÞÜç +Z ðÃ
Æ“ kZ ~ T CYƒ [ ø
will contain accounts not only of England,
but of every place he has visited, and of
which he talks in terms of high ÅVƒUŠ „ c*
z˜Ñ!*
`gŠQ ÂÔ* +
@YƒD» Ï0i ň
admiration.20 19X C7,: ]gz¢ÅwÑ+Z Ϫ6,Š ã
C
kZ Ô Å¬ ù Ï0
¼ ÃËIÐ kZ~ }g !* +i ä l7 êˆ Æ UßÐ^kZ
gŠ éSE
pì ˆƒ Äc* 4¨GG
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i Ð { â g e Æ Ï0i Å yZ Ì"t  ì t |
: å
{z ˆ Æ äW:Zz Ð \g- ì *
@Yƒ x¥gz¢t Ð ¬_Æ kZ %ZX CVZ
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Z gzZ ì ‚
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18 17

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70 69

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1957, primarily display two paradoxical approaches:
several authors depicted him as a hero of the war of
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1857 while others portrayed him as British agent. ïHE
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72 71

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Ð ïÌt X ¶ could be held responsible for the latter perception -
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ì ¹t ä V,Z V˜ Û 7,{g !* F6,¬_èzcÆ Ý°Z ñœ6,Ô
zŠ ñZg F successor of the throne. Though these efforts did not
m» yZ '¬ZñÆ yZ: gzZ ¸ ³ #Æ V2!*# ™œ~)zg ZŠ)u kZ L L þ
:r yield any results for the begum, they certainly
brought the emperor's name into disrepute (p 32).
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74 73

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conciousness grew, leading to serious
reappraisal of problems and the practice of
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76 75
and research in India, and the basis of a
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was laid with the establishment of the Indian
X 1972Ô‹Š 5X zgç zŠg Z ¹F,X 1857 [ zZ X ÏX 8 ÔÙ Council of Historical Research. While a rich
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X 2001 ÔzŠg Z ¹F, ,
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Rymple, William Dal. The Last Mughal. Penguin India, 2006. preserved in the safe custody of the National
Parvez, Asalma. The Life and Poetry of Bahadur Shah Archieves, no one bothered to actually study
Zafar. (Tr.). Ather Farooqui. Hay Hsouse, 2017. the dcuments (p 37).

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URDU STUDIES
(Kitabi Sisila 1)
2019

Editor
ARSHAD MASOOD HASHMI

ASSITANT EDITORS
Nabi Ahmad
Abdul Malik
Mazhar Kibriya

Bilingual Kitabi Silsila of Urdu


Research and Criticism
Published by
Department of Urdu
Jai Prakash University, Chapra (India)
@ Copyright Publisher

URDU STUDIES
(Kitabi Sisila 1)
2019

Editor
ARSHAD MASOOD HASHMI

ASSITANT EDITORS
Nabi Ahmad
Abdul Malik
Mazhar Kibriya

Pages: 184
Price: Rs. 400/-
Ist Edition : 2019

ISBN : 978-93-83239-86-3

Produced under supervision of


APPLIED BOOKS, New Delhi-2

Bilingual Kitabi Silsila of Urdu Research and Criticism


Published by
Department of Urdu
Jai Prakash University, Chapra (India)

Printed at: New Print Centre, New Delhi - 2


Contents

1. Cultural Exuberance of Metaphor Mehr Afshan 5


in Khiyal Bandi Farooqi
Ghalib’s Imaginings in the Urdu
Ghazal: the Dark Complexed Beloved
2. A Historical Narrative of South Zehra Mehdi 27
Asian Time
Reading Qurratulain Hyder’s
River of Fire
3. Faiz and the Postcolonial Huzaifa 43
Subalternity Pandit

4. Raja Gidh: Breaking Gender Arshad 73


Stereotypes Masood
Hashmi
Cultural Exuberance of Metaphor
in Khiyal Bandi
Ghalib’s Imaginings in the Urdu Ghazal: the
Dark Complexed Beloved

Mehr Afshan Farooqi


Associate Professor
Department of Middle Eastern & South Asian Languages & Cultures,
University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 22904

Where, oh Lord, is the second step of the ambition?


The wilderness of possibility, I found, was just a single footprint
From the Urdu Divan of Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib (the first mss,
compiled around 1816)

A popular notion about Urdu literature, at least among a


certain group of scholars, is that it is Iranian in spirit. The
connection of Iranian literary traditions is inevitably made with
Arabic literature and literary traditions, perhaps under the
assumption that Persian literature and language were heavily
influenced by Arabic. Ram Babu Saksena in his influential
History of Urdu Literature begins his chapter on the general
characteristics of Urdu poetry with the sentence: “Older Urdu
poetry was not an indigenous product. It drew its inspiration
from Persian and copied foreign models. It was dominated by
the prosody of the Persians which had been invented by the
Arabs. It tacitly adopted Persian metres and its canons of
versification […] Urdu poets not only appropriated the metres

5
but annexed the ready- made, much exercised imagery and
hackneyed themes of the Persian.”1
Another manifestation of this kind of thinking can be
seen in the notion—not much perceptible before the Partition,
but frequently brought up after it— that Urdu was one of the
main causes of Partition. It became a general assumption
around the middle of the 20th century that the case for Pakistan
was also the case for Urdu; Pakistan was constructed as a
"homeland" for the Muslims, and since Urdu was the language
of Muslims alone, its proper place was in Pakistan, not in India.
A cursory look at the history of Urdu literature, especially since
the 18th century, would be enough to belie the belief that Urdu
was the language of Muslims alone. Languages are not born or
develop as the exclusive property of a group of people,
religious or political. It was well known then, as it is now, that
Muslims had written literature on clearly Hindu topics since at
least the late 14th century. That literature is mostly in Awadhi
or Brajbhasha, languages which were spoken by both Hindus
and Muslims.
The Hindi-Urdu question nevertheless constituted an
emotional and emotive issue in the complex interplay between
language, religion and politics in north India from the late
nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. The political design
underlying the theory of Urdu being a language of only
Muslims has been examined by several competent literary
historians who have shown that the political design was
motivated by extra-scholarly concerns; the notion that Urdu
was a ‘Muslim’ language is not true.2 Still, the idea seems to

1
Babu Ram Saksena, A History of Urdu Literature, p 23.
Not only is the main proposition that ‘older’ Urdu poetry was modelled
upon Persian false, but also the sub-propositions, that Urdu lifted
‘hackneyed’ themes from Persian, and the Persian metre was invented by
the Arabs not true.
2
Paul Brass’s classic study, Language, Religion and Politics in North India,
(Cambridge, 1974) examines the political design underlying interplay
between language and religion; Christopher King’s book shows how the
6
have a firm hold in the average South Asian’s mind which
includes the Muslim minds as well. In this essay, I will argue
that in spite of its so called foreign or Iranian-Arabic
orientation, the spirit, the tradition and the culture of Urdu
literature have always been, and will always remain,
ineluctably Indo-Muslim. This is because the literature has
been created by the “Indian” mind and not by an Iranian or
Arab mind. By “Indian”, I mean the indigenous sensibility of
the people of the Indian subcontinent as developed by the Indo-
Muslim social culture over six or seven centuries. It is the
sensibility which Persian speakers referred to as “Hindi”, that is
“Indian” as against the “Iranian”. It transcends religion and
includes traditions and beliefs prevalent in the social culture. It
also embodies a literary mind saturated in the sensibility and
the world view of the Indian Muslim the Hindu element of
whose psyche is inseparable from the element which we call
Muslim.
If we examine the history of literature and literary traditions
across the world we will find that Urdu is not the only language
where external literary cultures have influenced or even been
deliberately imported to construct a native literary tradition and
culture. English for example, is so steeped in the Greco-Roman
tradition that even its poetic meters are borrowed from Greek. This is
in spite of the fact Greek metre is quantitative and English metre is
just the reverse, for it is strongly qualitative. The Greek metres were
made to suit the accent-based English language. Marlowe and
Shakespeare had perfected an indigenous version of Tragedy which,
though written in the Greek Iambic Pentametre, and was unrhymed
like the Greek, was so different in spirit from Greek Tragedy that
Aristotle would have refused to recognize it. John Milton wrote a
Tragedy in English in strict accordance with the rules of Tragedy as
enunciated by Aristotle in his Poetics more than twenty centuries
ago. The resulting play, Samson Agonistes doesn’t rank among the

Hindi movement was part of a process “in which Hindu supporters of Hindi
strove to transform the existing equations of Urdu= Muslim +Hindu and
Hindi= Hindu+ Muslim into Urdu=Muslim and Hindi=Hindu.” One Language
Two Scripts: The Hindi Movement in 19th Century North India, Bombay,
Oxford University Press, 1994; p 15
7
best English plays even though it is a perfectly “correct” Greek
Tragedy. Milton deliberately rejected a vibrant tradition of his own
language to write a “Greek Tragedy” because Shakespeare wasn’t
Greek enough in Milton’s eyes. Thomas Gray however, adopted the
Greek metre but wrote about local subjects.3
Urdu adopted local themes, Persian tropes, Arabic
legends, Hindu legends and mythology where it suited the
writer’s mode. Persian had been intermingling with Indian
genres since at least the 11th century when Mas’udSa’d Salman
wrote his barah masa like poems in Persian and many more
about his love of Lahore and how he missed that city.4 Urdu
appeared on the literary scene around the 15th century by which
time the assimilation had reached down to the grassroots.
Urdu’s first known poet was the Gujarati Sufi Shaikh
Bahauddin Bajan (1388-1506). Sheikh Bajan wrote in Indic and
also Persian metres; he helped create and develop a new genre
of devotional poetry called Jikri. The name was borrowed and
indiginized from the Arabic dhikr or zikr, meaning
“remembrance” (of God). Shaikh Bajan was greatly interested
in Indian classical music and that’s why he chose Bajan as his
takhallus, from the Urdu baja, which means “a musical
instrument”. Jikri is a genre which is entirely unknown in
Persian or Arabic; it is a poem on Sufi themes with a heavy
overlay of Hindu tropes and ideas. There can be no greater
refutation of the canard of Urdu’s “foreignness” than the poetry
of Shaikh Bajan.
The instances I have presented above show that it is not
theexternal form of a literary tradition that determines its
primary characteristics. One can then ask: what determines the

3
Thomas Gray, who fame rightly rests on his Elegy Written in a Country
Churchyard (1751) wrote that poem in—about the unknown English buried
in a country graveyard—in a “foreign” metre, that is, the Iambic
Pentametre, most meticulously observed. Gray also wrote The Bard, an ode
in strict imitation of the Greek poet Pindar—calling his poem ‘A Pindaric
Ode’—but the theme of the poem was based upon a Welsh legend.
4
Sunil Sharma, Persian Poetry at the Indian Frontier, is a succinct study of
Masud Sa’d Salman, one of the earliest Persian poets from India.
8
primary characteristics of a literary tradition? An example
would serve to illustrate this elusive point. The Iranian author,
MalikushShu’ara Muhammad TaqiBahar in his epoch making
but generally misguided morphology of Persian poetic styles
(Sabk Shenasi) diagnosed that the Indians had their own
literally styles which he called Sabk-e-Hindi. 5 Bahar decreed
that the ”Indian Style” should be ruled out of the Iranian
literary canon because it was not compatible with the Iranian
mind even though he fully realized that many of the
practitioners of this style had been Iranian! In fact some of
them like Mir Tahir Waheed and Shawkat Bokhari, had never
been to India.6

5
The term sabk-i-hindi was coined by Maliku’sh Shu’ara Muhammad
TaqiBahar (1886-1951) in the first quarter of twentieth century. It
signposted a poetry in the Persian language, especially ghazal ,written
mostly from the sixteenth century onward by Indian and Iranian poets, the
latter term to include poets of Iranian origin who spent long periods of
their creative life in India. “Iranian” here means a native of “greater” Iran, a
cultural entity that was generally meant to comprise all of present day Iran
and Azerbaijan in the North and West, and Afghanistan in the South and
Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in the East.
Bahār’s scholarly works include: Sabk-shenāsī (3 vols. Tehran, 1321
Š./1942, repr. 1337 Š./1958), a detailed standard history of Persian prose
illustrated by many examples.
Shibli Nu’mani does not use the phrase sabk-i-hindi, in She’rul Ajam (his
five volumes were written between 1909 and 1914, published 1909-1918,
and the work of Bahar came later). But he clearly credits Fughani with
being the “founder” of the “new age” in poetry which is marked by
“subtleties of thoughts and themes” and he describes Fughani as the
“grandpére Adam of this new age” and “the inventor of the new style”.
Later, he twice mentions the influence of India on this new style: The
[literary and cultural] taste of this place [India] engendered yet more
sumptuous colourfulness and delicate subtlety in the poetry of Urfi and
Naziri. Intermixing with India generated delicate subtlety of thought and
imagination. The delicate subtlety of thought and imagination that one
sees in the poetry of the Iranians who made India their domicile is not at all
to be found in the [Iranian domiciled] Iranians.”
6
According to Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, “The Iranians’ disapproval of the
Indian Style betrays a certain puzzled anxiety—for the poetry, though
9
If Iranian poets of the Indian Style were marginalized
from the Persian literary canon, poetry produced in Persian by
non-Iranians was, and continues to be almost entirely excluded
from the Iranian canon. Interestingly, even in Indian and
Pakistan universities, very few of the Sabk-e-Hindi poets are
prescribed for study. To repeat, if Indian Persian literature was
marginalized and even decried aside by Iranians as not
conforming to the Iranian mind, it should become clear that
Urdu which is twice removed from the so called Iranian mind
should never be treated as having anything to do with Iranian
cultural traditions. This shows that the roots of literature are in
the psyche of a culture and not in the external conventions and
formal traditions that it may accept either entirely, or accept
and modify for its own use. Differences in the nature of the
concept of knowledge, (that is, what constitutes knowledge?) of
poetry, the autonomy and innovativeness of the poet and issues
of communication and reception are vital factors in shaping this
psyche of a literary culture.7
The great nineteenth century Urdu poet Asadullah Khan
Ghalib (1797 – 1869) is an important case in point. Ghalib
began his career writing poetry in Urdu at the age of perhaps 10
or 12 (or at the age of seven if a certain tradition is to be
accepted) and had compiled a collection of nearly 1800 she’rs
by the age of 19. Subsequently Ghalib began writing mostly in

occasionally bristling with uncomfortably high imaginative flourishes and


unusual images and unconventional constructs has yet a potency, vigour
and éclat which mainline Iranian poetry would be hard put to match. One
reason for the Iranian eagerness to find a non-Indian place of origin for the
Indian Style could lie in the fact that some of the major Iranian poets of
that style never went to India: the names of Shifa’I Mashhadi (d. 1613),
Mirza Jalal Asir (d. 1630/31), Shaukat Bukhari (d. 1695/99) and Mir Tahir
Vahid (d. 1708) come instantly to mind. If native, untravelled Iranians too
wrote in the Indian Style, this was a matter for further anxiety unless a
non-Indian, Iranian origin could be found for the style. P. 3; “.A Stranger in
the City: The Poetics of Sabk-e Hindi,”Annual of Urdu Studies,

