Thesis It

Political Awareness of Student Leaders’ Among Selected Tertiary Schools in Pagadian
City on Bangsamoro Basic Law
A Research
Presented to the Faculty of
College of Teachers Education, Arts and Sciences
Saint Columban College
Pagadian City
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Course
Political Science 220
(Research Methods in Philippine Political Issues)
By
Manz Edam C. Jover
Hanna Grace S. Lodovice
Ada Barbette D. Mongaya
Eduardo P. Rodriguez Jr
Chapter 1 The Problem
Introduction
The administration of President Benigno Simeon “Noynoy” Aquino III is gradually closing
its doors after the six-year term granted by the Filipino populace yet the clamor of the passage
of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) is still clinging in the gates of both houses of the Bicameral
Philippine Legislature. With almost a half year to work on, the judgment of the public is still
undoubtedly half, whether to give a ‘yeas’ or the slashing ‘nay’.
With indirect pressures from partisan Islamic neighbors like Brunei, Malaysia and
Indonesia, the Philippines is trying to awe the South East Asia with an effective recognition of its
Islamic and indigenous communities in the Southern Philippines through BBL.
The foundation of the BBL in the southern Philippines is rooted primarily to redress and
correct the ineffective Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). However, its efficacy
is still debated prior to the reading of its ultimate destiny or its final verdict. The Islamic
community with its clamor to concretize their semi-independent status argues the necessity of
the policy. On the other hand, aura of skeptics that pessimistically declare (if ever) the same sad
fate of ARMM will happen to the Bangsamoro entity. Nevertheless, the Palace is still expecting
the success of the passage of BBL. However, opposition is invoking evidences through the
Mamasapano clash to discredit the integrity of the contracting party.
In the locale of the study, the two district representatives of Zamboanga Del Sur
expressed their direct opposition to the spirit of BBL. The ZDS populace has evidently divided
perception to the boons and banes of BBL together with other 15 lower house representatives
as made mentioned by GMA news article on May 20 online publication. The voice of the young
populace is still silent but not necessarily tantamount that they are unaware to it.
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While no firm voice is expressed by youth sector, several Mindanao young people
groups like Oro Youth Development Council solidified their stand as to the power of the BBL to
assert peace in the southern Philippines as stated in their official website. In the other hand,
Kabataan Party list representative, Terry Ridon voted against the bill after marathon hearings in
the lower house of the Philippine Legislature. The facts confirmed the absence of uniform voice
as to the perspective of the youth.
The success and failure of BBL depends greatly on how the people are socialized
politically. Hence, the level of political awareness that is basically influenced by indicators of
political socialization plays a key role in the policy. Political socialization and communication and
higher degree of political awareness provide feedbacks to the state’s engineer, the government.
After all, the societal factors and its government have the last say to the fate of the erring bill up
to the moment.
Perspective of the Researchers
The research is conducted by Bachelor of Arts major in Political Science students of
Saint Columban College. As vigilant observers of society, the researchers have noticed
prejudice in the part of non-moros to any actions that are defined by the government to stabilize
the part of Muslim Mindanao. The basic premise to be addressed in the research is the
awareness about the statute promoting autonomy in an area or whether their perspective is
influenced by Halo effect and fallacious generalizations. Thus, as researchers, the need to
assess the condition is vital for the welfare of the entirety of Mindanao Island. Hence, the
findings, conclusion and recommendation of the research will be echoed back to the
respondents for evaluation and if necessary implementation thereof.
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Conceptual Framework
This research analyzes the policy formulation and implementation of the government
and its impact to the general public. It also includes how people rationalize political issues and
formulate their own stand upon each issue. The researches’ political framework is established in
reference to David Easton’s Black Box. According to the book of Blindenbacher and Nashat
(2010), the theory of Easton is all about an Input-Output processes. The environment which
consists of the society and factors that affects it begins the process. Inputs, demands and
supports emanates from them. These Inputs are then processed by the political system through
weighing of its benefits, its costs and effectiveness. After which, the political system expresses
the processed inputs as decisions, programs and policies. These outputs are then reprocessed
by the environment and serves as feedback thereof that will reignite inputs from it. This just
basically means that the theory of Easton is a continuous and unending process. The Black Box
Diagram of David Easton is shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1: The Black Box Diagram
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In the case of the research, the Inputs are the political awareness of Student Leaders
and the factors that affects it. Examination of this inputs are done through conducting surveys
regarding their awareness to some of the debated provisions of the BBL. A separate
questionnaire for the factors that affects political awareness is conducted too so to assess the
most influencing societal factor. This leads to the research’s findings, conclusions and
recommendations that is evaluated to furnish an action plan that will be supplied by the
researchers to the respondent respective institution for reference or at most, application. Figure
2 shows the Conceptual Framework of the Study.
Factors affecting Level of Level of Political Awareness:

Political Awareness:
 Family  Illiterate
 Mass Media  Misinformed
 Peer and Education  General
 Religion  Activist
 Internet and Social  Expert
Networking Sites
 Social Status
Bangsamoro Basic Law Bangsamoro Basic L

Awareness Action Plan
Figure 2: Conceptual Framework
Statement of the Problem
This research will evaluate the political awareness of student leaders among the leading
tertiary schools in Pagadian City regarding Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL). The outcome of this
study will provide insights on the awareness of the student leaders.
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Specifically, this study will answer the following queries:
 Which of the provisions of Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) are student leaders most
aware of and least aware of?
 Which of the following indicators influence the student leaders’ level of political
awareness the most and the least?
 What may be done as to the findings of the research as to ways of assisting the political
awareness of students with regards to the issue of Bangsamoro Basic Law?
Scope and Limitation
The research will only focus on the following parameters that define the scope and
limitations of the study.
Subject Matter: The research considers only the political awareness of student
leaders among selected tertiary schools in Pagadian City regarding Bangsamoro Basic Law
namely: Saint Columban College (SCC), Pagadian Capitol College (PCC), Southern Mindanao
Colleges (SMC), Western Mindanao State University- External Studies Unit (WMSU-ESU), JH
Cerilles State College Pagadian Campus (JHCSC), and Zamboanga del Sur Maritime Institute
of Technology (ZSMIT).
Research Environment and Timeline: The study will be conducted on present time
on the political awareness of student leaders among selected tertiary schools in Pagadian City
regarding Bangsamoro Basic Law namely: SCC, PCC, SMC, WMSU-ESU, JHCSC, and ZSMIT.
Research Subjects: The research subject of this study are the student leaders of
the following tertiary schools in Pagadian City: Saint Columban College (SCC), Pagadian
Capitol College(PCC), Southern Mindanao Colleges (SMC), Western Mindanao State
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University- External Studies Unit (WMSU-ESU), JH Cerilles State College (JHCSC), and
Zamboanga del Sur Maritime Institute of Technology ( ZSMIT).
Research Design: The research uses survey method to understand and determine
the political awareness of student leaders among leading tertiary schools in Pagadian City
regarding Bangsamoro Basic Law.
Research Methods: The study will use questionnaires in gathering data and will
utilize evaluative method. Statistical procedure will be through the software Statistical Package
for Social Sciences (SPSS) to ensure accuracy and reliability.
Significance of the Study
The study of Political Awareness of Student Leaders among selected tertiary schools in
Pagadian City regarding Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) is significant for the following:
Student Leaders: As a student representation of their respective schools, and as a
resident of Mindanao, their political awareness is very significant for critical legislations like that
of Bangsamoro Basic Law in which as a student and resident, they are affected.
Government Leaders: As engineers of the state, the opinion of its citizenry is significant.
In the study, public opinion of the youth is the primary subject. Thus, the findings thereof suffice
the fact that it is significant and noteworthy for the government.
Instructors/ Teachers: This group will be benefited through the findings of this study,
which will be furnished to them later and in effect will allow them to know what level of
awareness they share to their students or learners.
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Students: The finding of this research will be of great help to the students as they are the
future leaders of their respective schools, an organization, and to the country. This will also
make them evaluate to level of awareness they have reach.
Citizenry: The general populace will have reflection to the study. Citizens, through the
objects of this study, will be aware of their role in the Political Socialization and Consciousness
especially to policies that may directly and indirectly affect them.
Others Researchers: Findings of this study may be utilized and employed for future
studies as a reference or review.
Definition of Terms
City is defined by Merriam Webster Dictionary as a large town; a place or situation
characterized by a specified attribute. In the operation of the study, the city is referred to
Pagadian City as the locale of the study.
Law is defined by Merriam Webster Dictionary as the whole system or set of rules made
by the government of town, state, country and others. In the study, the law specifically refers to
the Bangsamoro Basic Law.
Bangsamoro Basic Law is defined by the Framework Agreement of the Bangsamoro as
the legal basis for the establishment of Bangsamoro entity. It will lay down the structure of
government of the Bangsamoro, the relationship of the Bangsamoro with the Central
Government, the rights of the residents, and other important matters in the governance of the
Bangsamoro.
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Political Awareness is defined by the overall consciousness about politics and its issues.
In the operation of the study, it only refers to the political awareness of the respondents or