7
Muzaffar Alam in Sheldon Pollock, 2003 p 178
10
Persian, which seemed to be his preferred language. He
returned to Urdu wholeheartedly only around 1850 when he
became more closely attached to the royal court. Ghalib’s love
for Persian and his insistence on being a “native by intuition”
and a fully nativized speaker of Persian (ahle- zaban, that is,
one who “owns” the language, or “comes from” the language)
is scattered throughout his literary engagements with
contemporary Indian poets. Certainly his Persian poetry,
compared to his Urdu is more flowing, direct and relatively
easier to understand. It is full of powerful themes and ideas.
Much of Ghalib’s Urdu poetry of his early youth was
marked with a distinct tilt towards Persian language idioms and
imagery. It reveals a love for, and mastery of arcane Persian
words and idioms which is hard to match to any other poet
before or after him. Yet, his love for abstract thought and his
metaphorical reach to far away themes and ideas is a peculiarly
Indian characteristic. This particular style of abstraction known
as khiyalbandi was developed by some Indian Persian writers
in the 17th century.8Khiyal bandi reached its zenith in the poetry
of the Indian Persian poet and mystic Mirza Abdul Qadir Bedil
(1644-1720). Ghalib (as by his own admission) especially in his
youth was inordinately influenced by Bedil and some other
khiyal band poets. Ghalib must have realized that native Urdu
words were not effective in dealing with abstract, subtle and
rare themes of khiyalbandi, many of which are based on fine
distinctions in the way ideas are enunciated. Whatever learned
or philosophical-Sufistic prose there had been in Urdu until the

8
Literally, khiyalbandi means capturing a khiyal or thought and putting it
neatly and elegantly into verse. In Persian and Urdu bastan (Persian) or
bandhna (Urdu), that is, ‘to tie’, ‘to bind’ is the metaphor for using a word
or trope in poetry. This has been extremely elegantly stated by Ghani
Kashmiri the great Indo Persian poet of the early 17th century:
ab buvad ma’ni-e raushanghani
khub agar bastah shaved gauharast
A brilliant theme, oh Ghani, is bright water
If it’s bound well in a poem, it’s a pearl

11
early 19th century depended heavily on Arabic and Persian
lexicons to put its themes and meanings across to the reader.
Persian-Arabic thus had a ready vocabulary in Urdu which
Ghalib used for his purposes. Thus superficially, his Urdu
poetry, and certainly early Urdu poetry, sounds like Persian
conscripted to appear under the guise of Urdu. But the spirit of
that poetry is so utterly Indian that it cannot be classified as
anything but Indian.
The seepage of Indian themes in Ghalib’s Urdu poetry
is evident in two broad, congruent areas: first and most obvious
is his approach to that big question of Creation, Creator and
mankind. The second is the cultural aesthetic and world view
that he possesses from being an Indian Muslim albeit of
Turkish descent. I will first discuss with a few quotes from
Ghalib’s early Urdu poetry the cultural aesthetic as evident in
the characteristics of the beloved.
In the following she’r, Ghalib speaks of a dark-
complexioned beloved who is nonetheless as zalim(cruel and
coquettish) and even more tantalizing as the traditional light
skinned beauty.9Although zalim is originally an Arabic word,
and used frequently in Persian, zalim doesn’t have the praise-
admiration sense in Persian; this sense is an invention of the
Urdu speakers. Another point to note here is that the darker
complexion is presented as more enticing, more truly
“beautiful”:10

9
Zalim can be a word of praise and admiration in Urdu in the appropriate
context, as in the present verse of Ghalib’s.
10
Urdu poets of the pre-modernage viewed fair skin with some disdain
even suspicion. The notion that a “fair” skin is a precondition for being
considered beautiful entered Urdu poetry late in the 19th century. Ghalib’s
senior contemporary Shaikh Imam Bakhsh Nasikh (1773-1838) wrote:

husn ko chahi’ye andaz o adanaz o namak


kya hua gar hui goron kitarH khal safed
Beauty needs style, and elegance, and coquetry and piquant saltiness
So what if someone had a hide, white like that of the white man?
12

 
  
  
 
  ! "
The intensity of your whiteness absorbed the color from your
black tresses;
Oh cruel beloved, the blackness of your complexion,
Has a radiance which also reflects your delicateness11
The mazmun of the dark-skinned beloved is not unknown in
Urdu poetry, especially in the poetry of the 16th to the 18th
centuries. But it has been reformulated here with typical
Ghalibian flair and a unique ta’lil. (Ta’lil means to provide a
‘poetic’ and unlikely reason or justification for an otherwise
unremarkable fact.) The white to black bodied woman’s
blackness has been given an extremely delightful ta’lil: She is
extremely delicate. She is also quite dark. Her tresses are,
naturally dark and dense. So her fair body, extremely delicate,
reflects and absorbs the blackness of the tresses. The infinitive
rachna means for ‘something to become so fully absorbed as to
give its own colour to the object on which it has been applied’.
Obviously, this process takes pretty long. This again supports
the da’wah: the black tresses have always been with the fair
body. So the delicate body, fair and light as light, has absorbed
the blackness of the tresses.

In ancient Arabia, the salt that they used was dark and the Arabic word for
salt is malh; a dark coloured, good looking person was described as
malih=’salty’. This sense of ‘salt,’ and the word, was borrowed in Persian,
then in Urdu. Urdu has both words namkin and malih for a good looking,
dark complexioned person. Hence Nasikh requires namak “salt” as a
necessity for beauty. Note that I use the pejorative “hide” because the
poet has used the word khal which has the same effect.
11
Kalidas Gupta Raza,Divan-e Ghalib Kamil, P181; all translations from Urdu
are mine.
13
Observe the following intricacies: the poet does not
explicitly say that the beloved is dark-complexioned; instead,
he suggests that the josh or the fervor of her delicate whiteness
caused it to absorb the dark colour of her lovely tresses. Josh
generally means “passion”, etc. But it also means “excess, the
state of denseness caused by a crowd”. Hence josh also means
excessiveness, multitude, and extravagant abundance. Josh
contains the implicit image of “dyeing” which involves hot,
bubbling colour, suggesting the verb josh dena=to boil, to
excite. Notice also that Ghalib speaks of aks. Here it means
reflection. Thus there is the hint of illusion. She may not have
actually become dark but she appears to be so. Usually one
associates jalvah or radiance with light. The radiance or glow
of a dark complexion is alluded to in the second line. The
radiance of siyahfami, says Ghalib, has a special aura of
nazakat (delicateness).
Here is another example of a dark skinned beloved from
Ghalib’s earliest (1816) Divan:12 This she’r builds on a cultural
practice that is very Indian but couched in esoteric Sufic
Persianisms.

  
 


Kasrat-e josh-e suvaida se nahin til ki jagah
Ķhal kab mashshatah de sakti hai kakul ke tale
The intensity of darkness has left no scope for the beauty mark
How can the bride adorner apply the black dot beneath her
curly hair?

A little black spot usually with kajal is applied above the


temple just below the hairline to ward off the evil eye. But the

12
Kalidas Gupta Raza, Divan-e Ghalib Kamil, p 200
14
beautiful dancer is so dark that the mark or til won’t show.
While the previous she’r spoke of josh-e safa (excessive
whiteness) absorbing dark color from the beloved’s zulf, this
she’r presents a kasrat-e josh-e suvaida (excessive blackness)
of the beloved’s hair and/or skin that will make it impossible
for a beauty mark to show.
The she’r has a charming ambiguity which has left open several
possibilities of interpretation. Gyan Chand Jain in his
commentary on Ghalib’s mustarad Divan, prefers to read
suvaida as a black dot on the heart which is supposed to be the
concentration point for God’s true radiance (if, that is, the
seeker can reach a certain level of Knowledge). He interprets
the she’r as: Innumerable hearts are snared in the beloved’s
hair. The suvaidas have left no room for a beauty mark.13Jain’s
explanation suffers from oversimplification.
One can read suvaida as the black dot in the heart, but the
meaning becomes different: The beloved is so pure of heart that
her suvaida, normally a nearly invisible spot in the heart, has
overtaken her whole body and that’s why she is black
complexioned. This meaning doesn’t cancel Jain’s
interpretation, but it shows that a Sufistic subject or concept has
been used by the poet to produce a near erotic verse.
The entire ghazal has an extremely Indian (or indigenous)
mood that is enhanced by the radif ke tale. The word tale
(beneath, below) is derived from the Sanskrit tal.
The matla’ (opening couplet) of this ghazal has a delicate Indic
mazmun of the beloved bathing with dew (or rose water) in the
garden:14

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)  ,-./*)
(*+
13
Jain; Tafseer-e Ghalib, P 556
14
Raza; P 200
15
Voh nahakar aab-e gul se sayah-e gulke tale
Bal kis garmi se sukhlata hai sumbul ke tale
After bathing in rose water beneath the roses
With what intense energy does she dry her hair in the shade of
the sunbul!
A woman, bathing in the open, in a garden under the shade of
roses, and drying the hair with intense energy fervency, and
ardor, among the flower bushes and shrubs, are truly Indic
images and ideas. In fact, the theme of the beloved bathing in
the open—in the river, or on the river bank— is a not a theme
found in Persian, but has been extremely popular with Urdu
poets from the 17th century. Obviously, both our climate and
our mores permit bathing in the open. Here are two examples
from Mir (172 2-1810) and one from Musahafi (1750-1824).
Mir’s ghazal is from his second Divan (circa 1780) and
Mushafi’s verse is from his first Divan (circa 1785):
Here is Mir:
 7
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) 8/
 
  
Shab nahata tha jo voh rashk-e qamar pani men
Guthi mahtab se uţhti thi lahar pani men
Last night that envy of the moon was bathing in open water
She caused the waves to rise intertwined with the moonlight in
the water
Mir:

9:&';<6=> ? @!

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012*
) B
A A DE F GH

sath is lutf ke deta tha dikha’I voh badan


jaise jhamke hai para gauhar- tar pani men

16
With such elegance was her body descried
It was if a pearl of high luster was glistening
under water
Musahafi:

   
 



jamna men kal naha kar jab us ne baal baandhe
ham ne bhi ji men apne kya kya khiyal bandhe
Yesterday, after bathing in the Jamna she tied up her hair
I just can’t say what thoughts I twined and intertwined in my
head
Ghalib had a strong tradition on his back when he talked
of his beloved bathing herself in the dew, or in rose-water in
the open garden. Note that Ghalib has used the masculine
gender (sukhlata) here, which I have translated as feminine, not
just because of the convention of English poetry, but also
because the beloved whose bathing is the subject of this verse
is clearly feminine. Similarly, in Mir, the pronouns and verbs
are all masculine but we clearly understand that it’s a woman
he’s talking about. In Musahafi, the gender is omitted, but the
sense of a woman is very strong. This convention—of hiding
the gender of the beloved, or of implying or stating that s/he is
masculine—is not Iranian, as most of us have been led to
believe, especially since Altaf Husain Hali (1837-1914) wrote
his extremely influential book—the first Urdu book on literary
theory—Muqaddama-e Sh’er o Sha’iri in 1893.Persian has no
genders, so it is unfair to assert that just because there is
occasional mention in its ghazals of beautiful boys as cup
bearers or a young, handsome youth as beloved, Iranian ghazal
always has a male beloved. In fact, the convention of talking of
the beloved as male is a mode more or less inaugurated and
certainly strengthened and established by the Urdu poets of

17
early 18th century. But for a couple of poets like Mubarak Abru
(1683/5-1733) and Shakir Naji (1690?-1744-47?) who openly
indulged their boy love in their poetry, it is not possible to
name any Urdu poet from the late 17th century Delhi who really
meant the beloved to be a boy. In fact, the concept of the
beloved in Urdu ghazal very soon took an abstract character—it
was the idea of a beloved, and the idea of a lover, rather than
an actual person. This could have been an influence of Sanskrit,
from where those early Urdu poets of Delhi were also supposed
to have derived their love for sleşa which took the form of iham
(wordplay, double entendre) in the ghazal of early 18th century
Urdu poets. These subjects—the source for the love of iham,
and beloved and love and lover as ideas rather than persons—
have not been investigated, mainly because modern literary
theory in Urdu chose to take a literalist view of all things pre-
modern.
Going back to the she’r, observe the delightful
intermixing of tropes, Persian and Indic. Sunbul is a fragrant
clustered flower made up of smaller blooms that have curly
petals; it has been used in Persian poetry as a trope for beautiful
curly hair and was appropriated in Urdu. Obviously, Ghalib’s
voh implies the word mahbub which has an indeterminate
gender but mostly signified as masculine in Urdu, in keeping
with tradition, as we just saw. While this does not imply that
voh is a male lover, the situation created in the she’r is piquant.
This is the Perso-Indic crossover I am referring to here. An
Indian mahbub bathes in the rose garden and dries her hair
among the Persian hyacinths.
Moving on from the beloved to the lover, Ghalib has a
beautiful she’r on the theme of burning in love with a stunning
image taken from Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights: 15
 7
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JKL
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15
Raza, p 154-155
18
Hai tamashagah-e soz-e naz har yak ‘uzw-e tan
Jun chiraghan-e divali saf ba saf jalta hun main
Every limb of my body presents the spectacle of a new fire
caused by her coquetry
Like the lamps of Divali I burn row upon row
Diwali is the Hindu festival of joy and celebration, marked by a
profusion of lamps being lit and fireworks being played to
welcome the return Lord Rama from exile. Diwali lamps are lit
in rows and are kept burning by replenishing the oil.
Comparing the body as chiraghan with Diwali lamps is an
original idea and a marvel of metaphorical thinking. One of
Ghalib’s commentators, Zamin Kantoori, has suggested that the
construction chiraghan-e divali, is odd, because Ghalib has
used a Persian izafat with an Indic word.16 I think the usage is
notable for two reasons, one, because Ghalib here sets a
precedent—or at least an authoritative instance—of such an
izafat which is still frowned upon by the “purists”, and two, he
preferred to use a native image instead of a Perso-Arabic one.
I began this paper with a brief mention of Sabk-e-
Hindi, a style of Persian poetry whose poets wrote in the
“Indian” style. Sabk-e-Hindi poets favored abstractions,
especially a mode known as khiyalbandi, which I briefly
referred to above. The khiyal was elusive and allusive,
ambiguous and accessible through metaphor. Intertextuality
was an important, though inarticulate premise in khiyalbandi:
unless the audience was acquainted with previous instances of
poets using a particular theme, the “newness” of the present
khiyal couldn’t be appreciated. Persian poetry in Sabk-e-Hindi
was predominantly in the khiyal band mode. Urdu, as successor
to Persian as a literary language inherited this mode as well.
Though not often recognized, nearly all the Urdu poets who
wrote in this mode were clearly trying to emulate or go beyond

16
Zamin Kantoori, Sharh-e Divan-e Ghalib, P
19
the Persian poets who, it must be remembered were more
Indian than Persian.
As Shamsur Rahman Faruqi has shown, Ghalib was not
a lone practitioner of khiyalbandi, nor was he as individualistic
and distinct from his peers as Hali, in his Yadgar-e Ghalib
(1897), had persuaded us to believe. In Urdu, Shah Nasir
(1755?-1838), followed by Imam Bakhsh Nasikh, Mushafi,
Zauq (1788-1854), Atash (1777-1847) and Asghar Ali Khan
Nasim (1794-1864) were exponents of the style. Certainly, the
greatest exponent of khiyalbandi in Urdu was Ghalib. Ghalib’s
closeness to Persian as a language of poetry and also his great
admiration of Mirza Bedil were undoubtedly among the reasons
for his penchant for khiyalbandi. But Bedil was not the only
influence or resource for Ghalib’s world view and engagement
with philosophical questions that are basic to ghazal poetry,
namely: What is the meaning of creation? What is man’s
relation with God and place in creation? What is love?
Sabk-e-Hindi poets sought answers to these knotty
questions partly through Sufism and partly through their
creative imagination. Indian Sufism has from the beginning,
been open to exploring the path offered by the indigenous
philosophies such as the Vedanta and Buddhism. In fact some
literary critics have gone to the extent of conflating Sabk-e-
Hindi with Sufistic ghazalness (taghazzul-e tasavvufi).17 Sufi
poets often used exclusively local themes, allusions, idioms and
proverbs and they mostly composed in local languages. They
wrote on or used Hindu themes and religious experience as
freely as they would use Persian themes, images, and Muslim
religious experience. For example, a poetic genre of Braj

17
Salahuddin Saljuqi in his admirable Naqd-e Bedil goes to the extent of
saying that Sabk-ihindi did not in itself originate in India, but has descended
[in this world] from the firmament of Sufism. But India has been the land
where the inspirations issuing forth from the firmament of Sufism have
flown in a measure greater than in other lands, and Sufism has specially
flourished and developed there. It is because of this that this style can be
observed in every poet, to the extent of how deep he is in Sufism.
20
Bjasha and Awadhi known as Premakhyana was a masnavi
style poem that used Hindu folk-religious themes to explain the
soul’s yearning for God. Khiyalbandi as a process of thinking
was undoubtedly influenced by what its proponents received
from their local environment.
I will close the discussion with a few examples of
philosophical she’rs that show the subtlety of the Indic cultural
sensibility and its influence on Ghalib. One of the best-known
she’rs in this regard is from his early, mustarad divan:

X Y Z'[ P \
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) *  bc

Where, oh Lord, is the second step of the ambition?


The wilderness of possibility, I found, was just a single footprint
Gyan Chand Jain has written that this she’r reminds him of the
story in Hindu mythology of Vamana avatar.18 The avatar, in
the guise of a Brahman went to a certain king and asked him
for a small piece of land, actually three steps worth, to make a
small dwelling. The king agreed. Vamana’s first step covered
the earth, the second the patal (regions below the earth) and
there was nothing left for the third step. Similarly, says Jain, the
whole world and its possibilities are equal to just one step in the
expanse of Ghalib’s desires; there is no room for a second
step.19
Jain is being cautious in his reference to the connection
between Ghalib’s thought and the Vamana Avatar. Ghalib’s
she’r does broach a non-Muslim idea. According to Islamic
thought, there is nothing in the universe similar to God laisa
kamislihishaiyun. God is the awwal (First), akhr (last), zahir
(apparent), batin (unapparent), waris (the survivor and inheritor

18
King Bali through meditation (tapasya) had become so powerful that he
had even driven the gods from their abode. To teach him a lesson in
humility, Lord Vishnu came to earth in the form of a Vaman (dwarf).
19
Jain, p 27
21
of all). He encompasses everything. In such a situation, there
can be no question of someone—human or angel—finding the
whole universe of possibility to be just a single footprint. The
footprint of God is in and upon everything. There is nothing
beyond or after God. Ghalib, a seventeen year old saturated on
Bedil and having learnt Vedanta almost by osmosis, could
bring in the Hindu idea effortlessly. It’s not just Vamana
Avatar who is in play here. One must also remember Shiva
whose offspring Ganesha and Muruga can circumambulate the
universe: Muruga does it physically but Ganesha goes round
his parents, saying that the whole of the whole universe was
right there! Ghalib could have had something of this legend in
mind as well. Or, he is just asserting the strength and the power
of the human mind. If, in the 19th century, scientists in the West
were unlocking the secrets of the universe one by one and were
asserting in effect that all there is can be reduced into a
mathematical formula, is it not possible that Ghalib was
imaginatively leaping those very heights, transcending his
religious identity and assuming cultural identities far above and
beyond the streets of Akbarabad where as a child, he flew kites
and took part in the fun and frolic of carefree youth?
Let’s now look at another verse:

A  P)/*g
B  5
 e

e
2 d f



hi)*5T5cj


God, that is, one kinder than a father


I roamed from door to door because of un-acceptance
God, the Father, is a Christian concept. In Islam God is unique.
There is nothing like God. God cannot be compared to humans.
In Hinduism, the concept of God is anthropomorphic. God is
both father and mother, or conversely, both mother and father
are God. In the she’r under consideration, we can derive more
than one meaning from naqabili: The protagonist did not accept
God’s existence or God’s word and that is why he couldn’t find
God. Or, he did not accept God’s help which is why he roamed
22
hither and thither. It is also implied that the protagonist is
complaining that “I rejected Him but why did He reject me?”
Clearly, Ghalib is influenced by Vedantic thought, the
nurturing, creative principle of God, as Srijanhar.
What I have presented above are random examples
drawn from my current work on Ghalib’s mustarad divan. An
organized study of Ghalib’s poetry will yield numerous she’rs
in which the influence of Vedanta and the Indian world view
can be easily observed. As I have noted in this essay, in spite of
its heavy borrowing from Persian, the thought processes, the
worldview, the vision, reflected in the Persian poetry produced
in India is practically incomprehensible and not particularly
enjoyable to the Iranian mind. The reason for this is that the
thought process in Sabk-e-Hindi is Indian, the world view is
Indian. And this is regardless of whether the poet was Muslim,
Hindu, Christian, or Sikh or Parsi.
Literary historian and critic Shibli Nu’mani inordinately
privileged Iran over India in his five volume history of Persian
poetry. He actually disdained and scorned even some of the
great poets who were typical of the Sabk-e-Hindi mode, such
as: Sa’ib, Bedil, Nasir Ali Sirhindi, and many others. Shibli
himself wrote Persian poetry in a mode and manner which was
much akin to the Persian poets of the 16th century. His idiom
was perfectly Iranian, his emotions were simple, and his love
thoughts though full of passion, were devoid of complexity. He
wrote in the well-known Iranian style of vaqu’agoi, that is,
writing about the events and transactions of love as they
transpire between lover and beloved. His beloved is clearly
female, his lover clearly male. In spite of all this, Shibli’s
poetry is unknown and unacknowledged in Iran, though his
five- volume history of Persian poetry (which studiously avoids
Indian Persian poets and includes only a very few of the Iranian
poets of Sabk-e-Hindi) has been translated into Persian in Iran
and is still in print.
Shibli’s case brings out the tragedy of several extremely
erudite postcolonial critics and thinkers who failed to recognize
23
culture as the main force and the most powerful source of
literary production. Shibli presumed that language, idiom,
phraseology, simplicity of thought and emotion as evinced in
the ghazal by the great Iranian poets like Sa’di, Hafiz, and
Rumi was all that there was to poetry in Persian. Indeed, he felt
so uncomfortable with abstract and complex thought that
though his book on Rumi, Savanih Umri-e Maulana Rum
(1901), the first ever book on Rumi in any language, that he
offers very little discussion on Rumi’s Sufistic and Neo-
Platonic thought, while it was the thought which made Rumi’s
great Masnavi what it is—the greatest Sufistic poem in the
world.
As Muhammad Hasan Askari has shown, there is an organic
relationship between literature and culture. Imagination can
cross all boundaries, but it grows from the mind, and the mind
or consciousness is conditioned by culture. Shibli, for all his
vast and eclectic learning, didn’t grasp the fact that culture
always supervenes over and supersedes religion. Culture may
be a product of religion in the last analysis, but in a clash
between culture and religion, the latter will always take the
back seat. It is no surprise, that Urdu is the one modern Indian
language which has been the language of poetry for people of
every religious persuasion in India. A pre-modern Urdu ghazal
written by a late nineteenth century Parsi poet, Bahramji
Peshotanji Dastur is indistinguishable from a ghazal written by
the early nineteenth century Englishman Alexander Heatherly
Azad, and a mid-nineteenth century Frenchman George Pueche
Shor. They must have had their religious sensibilities. In fact
Azad and Shor wrote poems and verses about Jesus Christ. But
if we remove those, overt indicators, there’s nothing that can
“betray” their religion.
Ghalib is in a similar position. He wrote a considerable
amount of religious poetry, more in Persian than in Urdu. The
best-known in Urdu are the two qasidas in honor of Hazrat
Ali.20 But he also wrote a Persian masnavi (Chiragh-e Dair) in
20
The two qasidas are:
24
which he eulogized Banaras and called it the Ka’bah of
Hindustan (not just the Ka’bah of the Hindus). If we put aside
his explicitly religious poetry, he comes through as a “thinking
poet”—to use Coleridge’s epithet for John Donne— who could
question the order of things, who could see beyond petty
boundaries and challenge the management of God’s universe in
a virtually teasing, playful way:
sipihr ra tu ba taraj-e ma gumashtai
na har che duzd ze ma burd dar khazana-e tust
You have appointed the sky to loot and plunder us
Was it not already in your treasury, all that the robber took
from us?

Works Cited:
Alam, Muzaffar; “The Culture and Politics of Persian in Precolonial
Hindustan,” Sheldon Pollock, Literary Cultures in History,
Reconstructions from South Asia, Berkeley, University of California
Press, 2003
Brass, Paul; Language, Religion and Politics in North India,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1974
Faruqi, Shamsur Rahman; “A Stranger in the City: The Poetics of
Sabk-e-Hindi,” Annual of Urdu Studies,
Hali, Altaf Husain; Muqaddamah-e She’r-o Sha’iri, (reprint)
Allahabad, Ram Dayal Agarwala, 1964
_____; Yadgar-e Ghalib, (reprint) New Delhi, Ghalib Institute, 2000

  




  

 !"#$%'& ()
And,

&
/0 123* +, -.)

25
Jain, Gyan Chand; Tafseer-e Ghalib, Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir
Academy of Art, Culture and Languages, 1971
Kantoori, Saiyyed Zamin; edited, Ashraf Rafi; Sharh-e Divan-e
Ghalib, Delhi, Educational Publishing House, 2012
King, Christopher; One Language Two Scripts: The Hindi Movement
in 19th Century North India, Bombay, Oxford University Press, 1994
Nu’mani, Shibli; She’rul Ajam, 5 vols. 1947-62
Raza, Kalidas Gupta editor; Divan-e Ghalib Kamil, Tarikhi Tartib
Se, Mumbai, Sakar Publishers, 1988
Saksena, Ram Babu; A History of Urdu Literature, New Delhi
(reprint) Indigo Books, 2002
Sharma, Sunil; Persian Poetry at the Indian Frontier, Masud Sa’d
Salman of Lahore, New Delhi Permanent Black, 2000

26
A Historical Narrative of South
Asian Time
Reading Qurratulain Hyder's River of Fire

Zehra Mehdi
Doctoral Student, South Asian Religion, Department of Religion
Columbia University, New York City, New York

“There are many ways of telling a dastaan, she said. How shall
I begin? I don't know which characters are more important.
Where did the story start? What was the climax? Who was the
heroine? And who was the hero? Who is the listener of this
story and who is the narrator?”
Qurratulain Hyder, River of Fire (1999, p. 184)
Recounting her family saga to friends, Talat musings in
the lines above reflect the kernel of Qurratulain Hyder's River
of Fire. Talat’s ruminations are about (i) the sequence of events
(Where does the story start? What was the climax?), and (ii) the
structuring of the event (How shall I begin? Who is the hero?
Heroine? Listener, Narrator?). On a careful reading, one
notices that the only construct absent in these lines is of Time.
Talat does not wonder - when? Is Time irrelevant to her story
or does her story say something about Time itself? In Hyder's
River of Fire, history remains a discourse on Time, which she
builds across 2, 500 years that traverse the historiography of
South Asia and present a narrative of South Asian Time.
Historians and literary critics have read River of Fire as
a post-partition narrative, a critique of Hindu nationalism
(Hanfi 2011, Kumar 2011, Nandi 2012), and a subaltern

27
narrative (Nandi, 2012). Through this paper I argue otherwise,
namely that reading the text through the abovementioned
themes means employing a notion of linear, chronological, and
to use Ashis Nandy's words, “essentialist history” (Nandy
1995, p. 45). In my reading, it is not through the text that Hyder
narrates her story. The text, River of Fire itself becomes a story
of Time told through history and individual narratives. Personal
trajectories of different characters embody the spectrum of
human experience acting as the trope of history in the narrative
of Time. Instead of South Asian History, or of South Asian
characters in history, this paper proposes a reading of River of
Fire, as a narrative of South Asian Time.

Histories of Reading River of Fire


River of Fire (1999) was published 40 years after its
original Aag ka Dariya (1959) in Urdu, by Hyder. The English
version is a transcreation, with “edited references and added
sections” (Oldfield 2011, p. 29), considered a “new original”
(Asaduddin 2008, p. 248). Kumkum Sangari (2005), making a
case of English-Urdu bilingualism, writes, “the two novels have
now to be read against one another and grasped together as a
single configuration” (p. 22). However, this ‘single
configuration’ received vastly different receptions---enormous
praise in Urdu literary circles in India and Pakistan but a
lukewarm reception in English.1 Masood Ashraf Raja (2006)
attributes this difference to the defining structure of the post-
colonial novel, which is centered at colonial atrocity. In not

1In 1999, when Qurratulain Hyder’s Urdu novel Aag ka Dariya, was
published, in English it received raving journalist reviews. Aamer Hussain, in
a London Times Literary Supplement Review, called it a “work which is to
Urdu fiction what a Hundred Years in Solitude is to Hispanic literature”
(Raja 2006, p. 59). Raja elaborates how there has been a marked absence
in engagement with River of Fire while there has been a marked interest in
the work of other writers who write about South Asia namely Salman
Rushdie and V S Naipaul.
28
adhering to this structure of the novel, River of Fire does not
feature in the post-colonial diasporic literature and thereby
loses out to the configurations of Third World Novel.2It
succeeds in being read as a post partition narrative; one that
challenges the dominant nationalist discourse by presenting a
subaltern narrative of partition (Nandy 2012), and one that
critiques the construction of nation state (Raja 2006) as it posits
towards a common “shared history”( p. 59) between India and
Pakistan.
Both Raja and Nandi stand correct in their articulation:
River of Fire can be read as a post Partition narrative that
echoes the syncretic past shared by Hindus and Muslims.
However, this reading remains an interpretation on the part of
the writer who analyses the text in pursuit of a predetermined
theme. For Raja, what matters is politics of writing beyond the
nation state while for Nandi, it is a question of “subaltern pasts”
(Chakarbarty 2000, p. 112), which resist the monolith narrative
of history in the name of nationalism. I do not undermine their
reading or their analysis. But I do find their analysis
superimposing upon the reading of the text. When Raja finds
the centrality of characters constructed along religious lines and
Nandi posits that they represent the subaltern, they both treat
the text within the narrative of history. They read the history in
which it was written and their analyses, reconstructs the text

2Raja uses Ajaiz Ahmed (1992) attributes of the Third Word Novel. He
quotes Ahmed, “The essential task of the Third World Novel, it is said, is to
give appropriate form, to the nationalist experience. The range of
questions that may be asked of the text which are currently in the process
of being canonized within this categorical counter-cannon must
predominantly refer then, in one way or another, to representations of
colonialism, nationhood, post coloniality, the typology of rulers, their
powers, their corruptions, and so forth (p. 124). Diaspora becomes a
category through which centrality of a novel in expressed in post colonial
literature. Steering away from idioms of nationhood and nationalist
experience River of Fire becomes a novel that is neither about the diaspora
of Muslims in India after Partition nor elaborates on the insidious
aftermath of colonialism.
29
‘into’ the history- a history of post partition India, a history of
nationalism, and a history of the subaltern. However, such a
reading of history belongs to the modern, Western world and
does not augur well for non-modern world such as India.
Both conceptions of nationalism and that of India post
Partition are premised on the conception of “post-colonial
investigation of history” (Chakarabarty 2000, p. 308).
Intertwined with European rationalist it speaks of nation state,
national history where history is the European form of
knowledge. In arguing River of Fire to be against this
construction of narrating history, one still goes on to
acknowledge that the novel registers this construction of a
historical teleology and actively ruptures it. I am reading such
an acknowledgement even in its resistance as yet a continuing
narrative of European sentiment of history which is essentially
for the modern world. While I personally and academically
admire the relevance of subaltern history in the context of
South Asia which is marred by a skewed national history
epitomizing conflict of one community against the other, I
hesitate to apply the theme of subaltern to River of Fire.
Application of such a theme operates from some semblance of
history, where as I am reading this text as a narrative of Time
where the stories told aren’t stories that stand in opposition to
the national history (though they can be read like that, albeit it
would be a parochial reading of sorts) of Hindus detesting
Muslims or the vice versa. Instead the use of Hindu and
Muslims for that matter even Christians in the novel connotes
something more than two historical groups where Christian was
the identified colonizer. Being a narrative of Time, the use of
history becomes different than what it would be in a subaltern
text. The paper will gradually develop this difference as well as
explain it.
Nandy writes in History's Forgotten Double (1995),
“History isn't the only way one thinks about the past. It's a
western construction of history and works for the modern
world. When it comes to the non-modern world it absolutistizes

30
the past” (p. 44). For Nandy, “However odd this might sound to
readers of a collection on world history, millions of people still
live ‘outside history.’ They do have theories of the past; they do
believe that the past is important and shapes the present and the
future, but they also recognize, confront, and live with a past
different from that constructed by historians and historical
consciousness. They even have a different way of arriving at
that past” (p. 45). For Nandy, not all ways of thinking about the
past come under the dominant discourse of history. His
problem with history is its emphasis on scientific
consciousness, which it brings to the study of the non-West and
relegates it to the realm of historical consciousness. Agreeing
with Gyan Pandey on the need for such a consciousness for the
documentation of history, which has been essentially political
and hence necessarily akin to nation state for the West, Nandy
finds its ‘essentializing’ problematic. His concerns are about
history functioning as empirical science and rendering all those
who fall outside its paradigm as “ahistorical” (p. 56). He
protests, “Once exported to the modern world, historical
consciousness has not only tended to absolutistize the past in
cultures that have lived with open ended concepts of pasts or
depended upon myths, legends, and epics to define their
cultural selves” (p. 45). What Raja and Nandi unwittingly do is
posit the reading of River of Fire as narrative of history that
centers on the creation of political nation state and its fragments
or discontents. Reading Partition, as the crux of the text would
be similar to a post-colonial reading of the text. Defining it
through history perceived to be linear, one would absolutize it.
Both the authors also read it through their own historical
confines- Raja begins with the lack of reception of the novel in
English and Nandi begins with the rise of Hindu nationalism
post the demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992.
However, Hyder's concerns are different than those of
history. In an interview with Noor Zaheer she expresses, “My
concerns are different from the Progressives. They are involved
with changing and analyzing the present life, I am interested in
life as a whole. Life, that is a process of finding a reason to live
31
and struggle, to survive in different eras and epochs” (2011, p.
19). I read caution in Hyder's words against reading themes 'in '
River of Fire. Instead, River of Fire with its uninterrupted
continuity becomes a theme of Time itself.

River of Fire as a Historical Narrative of Time


“Come the rain and the Beerbhuti appeared all over the green.
From where do they emerge, so perfect in shape and color, and
where do they go? What a brief span of existence they have, but
for them it is a lifetime. This was a solitary beerbhuti and it
looked so alone in the expanse and depth of the forest. Right
now, it sat cozily in its own silence across Gautam's palm. It
could soon be crushed by an animal or passerby. He noticed
another red beerbhuti on the lush green grass, slowly making
progress from somewhere to nowhere. He could unwittingly
trample these lovely helpless little things”. (River of Fire, p.1)
As Hyder opens her River of Fire with the above lines
she aesthetically introduces the relation between her characters
and the narrative of Time. All her characters like beerbhuti's
will appear as they are destined to. They will live life fully in
her text but won’t be immortal or eternal. The trajectory of their
lives will await its possibility of death. Pursuing their pre-
ordained life, which is inane and quotidian in its existence
(going somewhere to nowhere), they can meet their perfunctory
end (can be trampled accidentally).
River of Fire becomes a narration of this pre-determined course
of life where characters live their lives with its struggles in
disappointments and successes and meet their end in solemn
and usual ways.
The novel echoes, “What could be more trite than the
event of dying” (p. 354).
In the fourth century Gautam, the philosophizing sanyasi
drowns in Saryu wondering if his life had any meaning at all, “I

32
have been an ascetic, and a libertine, a thinker and an idiot, a
beggar and a grandee. I have seen it all. Perhaps now in spite
of myself, I have reached a stage of sanyas where one desires
neither death nor life. Where is my final refuge” (p. 51)? In the
fifteenth century Mansur Kamaluddin , the linguist from Persia
who served the Sharqi dynasty and lived to compose numerous
folk songs and ballads sung by people of Bengal for years to
come, dies wondering how after spending his entire life in India
he was called an outsider- “He had spent all his energy in
making these fields bloom, spent years in beautifying a
language these men were speaking. He has written songs and
collected stories. No one had any right to call him an outsider
or traitor. He would be taken to the Gaur and gaoled. What
had he done to be treated like this” (p.102). In the end of
eighteenth century and beginning of nineteenth century Cyril
Ashley being awarded the Knighthood and spending four
decades of extravagant and privileged comfort under the
auspices of British Raj dies from a massive heart attack-
“Death came to Cyril Ashley in a lonely circuit house in a
remote corner of Bihar. All of a sudden, he felt he was going to
die. He stammered and could not call out -Koi Hai” (p. 150).
In the nineteenth century Nawab Kamaluddin Ali Reza
Bahadur, an estate owner and a romantic poet from Matia Bhuj
of the Kingdom of Awadh lives his luxurious and flamboyant
life in Lucknow and finds the city in ruins after the mutiny of
1858. Unable to reconcile to the passing to its glory, he laments
the destruction of his dear Lucknow by the British until he
meets his death in sleep- “In October '58 I returned to
Lucknow from Europe and found that Lucknow changed. My
house had been destroyed too” (p. 157),“The city as lying in
ruins. I wandered in a daze looking for my next of kin. Now
whenever I see an ancient banyan and its beards, I revert my
eyes. They remind me of corpses dangling from roadside
trees”(p. 166). Champa Jan, the famous seductive courtesan
from nineteenth century Lucknow meets her end as a addicted
beggar with the advent of British administration- “Some

33
courtesans become queens some become mendicants. This is
kismet” (p. 173-174).
In my reading, historical conditions function as kismet
in River of Fire. While they determine the course of life for
characters, in themselves they are determined by temporality.
Liyange Amarakeerthi finds the historical condition as the
defining feature in what is the ‘historical novel’ in, 'River of
Fire: Critiquing the Ideology of History (2003). For him, Hyder
challenges the existing modes of history writing and in doing so
produces ‘a fictional history’ through her novel. He explains
the problems of ‘real’ history to be akin to what Nandy posits
as, “monologic, teleological, and often ideologically
constructed” (Nandy p. 44). Fictional history writes
Amarakeerthi, is “dialogic, less teleological, and challenges the
ideologies that it is based on, if not actually presenting an
entirely different worldview” (p. 44). He cautions against the
reading of fictional history as real history lest we render it rigid.
Despite a compelling argument, Amarakeerthi remains caught
in the tautology of history. Even with his critique he ends up
privileging the ‘real’ history as ‘the history,’ and Hyder's
historical account as the ‘alternate narrative.’ In doing so he
remains unable to engage with River of Fire as an alternate to
history for it use of historical events to punctuate the eternity of
Time. But how does one employ the eternity of Time in the
study of a historical narrative such as River of Fire, which is
replete with characters and their cyclic appearance across 2,
500 years of historical epochs in the South Asian subcontinent?

Historical Condition of Temporality


In 'Memory, History, Forgetting (2004), Paul Riceour
writes about the relationship between time and history and
builds his argument on the ontology of historical condition, the
epistemology of historical knowledge and the phenomenology
of memory. He writes, “time/temporality constitutes the
existential precondition for the reference of memory and the
34
of individual stories are testimony to the discursive narration of
past. However, they are not just that. They become existential
temporal conditions through which history functions. Each
chapter of River of Fire opens with a movement in the
individual story. Like history, in River of Fire, human
experience becomes the existential condition of temporality.

In Time and Narrative (1984), Riceour writes that


“Time becomes human time as it is organized in a narrative and
the narrative in turn is meaningful to the extent it portrays
features of temporal existence” (p. 68). The human experience
in the individual lives of the characters in River of Fire
demonstrates its temporality both in the lives they lived and, in
the conditions, namely that of history that they lived it in.
Riceour contends that between the activity of narrating a story
and temporal character of human experience there exists a co-
relation. “It is not merely accidental, but it presents a
transcultural form of necessity” (p. 77). This necessity is what I
identify as the central feature of River of Fire. Neither is the
text a history of South Asian subcontinent neither is it a novel
of human experience set in South Asian subcontinent. It is a
novel about Time, perhaps a narrative about Time in South
Asia whose necessity becomes the correlation between history
and human experience. History functions as an existential
condition through human experience in River of Fire. In doing
so, it is able to chronicle the inevitability of Time manifested
through characters which will appear, live and die only to
reappear and empires that will rise to be captured and will go
on to find new identities yet again. Gautams, Kamals, Cyrils,
Champas will continue to reappear just that Mauryas, Lodhis,
Mughals and British in the South Asian subcontinent. In their
reappearance they will continue to narrate a daastaan of Time,
where the identity of the narrator or the author, identification of
the central characters would be not just immaterial but
irrelevant.

37
South Asian Time
This irrelevance of history as well as of individual
trajectory is a peculiar reading of Time in South Asia. Nandy
writes that South Asian construction of history is opposite to
that of the West because it is premised on the centrality of Time
and hence can't be read through neat, delineated categories
called historical periods. He agrees with Commarawamy's
articulation of time in South Asia as imitating eternity (1989, p.
71) and writes that “the construction of time in South Asia is
neither linear nor uni directional” (p. 58). “The Indian attitude
to time including sequencing of the past is not given or pre-
formatted”(p. 63). Hyder in River of Fire echoes agreement to
Nandy's reading. She writes,
“In India, history has no meaning, events are not important,
reality, myth and tradition all get mixed up. Historical time
does not exist, the moment is eternal, man remains
nameless”(p. 416).
“They watched the river ripple past. Words were temporary
and transitory. Languages fade away and are forced into
oblivion by new tongues. Men also come and go, even the river
and the jungle are not eternal. After fifty years a jungle of
concrete may spring up here. The river may dry up or shrink or
change course, just as human beings disappear or change the
direction of their journeys”(p. 426).
For Riceour, the human time is a combination of both
cosmological time (life to death) and phenomenological time
(past, present and future). River of Fire, while concerning itself
with cosmological time leaves a commentary on the
phenomenology of time. Phenomenology for South Asia is
configured differently. In South Asia, Nandy writes, there is no
past, independent of the present, there is no future that is
present here and now. The past shapes the present and the
future but the future and the present also shape the past” (p.
62). Time, in South Asia becomes not just nonlinear, but cyclic.

38
The ambivalent Indian epic
As a narrative of time where history uses human experience as
an existential condition for temporality what does River of Fire
become in context of South Asia? It follows “a destiny of a
prefigured time that becomes a reconfigured time through the
mediation of a configured time” (Riceour 1995, p. 54) and in
doing it becomes an Indian epic. An Indian epic describes
Nandy “begins with a pre-history and end, not with a climactic
victory or defeat but with an ambivalent passing of era. There is
at their conclusion a certain tiredness and a sense of futility of it
all” (1995, p. 63). River of Fire follows the destiny of Time in
South Asia which is prefigured, every passing era of history
reconfigures it and reappearance of every character is a
mediation in this configuration. Ambivalence partners its
resolve with futility in unfolding of history of Time. At one
end, one is relieved of passing of an era, one is equally bitter of
the condition of its end; Partition being the consequence of the
end of Colonialism. This ambivalence remains embedded in the
cycle of time where history in repeating itself, yet again,
repeats the story of Time.

Bibliography and References


Ahmed, A. (1992). In theory: Classes, Nations and Literature.
London. Verso.
Amarakeerthi, L. (2003). River of Fire: Critiquing the Ideology
of History. Annual of Urdu Studies. 18, pp 25-44.
Asaduddin, M. (2008). Lost/Found in Translation: Qurratulain
Hyder as Self Translator. Annual of Urdu Studies23,pp 234–49.

39
Chakrabarty, D. (2000). Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial
Thought and Historical Difference, Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Hanfi, S. ( 2011). Qurratulain Hyder and the Partition narrative.
In Qurutulain Hyder and the River of Fire: The Meaning, scope
and significance of her legacy. Ed Rakshanda Jalil. Oxford
University Press. Pakistan, pp142-151.
Hyder, Q. (1999). River of Fire (Aag ka Darya). Transcreated
from the original Urdu by the author. New York: New
Directions.
Kumar, P.(2002). Beyond Partition: Turn of Centuries in Aag
Ka Dariya. India International Center Quarterly. 29:2, pp 87-
94.
Nandi, S. (2012). Reconstructing the Contested Past: Reading
Qurratulain Hyder’s River of Fire Against the Rhetoric of
Radical Hindu nationalism. Interventions: International
Journal of Post Colonial Studies. 14:2, pp 297-297.
Nandy, A. (1995). History’s Forgotten Doubles. History and
Theory, 34: 2, pp 44-66.
Nietzsche, F, W. (1998). Unfashionable Observations. Stanford
University Press.
Oldfield, A, C. (2011). Confusion in the Universe: Conflict and
Narrative in Qurutualain Hyder’s River of Fire. Annual of Urdu
Studies 26: 28-41.
Raja, M.A. (2006). Qurratulain Hyders’ River of Fire: The
Novel and the Politics of Writing Beyond the Nation-State.
Interactions 15(2):49–60.
Ricoeur, P. (1988). Time and Narrative Volume 3. Translated
by Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer. University of
Chicago Press: Chicago and London.

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Ricoeur, P. (2004). Memory, History and Forgetting.
Translated by Kathleen Blamey and David Pellauer. The
University of Chicago Press: Chicago and London.
Sangari, K. (2005). “The Configural Mode: Aag ka Dariya”. In
Qurratulain Hyder and the River of Fire: The Meaning, scope
and significance of her legacy. Ed. Rakshanda Jalil. Oxford
University Press: Pakistan, pp 196-228.
Zaheer, N. (2011). “Talking to Anni Khala”. In Qurutulain
Hyder and the River of Fire: The Meaning, scope and
significance of her legacy. Ed Rakshanda Jalil. Oxford
University Press. Pakistan, pp 23-34.

41
Faiz and the Postcolonial Subalternity

Huzaifa Pandit
Doctoral Student, Department of English
University of Kashmir, Srinagar

The name Faiz Ahmed Faiz requires little by way of


introduction as it is widely known and respected in the literary
and intellectual circles of not only the Urdu speaking world, but
also a wider world owing to his vast repertoire and now an ever
swelling body of translations of his work. His championing of
human rights, civil and political liberties of people across the
world from Pakistan to Palestine to Iran and Africa, and an
unfaltering commitment to social justice made him a popular
global figure in his lifetime. His abiding claim to fame rests
however on his poetry that has earned him a comparison with
some of the leading contemporaries of his time like Nazim
Hikmet, Pablo Neruda and Mahmoud Darwish. Generally
considered to be the second most popular poet of modern Urdu
after Iqbal, he is widely recognised as one of the last
practitioners of the classic ghazal tradition who infused it with
a fresh lease of life in the tradition of Hafiz Sheerazi– the great
classical Persian poet, Mirza Ghalib – the renowned Urdu
ghazal poet, and Mohamad Iqbal – the great Muslim
philosopher-poet of the 20th century and the ideological founder
of Pakistan. Faiz claims a place of his own in this illustrious
league by dint of his poetic skill and profundity of thought.
The profundity emerges from a lifelong engagement
with subalternity in the post-colonial world where everyday

43
existence is still criminalized and censored, it calls for rebellion
rather than conformity and subservience to the idea of the
‘benevolent’ nation. The anti-colonial struggle for a dignified
existence is not over and thus Faiz prophesizes in a poem:
More loss, more death to mourn/ More severe trials/ More tears
to mourn. The continuation of struggle is a key marker of
Faiz’s poetry especially his prison poetry. On 9 March 1951,
Liaqat Ali Khan, Prime Minister of Pakistan, ordered the arrest
of Major-General Akbar Khan, Chief of Staff of the Pakistan
Army, his wife, Begam Naseem Akbar Khan, Brigadier M. A.
Latif, and Faiz Ahmad Faiz, editor of the Left-wing English
daily newspaper [the] 'Pakistan Times. These arrests
precipitated what came to be known as the "Rawalpindi
Conspiracy Case" in which fourteen persons were tried on
charges of treason and conspiracy against the Government of
Pakistan (Coppola 149).
In prison, Faiz was granted the time and stimulus to
reflect on his poetry and under the shadow of imminent death
produced two books of verse; Dast-e-Saba (The Hand of the
Wind) and Zindaaň Nama (Prison Diary). These two books
contain a majority of the canonical poems of Faiz on which his
reputation as a protest poet stands, and though they are far from
unitary in terms of theme, a majority are poems of protest
wedded to the traditional aesthetic. These poems represent a
progression from the dichotomous poems of the earlier phase,
which embody and prefigure the contradictions of nation
making.
In prison, Faiz casts a more detailed and personalized
look at the nation through his poems as the poetic self is
immediately determined by the material reality of prison, rather
than the mere textual influence of progressive politics. The
importance of such writing is well identified by Ted Genoways
who notes, “In the case of prison writings, the context of a
poem’s production is inseparable from its content, and thus
crucial to its interpretation, as material demands placed on the
poet often determine defining features of the work (Genoways

44
280)”. Kept in solitary confinement, Faiz is able to reflect
critically on the trajectory of the nation, and examine the
emergent political subjectivities.
One of the best examples of this examination is the
poem ‘Freedom’s Dawn’. The poem is one of Faiz’s most
direct engagements with the question of independence and
partition. Russell (43) notes that the poem’s theme is the
disappointment of those who had fought for independence –
and not of anyone else; and it captures admirably the sort of
helpless restlessness after 1947, of millions of people who had
seen independence would see the birth of a brave new world
without quite knowing what the brave new world be like, and
who now felt that whatever independence ought to have
brought, it was certainly not this.
The poem makes its credo clear not only by its title, but
also dating it clearly as August 1947 – the month of
independence and subsequent partition. The poem, therefore,
intends itself to be an explicit commentary on the cataclysmic
birth of India and Pakistan.
In Kiernan’s version the first line – ye daağ daağ
ujaala, yeh shab-gazeeda sehar is translated as “This leprous
daybreak, dawn’s night’s fangs have mangled (Faiz 123)”.
Sarvat Rehman translates the line as “This blemished light, this
dawn by night half devoured (Faiz 43)”. In the original, Faiz
relies on repetition of the word daağ which is primarily an ism
or a noun, and uses it as an adjective rather than the correct
daağdaar. The usage of daağ then allows the creation of a
compound noun – daağ daağ ujaala allowing equal focus on
each term rather than privileging ujaala, and daağdaar being
an attribute of it, and therefore receiving less focus. This
innovation doesn’t carry over in translation where daağ is
necessarily transformed into an adjective – leprous/blemished.
The term daağ i.e. stain exists almost in a contradictory
relationship with ujaala – light. The term ‘stain’ implies a mark
or discolour with/on something that cannot be easily removed.
It, therefore, carries echoes of superimposition, contamination
45
and darkness. Light on the other hand conveys purity,
illumination and a fluidity that refuses to be circumscribed. In
addition, while stain is located on the pejorative side on the
matrix of symbolism, while light is inevitably on the
approbatory side. The mixture of the two, therefore, creates a
bastardised concoction, one which is inherently oxymoronic,
and contaminated that contradict the two fundamental
associations with light: clarity and purity.
Shab-gazeeda literally bitten by night carries this
nuance of contamination further – a dawn that carries the traces
of the night in itself, and therefore differentiated from the
traditional dawn that represents a clear departure from night,
and beginning of day. It can be noted that the poem doesn’t
suggest a complete metamorphosis of the symbols i.e. ujala and
sehar, rather they exist in an altered state, thereby affirming
their existence but in a form which defies expectations. Their
altered existence is a perpetual reminder of their unaltered
forms, and thus serves to accentuate well the dismay and
disappointment at partition. Daağ is an appropriate symbol of
blood, and the nuance of superimposition an adequate
reflection of the hastily drawn division wrought by the
Radcliffe Line - a ‘bloody line’ drawn over the land that split
the country into two countries – India and Pakistan. The term
also evokes an emotional upheveal as the term ‘daag’ is often
used in Urdu poetry in conjunction with the heart i.e. daağ -e-
dil to suggest strong grief. In addition, it also refers to the
blotting of human bonds as the accompanying massacres, and
mass migration left a deep traumatic imprint on the suffering
victims who were suddenly left homeless and extremely
vulnerable. shab-ghazeeda evokes an image of a rabid
organism let loose in all fury, which is an appropriate
description of the frenzied mob violence that consumed
hundreds of thousands in its wake.
The translations convey this by their interpretation of
daağ and shab-gazeeda. Leprous bears an echo of the wounds
depicted in ‘Don't Ask me now, Beloved’, and again reiterates

46
the failure of traditional aesthetic to accommodate an
experience of violence and pain beyond the symbolic. The
adjective ‘leprous’ invokes the image of leprosy in colonial
medicine as an archetypal tropical disease, an indicator of
backwardness in the hot climes of the third world. Kiernan’s
usage of ‘leprous’ carries the echo of disfigurement carried
over further into ‘mangled’. It accentuates daağ to convey an
impression of ‘maiming’ that evokes both disgust and pity in
the western subject being a typically eastern disease. Sarvat’s
choice: ‘blemished’ is more accurately reflective of the term
daağ since it not only carries the meaning of a stain, but more
importantly a defect that detracts from and diminishes the
perfection of the noun. Kiernan conveys the violence of night-
bitten dawn by the verb ‘mangled’ – a mutilation by the fangs
of the night, thereby evoking the image of a ferocious beast of
prey that has preyed upon the unsuspecting dawn. Sarvat, on
the other hand suggests “this dawn by night half devoured”,
which also suggests mutilation albeit slightly less violent than
mangled. Both echo Jinnah’s lament that the new nation of
Pakistan was “a maimed, mutilated and moth-eaten travesty of
the land he had fought for” (Dalrymple na) Between the two
translations, the spectrum of despair and doom is indicated that
radiates from the first line itself. The next line extends this
sense of despair to create an image of disappointment summing
it up in an unambiguous pithy statement comprising of two
clauses: wohintezaarthajiska (That which we were awaiting)
highlighting the verb ‘intezaar’ by referring to it at the
beginning by the use of ishara (demonstrative) woh (that) and
closing it with another demonstrative jiska (that). This doubling
emphasizes the act of waiting, and lends the line its force as the
second clause contains its unravelling: yehwohsehar tau nahee
(This is not that dawn) emphasizing sehar by the use of yeh
(this) and woh(that)which both refer to it, and then employing
nahee(not) as the last word in the sentence, therefore granting it
emphasis and pause for disappointment and failure. Kiernan
translates this sense of emphasis and disappointment by
qualifying ‘break of day’ with ‘long-looked-for’ to evoke

47
dramatic irony, while Rehman employs the adverb ‘surely’ to
compliment ‘which we were waiting for ‘conveying the same
impression as Kiernan with lesser economy. The third line
again reiterates this refusal to settle for an altered morning by
beginning with yeh who sehar tau naheen: This is not that
dawn.
The poem then delves into a contrast of this altered
dawn with the ideal dawn aspired for. The ideal dawn is one for
which comrades had set out “believing that in heaven’s wide
void/somewhere must be the stars’ last halting place/
Somewhere the verge of night's slow-washing tide, /
Somewhere an anchorage for the ship of heartache.” (Faiz 125)
Kiernan translates ‘manzil’: destination as ‘last halting place’
which though technically correct misses out on the element of
achievement, and success of the journey. Rehman veers away
from strict fidelity to the text translating it thus: In the deserts
of the sky, beyond the stars’ last flight, /must be the shore of
the ocean of slow moving night, /a haven where the heart’s load
of pain may alight. This is a classic sample of Faiz’s blending
of the ghazal aesthetic with an explicitly political commentary.
While the ‘desert’ is a classic ghazal trope, Faiz innovates it to
associate it with the sky creating a new image – the desert of
sky. In the ghazal universe, the lover traverses its lonely
expanses in dejection and frenzy outcast from civilization. This
image is transposed to the sky, as the stars take the role of
lovers, the transposing gelling well since its perpetual
combustion can be likened to a lover forever consumed by the
flame of love. Since, the movement of stars is associated with
destiny in astrology, the journey of stars here could be taken to
mean the struggle by the oppressed and colonized masses to
realise their ‘destiny’ – freedom that will relieve them of
drudgery of colonized existence. It must be noticed that the
poem uses ‘aakhri manzil’ – final destination, not just destiny.
The final destiny is one where no compromise needs to be
sought, it is the perfect realization of the journey. Thus, while
in the freedom movement, several landmark concessions were
gained like representation in electorates, yet complete freedom
48
was the ultimate aim. The final destination is a utopian world
where the ship of heartache offloads its cargo of agony after
travelling in the ocean of slow-moving night. The slow-moving
night is again a ghazal trope used to indicate the suffering of
the lover, as the lover stays awake all night from memories of
the beloved, and anguish at being estranged. The symbol of
night, therefore, represents the extended period of colonization,
when freedom appeared a mere fantasy, a yearning that seemed
impossible to achieve. The reference to ‘safeena’ – boat or ship
is interesting in that the poem may be seen as tracing the
origins of colonialism; colonialists had first come via the sea in
the guise of merchants to the native lands. The English had
come as East India Company to trade in spices before working
their way to acquiring the entire subcontinent. Also, it may be
noted that sea travel in old days relied largely on astronomical
observations, and hence the reference to stars in motion
achieves a double significance as a key element in ensuring
successful culmination of a journey. The poem, therefore,
combines the textual lover with a historical phenomenon
providing him the fervour and yearning of tradition to reverse a
historical process, and ensure the restoration of a past of glory
and power.
The next stanza recollects in detail this struggle towards
this utopia, highlighting that the journey on the secret highways
of young blood was littered by obstacles, temptations, and
exhaustion. But the lovers of freedom had refused to yield in
the hope that they will be recompensed for their troubles. The
phrase ‘jawaan lahu ki pur-asraar shahrah’ – the secret
highways of young blood is quite interesting as it illuminates
multiple meanings that give an insight into the nature of
struggle. It indicates on one hand the bloodshed especially of
youth that is a natural accompaniment to any struggle for
justice. Any struggle for justice demands the blood and sweat
of impoverished, as those in power exert every attempt to
maintain their power and authority. In one of his poems Faiz
describes this phenomenon thus:

49
Tujh ko kitnoñ kā lahū chāhiye ai arz-e-vatan
jo tire āriz-e-be-rañg ko gulnār kareñ
kitnī aahoñ se kaleja tirā ThanDā hogā
kitne aañsū tire sahrāoñ ko gulzār kareñ
tere aivānoñ meñ purze hue paimāñ kitne
kitne v’ade jo naāsūda-e-iqrār hue
kitnī āñkhoñ konazar khāga.ī bad-ḳhvāhoñ kī
ḳhvāb kitne tirī shah-rāhoñ meñ sañgsār hue

How much more blood


must be offered, my nation
that your pale cheeks bear blossom of colour?
How many more sighs
will slake your smouldering chest?
How many tears
will bloom flowers in your desert?
How many promises were dismembered
in your halls!
How many promises never realised
The luxury of fulfilment!
How many eyes devoured
by the envy of those who wish you ill!
How many dreams
were stoned to death on your highways? (tr. H. P.)

A more interesting possibility arises by the use of the


adjective pur-asraar – secret with the highways. It is evocative
of the subversive possibilities of the protest marches, and hence
explains accurately why such marches evoke the wrath of
power. The youth who march perpetuate their self-hood, and
therefore resist eroding their selves as demanded by the
coloniser whose primary concern is with the land, and
resources rather than the people. Faiz appears to be alive to the
possibility that the marches erased and ruptured hegemonies of
discipline, boundaries and ownership perpetuated by the
coloniser. Thus, Faiz speaks of “how many hands plucked at
our sleeves” to indicate the resistance faced by the marchers in

50
their quest for utopia. The marching youth, out on the roads
ready to die for the cause, therefore generated, altered and
rewrote conventional spaces of colonial authority – in the
immediate context: the roads manned by police and other
armed forces. The marchers, therefore, morph into creative
articulators and practitioners of space continuously engaged in
producing and reaffirming their counter-cultural and counter-
colonial selves. In this light, the marches appear as practises of
subversion which are fundamentally oppositional in nature, and
by their refusal to explain themselves as a coherent system
(Faiz speaks of them as a spontaneous and collective activity),
these marches become secret in that they always remain outside
the ambit of a rigid hierarchization, and determination. Their
fluid and amorphous nature challenges the ordering nature of
colonisation, and thus they not only rupture but with their
repeatability contest and generate new spatial expressions of
protest. The marches create a cohesive narrative of protest by
weaving the spaces they occupy together, and impart the spaces
they occupy a meaning that runs contrary to the meanings of
conformity and possession imposed by the coloniser. By
emphasising the iterability of desire: subuk subuk thi tamanna,
dabi dabi thi thakan– “light winged that longing, feather light
that toil”, Faiz emphasises the activity and movement generated
by these marches that resist the stability and localisation
wrought by colonial occupation that maps and disciplines in
order to control.
Having described in detail, the struggles and its
mechanisms Faiz draws attention to the current scenario,
wherein the struggle has supposedly ended. Relying on the
mechanism of distantiation, Faiz punctures this celebratory
narrative to exhibit its falsity. This distantiation is achieved by
the use of ‘suna hai ho bhi chukka hai’, literally, I hear now
that it has already come to pass, which conveys a sense of
surprise and disbelief at the news of resolution. Since, the
narrator and friends have actively participated in the struggle,
he would be best placed to understand the nature of the
destination. His disbelief at the news, therefore, suggests that
51
there is something amiss about the news – that the dark evil
colonial era has been vanquished and replaced by the
prosperous post-colonial era. Faiz employs the simple
symbolism of darkness (zulmat) and light (noor) to signify
oppression and liberation, which combines effectively with
wisaal-e-manzil-o-gaam, literally, the union of steps and
destination. However, since this occurrence is qualified by
‘suna hai ho bhi chukka hai’, the whole premise becomes
riddled with doubt. This naturally lends an ironic colour to the
altered ways of ‘brotherhood of pain’.
Amir Mufti notes that hijr/hijrat in (Faiz’s) poetry
becomes a metonym for the displacements of Partition as a
whole, the massive fissure it requires of people, language,
culture and memory coming to be figured as the experience of
prolonged separation from the beloved (Mufti 230)”. Further,
Faiz employs the terms ‘halaal’ and ‘haraam’ – permissible
and forbidden, which carry specific religious resonances to
indicate a divine code of action by which a believer must abide.
The permissibility is neither a matter of debate, nor is it
arbitrary; rather it is a distinction that demands complete
submission in order for the believer to avoid expulsion from the
community. The implication, therefore, is that the new nations
already demand total obedience to the falsehood of
independence and security, just as the colonial rule demanded
total obedience to the notion of its beneficence. As such, the lot
of the suffering masses hardly changes as Faiz notes: “The
soul’s hunger, the eye’s longing, the heart’s ache/ the cures
found for absence have no effect on these (Faiz 45)”. The new-
fangled freedom fails to redress the catastrophe of partition, nor
does it promise to provide any succour to the already suffering
masses; they hardly stand to enjoy real freedom and security, so
the hunger of their souls and longing of their eyes doesn’t end.
The dawn announced is a false dawn, as is conveyed by the
image of the roadside lamp which continues to be lit,
precluding any possibility of any morning breeze that would
have extinguished it: “Whence came, and whither went, the
loved one, zephyr/ knows not yet the flame burning on the road
52
for its sake (Faiz 45)”. The beloved morning breeze may be
understood as a metaphor for the onset of prosperous times, and
the still burning roadside lamp indicates the suffering masses
locked in a struggle to lighten the night of suffering and
oppression. By way of conclusion, Faiz resorts to direct
statement suggesting: “Let us go on, for the goal has not yet
been attained (Faiz 45)”. The poem is, therefore, a sustained
critique of the premise of independence. If the earlier poems
reflect a presaging of the displacement and dislocation
warranted by a tottering social system, the poem marks a direct
engagement with the conclusion that the ruptures may never be
healed; rather they may perpetuate a new era of
disappointment, lack and post-colonial subalternity that is one
of the key concerns of Faiz’s oeuvre post-independence.
The nazm ‘Nisār main terī galiyoñ ke kay’ provides a
good example of this examination of subalternity in the post-
colonial nation, “shuttling brilliantly from rhetoric to image,
from argumentation to emotional evocation, it moves… ‘from
the anguished emotions to the intellect and back (Genoways
297)”. The poem starts with the invocation “nisār main terī
galiyoñ ke ai vatan”. The word nisār which translates into
‘sacrificed’ in English carries a meaning wider than suggested
by its English equivalent. It is an almost religious incantation,
used to indicate unfaltering love and reverence towards the
subject on which the speaker wishes to be sacrificed. The
beginning leaves no doubt, therefore, of the poet’s patriotism,
lest the rest of the poem convey otherwise. The love is
unconditional, but it doesn’t blind him to the violations
committed in its name: Where today no men dare not pass with
head held high/or where lovers of you who wish to pay
tribute/must fear for their lives and come around on the
sly/Good men suffer this new law and decree/where stones are
locked up and dogs run free (Genoways 297)”. Unlike the
earlier poems, Faiz largely eschews metaphor, employing
common symbolism to indicate the curbs on freedom: head
held high indicating freedom to live a dignified life, and
exercise free will, the lover indicating a nationalist at odds with
53
the ruling dispensation, stones locked up implying
incarceration, and dogs indicating the repressive status
apparatus. Interesting to note, Faiz uses the word ‘tawaaf’ –
circumbulation: a gesture of worship performed at the holy
pilgrimage site of Mecca.
The departure only serves to mirror the larger confusion
in the nation making project where a nation state seeks
validation from religion that does not recognise the concept.
Stanza two builds on this depiction of censorship, referring to
the muzzling of media and progressive platforms: Your name
still carried by a rash zealot few/inflames the itching hand of
tyranny/villains are judges and usurpers both/Who is our
advocate, where shall we seek justice (Faiz 185)”? Kiernan
changes ‘ahl-e-hawas’ – people of lust to a more generic
villians. Ahl-e-hawas is a reference to rampant opportunism
that has plagued both India and Pakistan since inception in
general, and in particular to the dispensation in Pakistan that
was deeply suspicious of the left movement as a threat to its
power, being an ally of United States – the arch nemesis of the
communist Soviet Union. The translation of mudd’ai as
‘usurper’ is rather strange, as it literally translated into
supplicant. It is a striking description of subalternity, where the
oppressed get neither representation, nor any agency as they are
completely eroded from the societal landscape. In another of
his famous poems, The Messiah of Glass, Faiz describes the
plight of the subaltern thus:
motī ho ke shīsha jam ke dur
jo TuuT gayā so TuuT gayā
kab ashkoñ se juḌ saktā hai
jo TuuT gayā so chhūT gayā

tum nāhaq TukḌe chun chun kar


dāman meñ chhupā.e baiThe ho
shīshoñ kā masīhā koī nahīñ
kyā aas lagā.e baiThe ho

54
shāyad ke inhīñ TukḌoñ meñ kahīñ
vo sāġhar-e-dil hai jis meñ kabhī
sad-nāz se utrā kartī thī
sahbā-e-ġham-e-jānāñ kī parī

phir duniyā vāloñ ne tum se


ye sāġhar le kar phoḌ diyā
jo mai thī bahā dī miTTī meñ
mehmān kā shahpar toḌ diyā

ye rañgīñ reze haiñ shāyad


un shoḳh bilorīñ sapnoñ ke
tum mast javānī meñ jin se
ḳhalvat ko sajāyā karte the

nādārī daftar bhuuk aur ğam


un sapnoñ se Takrāte rahe
be-rahm thā chau-mukh pathrāo
ye kāñch ke Dhāñche kyā karte

yā shāyad in zarroñ meñ kahīñ


motī hai tumhārī izzat kā
vo jis se tumhāre ijz pe bhī
shamshād-qadoñ ne rashk kiyā

is maal kī dhun meñ phirte the


tājir bhī bahut rahzan bhī ka.ī
hai chor-nagar yaañ muflis kī
gar jaan bachī to aanga.ī

Pearl, glass, emerald or chalice


Once broken, stay broken
When could tears remedy?
Eternally lost, once broken.

You pick each shard carefully


hide them in your lap, what folly!

55
No messiah of glass exists
Why do you hope perpetually?

Perhaps, in these shards somewhere


lies the chalice of heart
where descended with thousand airs
that blushing faery
wedded to the red wine
of love’s agony.

Then, the world snatched from you


this chalice, and smashed it on the floor.
The wine was emptied into mud
cleaved wings of the guest faery.

Perhaps, these colourful shards


are of those fond crystal dreams
which you used to gild
your youthful fantasy.

Poverty, hunger, lack and drudgery


collided with these dreams.
Stones rained from every direction
Not a shard of mercy.
What were the glass skeletons to do?

Or in these shards perhaps


is the crystal of your honour –
that even in your modesty
the illustrious marked with envy.

Many traders and dacoits roam


In quest of this bounty
This is a country of thievery
If he who is afflicted with poverty
wrests his life back
pays the price of his integrity (tr. H. P.)

56
The poem draws on the analogy of broken glass to
showcase the experience of postcolonial subalternity. The
opening of the poem foregrounds the fragilityof the objects
under comparison – chalice, pearl, emerald and glass, which
can’t be set together again after they are broken. The objects
can be taken as a metaphor for the different subalterns who are
crushed by the tyranny of neo-colonial regimes. A sense of
strong disillusionment and resignation prevails in the poem as it
notes that the history has not changed its course even in post-
colonial era, and the fate of the oppressed and dispossessed
continues to be that of misery and indignity. The dreams of
empowerment, and decentralization referred to as ‘shokh
biloori sapnay’ – fond crystal dreams, which were supposed to
be realized after the onset of independence, were brutally
disappointed. The metaphor of emptying the wine is an apt
symbol of this epistemic violence meted out by the classes in
power. In the ghazal tradition, m’ay or wine symbolizes an
ecstasy, an iconoclastic mysticism that sidesteps normative
religion to ensure an individualized relationship between God
and the human. Faiz extends this symbol by replacing the
object of desire as a love for a more egalitarian society. This,
however, is not a dismantling of traditional symbolism but an
extension of it. Since, Sufism refutes the hierarchization of
religion and society, stressing an individual relationship with
God, it lays the basis for a more egalitarian version of religion,
and therefore a more egalitarian model of life. Faiz collectivises
this individuality, secularizing subjecthood without altering the
earlier symbolism. Similarly, in the ghazal tradition the faery,
as an epitome of beauty and purity, is often a reference to the
beloved, often called as pari-rau – fairy faced. Since, the lover
is forever consumed by the thoughts and memory of this fairy
faced beloved, Faiz personifies the grief of love – ğam-e-
jaanaň to be a fairy itself by extension. As the poet is now no
longer concerned with individual love, but concerned with a
collective people as declared in ‘Don’t ask me now, beloved’,
his grief is no longer a grief for self, but for a community. In
the poem ‘Two Loves’, Faiz made it clear:

57
In this same way I have loved my darling country; in
this same way my heart has pounded with devotion to her; in
this same way my passion has sought the respite of a resting-
place, in the curve of her cheek, in the curls of her hair
(Genoways 298).
The cleaving of its wings, and the emptying of wine
both represent, therefore, not only the systematic
disempowerment of the oppressed – the vast population living
in extreme poverty, but also a purging of those advocating their
cause under the guise of nationalism. The poem ‘Intisaab’-
Dedication describes the state of nation thus:
I dedicate this verse
of mine
to the fond memory
of this day
wedded to a stammering sorrow
that hangs low from the skies
on a cold winter day.
To the sorrow that refuses
the company
of the flowers of time
that bloom in the garden of life.

In the name of my land-


a vast expanse
of pale dead leaves
whose voices were torn
by the lightening
that flashed across those dark skies.
the land that guards
its ailments with a religious zeal-
The ailments that are the souvenirs
of the phantoms
who once lived there. (tr. H. P.)
It provides an inventory of the classes that remain
disenfranchised in the scheme of things: the working class and
58
classes with petty employment – clerks, postmen, coachmen,
and factory workers who spend their youth in either hard
backbreaking toil or dull menial work, the landless farmer – the
victim of a corrupt revenue system, poor single mothers
abandoned without concern and left to nurse hungry children,
widows – neglected and left to suffer, students – deprived of
any real knowledge and prisoners – condemned to live a life of
imprisonment for petty or fabricated crimes without anyone to
advocate their cases. Faiz rallies against the very notion of
freedom, and traces the continuum of oppression from pre-
colonial period to post-colonial period, debunking the notion of
freedom. In a ghazal, Faiz expresses his disappointment thus:
har samt pareshāñ tirī aamad ke qarīne
dhoke diye kyā kyā hameñ bād-e-saharī ne
har manzil-e-ġhurbat pe gumāñ hotā hai ghar kā
bahlāyā hai har gaam bahut dar-ba-darī ne

Portents of your arrival


roam apprehensive in every direction.
What deceptions were imposed
on us by the morning breeze!

We mistake home
for every impoverished ruin.
At every step, indeed
We stand consoled by vagrancy. (tr. H. P.)
In yet another famous ghazal of his, guloň meň raňg bharay
(So flowers fill with colours); Faiz describes the ordeal of
impoverished masses trapped within crushing poverty and
despair, hoping for some alleviation of their pain:
Qafas udaas hai yaaro sabā se kuchh to kaho
kahīñ to bahr-e-ḳhudā aaj zikr-e-yār chale
kabhī to sub.h tire kunj-e-lab se ho āġhāz
kabhī to shab sar-e-kākul se mushk-bār chale
Sad is our prison, friends, say something of the breeze,

59
Today, somewhere, must take place the Remembrance of the
Rose.
From the corner of your lips let but once the dawn awake
The tips of your tresses, musk-scented night disclose! (Faiz
249)
The breeze, which flows by at the onset of dawn, is
therefore a sign of dawn which symbolizes hope even in the
classical tradition. Faiz extends this symbolism to “socialistic
and nationalistic themes, thus broadening its scope and
introducing still newer shades of meaning into it. The
underlying pattern of such poems is the same age-old love
triangle. The first person of the poem is again the ashiq (lover),
mashooq (beloved) is the country, the society or the
people….hijar/firaaq (separation) the state of the reactionary
controls or oppression.” (Narang 67) The ghazal then envisions
a people imprisoned in the eternal night of oppression, and
therefore seeks refuge in the memory of a glorious past, which
will be mirrored by an ideal future represented by
‘Remembrance of the Rose’. The remembrance of this ideal
revolutionary system of emancipation makes oppression
bearable, and transforms the purgatory of oppression into a
celebration of this suffering represented by ‘musk-scented
night’.
However, Faiz is not a poet of doom and resignation.
Rather, his poetry is that of hope, action and resistance. After
presenting a dismal picture of the state of affairs in ‘Bury me
under your pavements”, a blueprint of resistance is sketched in
detail. In the true ghazal tradition, the first refuge of a grief
stricken heart is the memory of the beloved:
As the prison grating darkens, my heart remembers that
somewhere under these stars, you brush out your braids. When
the links of my chain begin to shine, I think that somewhere
day breaks over your sleeping face. I live, in short, in the
fantasies of nightfall and dawn; I live in the shadow of walls, in
the gate’s closed palm (Genoways 297).
60
Unlike the earlier stanzas where the classical imagery
was eschewed, the stanzas that present a resolution absorb the
traditional images to indicate the power of hope. In the
traditional ghazal, the lover is forever engaged in a
remembrance of the beauty of the beloved, and the attendant
grief at the separation. For example, Ghalib states:
Taskeen ko hum naroye jo zauq-e-nazar milay
Hooran-e-khuld main teri soorat magar milay
I wouldn’t weep for repose if such pleasure of sight were
available
Among the faeries of heaven, your face were available (tr. H.
P.)
The poem continues in the same realm, fusing the
personal memory with a broader statement about resistance
through hope. In the true romantic tradition, nature provides
respite – dusk reminds of the cool starry nights when
constellations bedeck the horizon, dawn reminds of the beauty
of dawn when the land shakes off sleep, and comes alive. The
conjunction of these images with images from prison – the
prison skylight, and chains– grants a particular piquancy to
them, as the restorative power of imagining nature is
foregrounded. Nature emerges, then, as a corollary to tyranny
by representing liberty, renewal and beneficence, and therefore
functions as a key ally in the fight against tyranny. In another
poem, ‘A Prison Evening’ Faiz remarks:
This thought keeps consoling me:
though tyrants may command that lamps be smashed
in rooms where lovers are destined to meet,
they cannot snuff out the moon, so today,
nor tomorrow, no tyranny will succeed,
no poison of torture make me bitter,
if just one evening in prison
can be so strangely sweet,
if just one moment anywhere on this earth (Faiz 19).

61
A similar sentiment is expressed in the poem ‘Tauq-o-daar ka
mausam’ (This hour of Chain and Gibbet):
At your command the cage, but not the garden’s
Red Rose fire, when its radiant hour begins;
No noose can catch the dawn-wind’s whirling feet,
The spring’s bright hour falls prisoner to no net (Faiz 153).
Both extracts showcase the triumph of nature over order
of man. Returning to a romantic ideal, the poet-prisoner is a
lone figure contemplating immanent nature that offers a
consoling pastoral interlude from the unceasing imposition of
tyrannical order. Faiz’s poetry constitutes a refusal to be limited
by the materiality of an imprisoned existence, rather in a mystic
mode his sensibility seeks a larger harmony and freedom that is
perfectly manifest in nature. The ability to see beyond human
order separates Faiz from other progressive and classical poets.
Unlike, most progressive poets he is not restricted to the
immediacy of the material world, nor like the classics does he
seek nature only for emotive symbolization. His observation of
nature is rooted in an ephiphanous gaze that evokes more than a
passing sensation; it seeks mediation between the disjointed
subjecthood in a prison with the pastoral idealism manifest in
nature. As such, despondence is always laced with hope. ‘Bury
me under your pavements’, for example, provides an example:
This is the same war tyrants and true men have always fought;
their tactics are not new, and neither are ours.
They have always set fires and we turn them to flowers;
their tricks are not new, and neither are ours. (Genoways 297)
The turning of fire into flowers, once again, highlights
the redemptive and restorative power of nature. The stanza also
displays a trait of Faiz’s poetry – despite his avowed Marxist
sensibility, his return to religious imagery and history. The
stanza, for example, can be read as an allusion to the Qur’anic
and Biblical legend of Abraham being thrown into a raging fire
by the orders of Nimrud, and Abraham’s miraculous survival
thereafter. Faiz secularises the legend, attributing the
tenaciousness and belief of Abraham to the collective
62
oppressed masses, and consequently Nimrud stands as a
representative of oppressive forces that seek to subjugate. The
abiding relevance of the legend conveyed by ‘always’
establishes the fundamental aspect of history: power is never
permanent – the will of the oppressed outlasts the might of
oppression. While oppression is perpetually perpetuated by the
same means – force, deception and imprisonment, the
oppressed always triumph by patience and steadfast refusal to
accept the oppressor’s superiority. The poem proclaims this
belief and faith in the fallibility of the oppressor thus:
If today our enemies ride high, playing God, so what? —
their reign of four days is nothing to us.
Only those who hold to their vows under such scrutiny
are safe from night-and-day’s endless mutiny.
The two lines that conclude the poem reflect Faiz’s
belief in the idea of a committed author. In one of his editorials
for Pakistan Times, he outlined the role and responsibility of a
writer thus: “He is committed to his country and his people. As
a guide, philosopher and friend, he must lead them out of the
darkness of ignorance, superstition and unreasoned prejudices,
into the light of knowledge and reason, out of the realm of
personal despair into the kingdoms of collective hope.” (Faiz
204) The poem, Bol (Speak) is a classic prototype of such
commitment. It embodies both styles of Faiz’s poetry: a direct
statement of his politics, and an allegorical representation of
such politics.
The imperative verb ‘Speak’ sets the tone of the poem,
where speaking to occupation is the primary duty of a
conscientious being. The first few lines completely eschew any
metaphor preferring to stick to bare statement: “Speak, still is
yours the spoken word/Speak, still is yours this marvelous
body/And the breath of life by which it is stirred (Faiz 35)”.
The repetition of “Speak’ brings a forceful quality to the poem,
which merges well with the allegorical nature of the latter part.
Abu-Kalam Qasmi notes, “the verses crafted in the manner of
statements in the intial lines are made more effective by the
63
allegory in the latter lines. In the initial lines the poetry does
not move beyond statement, but in the latter lines Faiz creates
an allegorical picture that is evocative of every kind of tyranny,
against whose experience and censorship the poem manifests
freedom, agency and liberty. It then appears that the poet has
merged the essentially parallel poetry of sentiment, and poetic
statement in such a way that the statements of the initial lines
appear to be a part of the allegorical framework (Qasmi
256)”.This part starts with “Beware, for in the blacksmith’s
forge/the flames are fierce, the iron red/ Locks will soon open
their jaws/ The loops of chains will be out-spread.” The
blacksmith forging chains, and locks appears to be a reference
to the occupier creating apparatuses for the subjugation of the
oppressed. The fierce flames can be understood both as a
reference to the unbridled passion for freedom, as well as the
destructive determination of the occupier to destroy such
sentiments. The ending lines revert back to the earlier style of
direct statement: The short time left to you/is still enough/
Speak up/ Before the body/and its tongue give out/ Speak out/
For truth still survives/ Speak out/ Say whatever you have to
say (Faiz, Speak Out)”. These lines repeat the imperative
‘Speak’ reiterating that the act of speaking is not determined by
time or situation – truth is independent of these factors.
A similar commitment to truth and action occurs in
‘Shorish-e-Barbat-o-Nay’ (Lyre and Flute) that includes the
passage:
While these hands keep their virtue, and while warm
blood is still pulsing through these veins;
While honour holds her place in our souls and reason is
sovereign in our brains
Let us two teach all locks and fetters the swelling music
of lyre and flute
Music to strike the imperial drum of Caesar or Kai-
Khosru mute!

64
Our treasure-house of courage is full, in thought and
action both are free,
All our tomorrows with us today, each moment of ours
a century –
That dawn, that twilight belong to us, that planet and
star, that sun and moon,
That tablet and pen and banner and drum and state and
glory are all our own. (Faiz 145,147)
The poem is essentially dialectic between hope and
despair, both foregrounding and justifying their existence.
Despair starts with “No spur left now for endeavour; gone,
ambition of soaring; we have done/With throwing a noose to
catch the stars, with laying an ambush for the moon/ What new
pledge now, what promise of fine tomorrows, should I hang
before/These eyes, or with what cheating illusion comfort the
foolish heart once more?” (Faiz 137) Against such a resigned
approach, the second voice recollects the power of human
agency and endeavor.
On the opposite spectrum of such poetry of direct
statement exists a lyrical style that Gopi Chand Narang referred
to as achieving a complete blend of classical idiom and political
belief. A common objection against such a style, especially the
ghazals, is that the political meaning is completely dependent
upon the knowledge of Faiz’s inclinations, else the poems lend
themselves to no such interpretation; hence a classic case of
intentional fallacy arises. This claim is best refuted by Shamsur
Rehman Faruqi who explains “Wherever Faiz has used classic
imagery successfully; he has always achieved kaifiyat or
mazmūn āfarīnī. Kaifiyat can be loosely translated as ‘feeling-
fullness’: that is, a direct appeal to emotions without any
special depth of meaning or obvious recourse to metaphor or
imagery. Mazmūn āfarīnī can best be understood as finding a
new aspect of a traditional theme, approaching a traditional
theme from a new angle, or giving a new direction to a
traditional theme. By ‘traditional theme’ I mean, of course, the
65
set of stock topoi of the ghazal, each of which can subsume a
larger number of subsidiary and related images (Faruqi 34)”.
The ghazal ‘garmī-e-shauq-e-nazār kā asar to dekho’ (Observe
the consequence of that warm glance) is a perfect specimen of
this observation. It follows from the tradition of praising the
beloved, and outlining the plight of her lovers in love.
However, in doing so it alters the traditional symbolism subtly
to outline the political meaning. Consider the following
couplets:
Aise nādāñ bhī na the jaañ se guzarne vaale
Nāseho pand-gar o rāhguzar to dekho

vo jo ab chaak garebāñ bhī nahīñ karteh aiñ


dekhne vaalo kabhī un kāj igar to dekho

dāman-e-dard kogulzār banā rakkhā hai


aao ik din dil-e-pur-ḳhūñ kā hunar to dekho

The ones who forewent their lives


weren’t so naïve
Clerics, counsellors glance once
at the road they took.

They who don’t tear their hems now


Sometime, onlookers at their hearts
take a look.

They sprout a garden on the border of agony’s hem


Come one day, at the skill of the bloodied heart
take a close look. (tr. H. P.)
The lover roaming the roads of the town, much to the
disapproval of the naseh – the preacher/cleric is a common
trope in ghazal poetry. The tradition mandates a clear role for
the lover and the preacher – the lover who evokes our
sympathy must necessarily and gladly incur the wrath of the
preacher’s apparent religiosity. Faiz alters this relationship

66
slightly by inventing a new scenario where the preacher is
called to understand the motives of the lover. Unlike the classic
ghazal the lover is not presented as nādān which conveys a
mixture of naivety and frenzy, but rather by implication
‘daana’ or wise. Moreover, the preacher’s attention is drawn
towards the road that the lovers’ took. It is an interesting play
on ‘jaan say guzarnay walay’ which literally translates into
‘those passing life by’ and therefore foregrounding the choice
of path taken by the lovers. The import, therefore, is that the
choice itself is so alluring that the ‘cleric’ will be forced to
abandon their opposition. This foregrounding of ‘choice of
path’ differs from the traditional ghazal, where the path is of
importance only as an instrument of further turmoil being
littered with thorns and stones, which cause the poet’s feet to
blister (aablapaa). This interesting deviation, therefore,
highlights the desirability of the path or choice, and by
extension the choice of rebellion against oppression.
The second couplet too innovates on the tropes of
classic ghazal where a lover tears his clothes in frenzy, and thus
earns the epithet – chaakgirebaan (one with torn hem). Ghalib
provides a classical example of this:
Haifuschaar girah kapdaykiqismet ‘Ghalib’
Jiskiqismet main hauaashiqkagirebaanhona
Alas ‘Ghalib’! The ill luck of those four meters of cloth
Destined to be the hem of a lover’s robe (tr. H. P.)
In Faiz’s retelling, however, the intensity of a lover’s
emotions is such that there is no awareness of any clothes, and
subsequently no tearing of the robe. This is unprecedented, and
therefore the reader/spectator is offered a glimpse. In a similar
vein, Faiz expresses it thus in another ghazal:
ye jāma-e-sad-chāk badal lene meñ kyā thā
mohlat hī na dī 'faiz' kabhī baḳhiya-garī ne
It’d have cost little effort
To change out of shreds of my robe
67
Yet, stitching spared, Faiz,
little leisure for this. (Tr. H.P)
In the normal classical tradition, the lover proudly
flaunts his tattered clothes as proof of his love and his contempt
for the social decorum. Faiz alters this convention by keeping
the lover busy with stitching the tattered clothes, thereby
making him acutely conscious of his shame, and poverty. The
lover, therefore, is not outside the confines of society but
located squarely within it. At one level while this is a comment
on the stratification of society – class considerations subsume
every other identity, at another level it could be understood as a
comment on the lover’s difference from the traditional lover. If
the action of the second line were understood to be occurring
not on the self of the poet, but a general engagement the
meaning would be that the poet-lover neglects his tattered
clothes to stitch presumably clothes of other friends or
likeminded lovers.Such a meaning could be further understood
to be a symbolic way of suggesting one that the lovers of
freedom and justice prioritise the liberation of oppressed over
everything else; at a more personal level it can also reflect the
immense price paid for idealism. In one of his letters Faiz wrote
about his experience in jail: “For the first time, I realized that to
hold something close that one’s near and dear one’s suffer
along with oneself, even though it means little to them, is
wrong. If you look at it this way, idealism or abiding by certain
principles is also a form of self centredness. Because in the
fervour of your convictions, you forget what others hold dear.”
(A. M. Hashmi 177)
The third couplet closely echoes Ghalib:
ġhunchaphirlagākhilneaaj ham ne apnādil
ḳhuuñkiyāhuādekhā gum kiyāhuāpaayā
The bud has again begun to bloom,
Today we see our heart turned to blood,
having been lost found.(tr. H. P.)

68
The image of the bud resembling the bloodied heart as
well as spring renewing the heart’s pain is a ghazal trope. Faiz
alters this trope by sprouting a garden not in the heart, but on
the hem of agony. Moreover, by sprouting a garden on the hem,
the implication is that it is embroidered on the hem by the
heart. The focus, therefore, shifts from the heart, and its grief to
the skill of the heart that adorned the grief. The agency of the
heart gets foregrounded, rather than its bloodied state. The
symbolism, therefore, again highlights the nature of ideological
commitment that transforms the grief of struggle into hope by
its resilience.
It would be fitting to conclude this paper with an extract
from another of Faiz’s famous nazm, Aaj bazaar main paa ba
jolan chalo (Walk through the market with shackled feet,
today):
Arrows of slander and stones of insult.
Who but we can be their companion?
Who in the beloved town remains free of guilt?
Who remains worthy of the killer's hand?
Broken-hearted ones, prepare to leave;
Let us stride to meet our death today. (Vora)
The extract is an excellent summation of Faiz’s poetics
and politics – an unwavering commitment to the cause of the
oppressed. In the traditional ghazal tradition, the poet happily
accepts the role of a reprobate, and thus the arrows of slander
and insult. However, rather than remaining confined to self, the
poem speaks on behalf of all those engaged in the struggle and
fight for justice and truth. In the mould of a true lover and a
true revolutionary, the chained poet counsels his fellow
sufferers to take heart, and gladly accept death and censure: Tie
the strings of your heart, broken hearted lovers, leave/ Let us
stride to meet our death today. As the saying goes: In the
company of friends, death is a feast. Faiz views the oppressed
people of all races, creeds, colours and religions as his friends,
and his poetry always rallies for their welfare striking at the
roots of colonialists, neo-colonialists, oppressors and tyrants.
69
His poetry embodies a historical sense that compels an
ideologue and a poet to write with his era and times in his
blood and bones, and also with awareness that the whole
literary and aesthetic tradition possesses a simultaneous order
as well as a simultaneous existence. In his life and work he
was, therefore, a true humanist.

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Ahmed Faiz- New Translations by Mustansir Dalvi. 13 April 2018.
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Sarvat Rehman. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 2002. 35-36.

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2018.

72
RAJA GIDH: BREAKING
GENDER STEREOTYPES

Arshad Masood Hashmi


Professor and Head, Department of Urdu,
Jai Prakash University, Chapra.

Abstract:
Seduction by religious leaders and therapists, Peter
Rutter propounds in his book, Sex in the Forbidden Zone:
When Men in Power—Therapists, Doctors, Clergy, Teachers,
and Others—Betray Women's Trust, is especially easy when a
psychologically-vulnerable woman confuses her emerging
passion for life with her passion for sex. He further admonishes
that once a relationship has entered the forbidden zone, it is
unlikely that it will ever become a sex-free relationship again.
Marie M. Fortune has discussed and disseminated the affairs in
a church where a minister (one may include some self-made
Indian godmen too) who happened to be a charismatic, spiritual
person, knew the evil art of manipulating the women into bed
with him because they were under his spell as their minister.
There were different situations that compelled women to gratify
his sexual demands. Fortune talks about a woman in a
vulnerable state because of the death of her husband who was
seduced by the minister on the pretext that sex with him would
be a part of the healing process. She describes that minister as a

73
romantic/sexual predator in her book, Is Nothing Sacred? When
Sex Invades the Pastoral Relationship.
Keywords: Raja gidh, Bano Qudsiya, Modern Urdu
Novel, Feminist Urdu Writings, Hudood Ordinance
The protagonist of the Urdu novel Raja Gidh [The King
Scavenger] written by Bano Qudsiya (November 28, 1928 –
February 04, 2017) resembles a tantric and ministerial healer
who victimizes/seduces those women who are, somehow or the
other, in a vulnerable state. Qaiyyum is a symbol of male
chauvinism and hypocrisy, a self-deluding, jealous zealot, and
beaten-up youth who seduces Seemi Shah, a desperately lonely
girl who survives to become a victim after losing her love. Its
implications are so grave that she eventually turns into a victim
of revenge, rebellion and seduction. Written during the years of
turmoil and nationwide demonstrations against the infamous
Hudood Ordinance 1979, this novel presents a mockery of the
system, of the State’s and right wing’s tightening grip on
women. While on the one hand, some Pakistani women
belonging to elite class were at war with the state, the religious
hypocrisy was giving a free hand to males in using women as
an object of sex and humiliation. Disappointed with the
generation gap, cultural hegemony and predominant policies
and processes to marginalize women, the novelist makes us feel
the riot in her blood. Notwithstanding the prevalence of the
legitimate male system of value, Qudsiya’s deliberations on the
lawful and unlawful in Islam, and her discourse on genetic
mutation based on the concept of Good and Evil in Islam are
the result of that powerlessness which emanates from the
endless division of self by the outer forces. Her arguments
favour the Islamic, and now, national system of piety wherefore
the narrative and storyline of this novel mock the Hudood
Ordinance and male’s sanctions on female body and mind.
The much discussed character of this novel, Raja Gidh,
who faces a trial at the International Conference of the Birds in
the parallel narrative of the novel, is loathed by all the other
birds because its community has assimilated itself with human
74
beings. The narrator compares scavengers with human beings
and rightly and insightfully so discusses the lawful and the
unlawful in Islam. But this deliberate incorporation of the
Islamic ethics which has been used to expel scavengers from
the bird community turns into an extreme illustration of
paradox in the characterization of Qayyum, Suhail, Seemi and
Abeda. Amtal’s entry in Qayyum’s life and sudden arrival of
Aftab with his abnormal son do not add much to the story of
this novel. Qudsiya would have conveyed her message
powerfully even without their presence.
Seemi’s interest in Aftab and later in Qayyum might be
the result of the lack of love and affection from her parents, as
indicated by the author; however one cannot deny soliciting her
desire of elevation of the libratory aspirations when she offers
her body to Qayyum in the Lawrence Garden. It is the Lahore
of 1980/1981, and they regularly have sex in that garden. She
tries to find solace in his arms. The garden becomes a meeting
ground of the personal and the universal. When they had their
first sexual relationship, the otherwise desperate and almost
mad girl, filled with self-pity, Seemi Shah, smiles and asks
Qayyum to leave the garden, playfully saying, “Naughty boy,
police arrest them who are caught involved in shoddy activities.
This [our activity] is also considered a breach of peace” (1981,
p.122). Rutter construes that sometimes women are also
seductive. There is a moment in the novel when Seemi asks
Qayyum whether he finds her sexually frustrated (1981, p. 46).
Qayyum says that she smiled while uttering these words and
the seducer within him thinks that it was a smile filled with
sorrow. To him, Seemi was more vulnerable now; and for
Seemi, it was the beginning of her retributions, her revenge on
her ex. The reader is made to believe that Seemi’s surrender
and her melting under the touch of Qayyum is an exercise in
vain to feel Aftab through him, and simultaneously, this
relationship of the seducer and the seduced leads to
melancholy, madness, physical death of Seemi and moral decay
of Qayyum.

75
She despises and abhors her ambitious parents because
they are more indulged in themselves, in building their fortunes
and in treading on the ways that would keep them, at least, look
younger. Drawing a wall of detachment between parents and
children, Qudsia seems to convey that these two generations of
Pakistan are so involved in their own worlds that they cannot
trust each other in any personal matter. Seemi’s discussion with
Qayyum also indicates that her parents have a queer sexual life
too. By asking Qayyum whether she is sexually frustrated, she
indirectly invites him to explore her body. She becomes a
symbol of reactionary attitude in the context of the ethics of
faithfulness, and laws of the land. Qudisya’s disturbing and
truly dark humor very skillfully projects the horribly grim
reality and ugliness of modern city life of the youths who have
been cut off from their roots. Seemi is unable to resist the
sexual temptation. Throughout the discourses on Good and Evil
there is a conspiracy of silence, a burning furnace of reactions
and rebellion that wouldn’t allow the author to approve the
religious sanctions on her mind and body. Otherwise, she
wouldn’t have expounded that men have a discreet but very old
relation with the hunger of women. She insinuates that when a
man falls in love with a woman, he gets used to her hunger too.
The new generation of “modern girl” has come to realize the
secret that “expression of hunger conveys this message to a
man that her being hungry is an indication of her not being
inferior to men in her sexual hunger” (1981, p. 34).
What the author didn’t dare telling is that why a
girl/woman would demonstrate her hunger to a man! Very
much like Professor von X. of Virginia Woolf’s A Room of
One’s Own, some emotions make her jab her pen on the paper
as if she were killing some noxious insect but even when she
had killed it that did not satisfy her; she goes on killing it. She
discovers to her chagrin that she cannot repress that flow of
emotions in a young girl or in a married woman as in the case
of Abeda. She lets the emotions boil and erupt besides her
discourse on propagating religious ethics.

76
A Rawalpindi based author, Hammad Mushtaq, has
treated this novel as a romantic writing. He is of the opinion
that the novel relates the story of the unfulfilled love of Seemi
and Qayyum who remain under the influence of a deep
melancholy and a sense of nostalgia while the deeper meaning
of the novel suggest the theme of Halaal [the lawful] and
Haraam [the unlawful] (Mushtaq, 2012). This is what the
novelist herself has propagated on different occasions. It is hard
to consider it a love story because the tandems of love wither
away with the death of Aftab in the beginning of the narrative
itself. I see such statements as a departure from the truth. This
novel could have never been survived in Zia-ul Haq’s Pakistan
without a forced and intentional inculcation of submission to
the religious dictates of the state. I would like to draw the
readers’ attention to the argument of the Nightingale during the
trial of the King Scavenger in the jungle. It forcefully argues
that one should trace out the secret of the scavengers’ insanity
in the fall of man because…all forms of energy of human being
are hidden in his sexual power. Unlike animals and birds, he
doesn’t use his sexuality to beget offspring, albeit, keeps that
dark stallion of power pressed between his thighs. Later on, this
galloping stallion helps him in attaining the distances of the
world and heaven. If a man keeps his thighs wrapped tightly
around that stallion, he achieves wisdom; if he loosens the grip
then he falls down in frenzy, and thenceforth, is called a
madman (1981, p.24).
Whole narrative of the novel revolves around this idea
and the author is at pains in creating an atmosphere to
contradict her primary plot. The portrayal of the lives of
Qayyum and Seemi is done with great psychological depth.
Narrated most often from the first-person viewpoint, the
inherent message remains clear, coherent and compelling- sex
is a taboo, premarital and extramarital affairs are a taboo, it is
against the religious beliefs, it is against the moral values, but it
is hard to escape the temptation even if one faces exclusion.
Ironically, in the social fabric of Pakistan, the Raja Gidhs were
not facing trials or expulsions, however, the ones they made
77
their prey were awarded punishments. A Pakistani female
author, Shabnam Ashai, remarks that since his expulsion from
Heaven, Adam is in torments, and he is continuously looking
for the ways to get his wounds healed. Raja Gidh is a symbol of
those wounded men. Another Pakistan born scholar, Masood
Ahraf Raja, observes this novel as a discourse on articulating
Muslim nationhood in Pakistan (Raja, 2007). His readings are
based on the secondary narrative plot of the novel. I doubt the
authenticity of this observation as well on the ground that most
of the arguments in the parallel narrative discuss the
psychodynamics of sexuality. His argument stands on a weaker
premise as there are sufficient points of departure in the novel
that demonstrate its characters as guilty of moral failures that
make their victimization complete and irrevocable.
Controversy has always surrounded the novel’s loosely
knit plots but the message that it spreads cannot be
underestimated by any critic or reader. In the hallucinatory tale
of love/lovelessness, revenge and rebellion, she aptly portrays
greedy first generation, unsatisfied younger generation that
seeks real love but in vain and falls prey to its own ambitions.
This tendency is a brutal truth because relations are without
faith, trust and commitment. Usually, Bano Qudsia’s writings
involve a subtle mixture of inconsistencies. She loathes the
institution of marriage and considers it nothing but an
agreement to beget offspring. One of her writings, Aazadie-e-
NiswaaaN ([Women’s Liberation], Nuqoosh: Lahore, 122,
1977. Pp- 126-146), published couples of years before the
appearance of this novel, deals in depth with the relation of
man and woman. Realizing the fact that the new generation of
Pakistani women are more interested in changing their
standards with the help of Western education and Western
living to stand equally beside men, she opines that the women
of the second generation of Pakistan are striving hard to
compete men educationally, financially and socially to live an
independent life. Meanwhile, she stresses the need for a better
understanding of women by men. She argues that the Pakistani
males are mimicking the West in their pursuit of education and
78
material gains. Women, remaining behind the veils for fourteen
centuries, have crossed the doorsteps of their home in this
century. She also admits that some women, unconsciously
apprehending the present ideals of men, have gone far away
from the boundaries set by the society. She goes on to say that
some women are victims of contradictions, and therefore, if
they would accept their religion as standard of their life then
their market value will be diminished. On the other hand, she
also admits that the desire of seeking a man is hidden in the
nature of a woman while the impact of inconsistency affects her
whole life. In the same vein, drawing readers’ attention to a
woman’s changing ideals, she says that the intelligent and
educated girl of Pakistan does not trust that self-confident ideal.
She, on the grounds of her education, seeks financial and sexual
liberation, and, is all set to become a sexy Susan to please man.
There is a clear indication of reaction against the male
chauvinism and authoritarianism when she wonders whether a
woman wants only to be moulded? Does she not nurture any of
her own desire, ambition? Is she only a picture to be fixed in a
man’s frame (p. 130)? Interestingly, the same issue of Nuqoosh
carries (1977, pp. 564-570) a biographical sketch of Qudsia by
Parveen Atif in which Atif, a close associate of the novelist,
writes that according to Qudsia, the fierce intensity of hue and
cry in the society about sex is meaningless. It has uselessly kept
sex hidden behind seven veils making it a forbidden tree- and
the forbidden tree hidden behind seven veils throws the senses
of pleasure into a burning furnace for no use. If an important
part of the psyche of society is thrown into a fiery furnace then
consequently nothing constructive would come out, she
believes. Likewise, throughout the novel there is a fear of
judgment, hatred, desperation, self-loathing, and confusion
about one’s self and the environment. It was not permissible to
raise a voice against the system (read judiciary, male
chauvinism) therefore Raja Gidh turned out to be a
compassionate, comprehensive, and thoughtful treatment of an
emerging problem of our time in Pakistan. The International
Conference of the Birds (parallel narrative of the novel) is

79
defiant yet self-deluding act of retribution. Though it is a meet
to discuss the psychopathic and sociopathic scavengers, it
yields to a discourse on the forbidden zone where the primary
narrative’s characters love to dwell with all their temptations
and perceptions based on reaction, rage, revenge and
frustration.
Qayyum’s sudden departure from Seemi and his
seduction of Abeda to fulfill his carnal desires is also
reactionary in its nature because he knew that Seemi was
interested in him only due to his friendship with her ex. He
ruled her body but he couldn’t make her love him. Thus, Seemi
while taking a revenge on Aftab and reacting against her
“ambitious parents” used him as a medium to soothe her own
libido. Qayyum’s tantric musings to seduce Abeda and her
eagerness to have extramarital relationship with him are also a
perennial theme of revenge. They know that they are using
each other, that they are victims of sexual betrayals and
faithlessness. Qayyum (read Raja Gidh/ the King Scavenger/
the patriarchal system/ the male dominancy/ the male
authoritarianism- whom no ordinance can prove guilty) is
morbidly consumed by women, and wants to consume them.
This is sheer madness, and madness is central to this novel.
But, no one is being stoned!
Pakistan, as a nation and state, has been grappling since
its creation with existential dilemma and the issue of national
identity and the search for roots. The salariat (auxiliary class, a
term coined by Hamza Alavi) has always been on the forefront
of the religious and political affairs. The industrial elite,
conservative merchant-trader class and landlords have always
been socially and politically influential. They left no rooms for
either political or social reforms; consequently, there was an
adverse effect on younger generation in creating its consensus
on the role of Islam as seen and presented by the new
aristocracy, in the state. The postcolonial existence of this
nascent country was threatened by its orthodox leadership.
Despite being a pluralistic society, Pakistan used, misused and

80
abused the Islamic jurisprudence for the welfare of the ruling
class and bureaucrats. There is a fierce resistance to change.
Voyeuristically and sadistically, Qudsia represents that clash of
existential crises in the form of the reactionary attitude of
Qayyum, Seemi and Abeda. The contrasts of village and city
life, science and holy people, sociology and ESP, Good and
Evil, lawful and unlawful, and trust and betrayal symbolize
existential paradoxes. Alienation, dispossession, loneliness,
insanity and death are the ultimate results of living under a
system that gives little thought to the individual freedom.
Mocking the system, the self-centered characters of this novel
dwell in their own delusions and fantasies. The novelist, being
very well aware of the repercussions of loitering in the
forbidden zone lets Abeda correct herself once she betrays her
majaazii Khuda [earthly god] by seducing Qayyum, “…then I
laid my hand pleadingly on the sacred tomb… don’t know why
Abeda got seated silently… she murmured, ‘do tell me, are you
not feeling pity for me’” (1981, p. 184).
It was sinister, troubling and disturbing for the author to
openly and approvingly talk about the forbidden zone wounded
up in a cul-de-sac by ignoring the phallus centric hysterics.
That is the reason that the novel takes a forced new turn when
by the end of the narration, the protagonist’s bride, who was
believed to be untouched, a virgin, is presented as a girl who is
already pregnant. Qayyum is yet again alienated and an
outsider. To the reader’s utter dismay, no female character
repents seducing or being seduced. It is the male protagonist,
Raja Gidh, who is always despised and disgusted and, hitherto,
has no value for appreciation of his own life.
The narratives, then, have real power!

81
References:
Hudood Ordinance. (1979). Retrieved from
http://cii.gov.pk/publications/h.report.pdf
Mushtaq, H. (2012). The Infinite Curiosity -Exploring Romantic
Tendencies in Raja Gidh Retrieved from
http://web.b.ebscohost.com/abstract?direct=true&profile=ehost&scop
e=site&authtype=crawler&jrnl=19302940&AN=73528655&h=t3cuI
5VqYSLhLDrw1Qw%2b7wZ63%2b3kp4SrT1D%2fD9LtCvwUWz
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&resultNs=AdminWebAuth&resultLocal=ErrCrlNotAuth&crlhashur
l=login.aspx%3fdirect%3dtrue%26profile%3dehost%26scope%3dsit
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Qudsiya, B. (1977). Aazadie-e-Niswaaan. Nuqoosh. Lahore. No. 122
pp. 126-146.
- - -. (1981). Raja Gidh. Lahore: Sang-e Mil.
Raja, M. A. (2007). The King Buzzard: Bano Qudsia’s Postnational
Allegory and the Nation-State, Mosaic, 40: 1, 2007 Retrieved from
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/295341955_The_King_Buz
zard_Bano_Qudsia's_postnational_allegory_and_the_nation-state

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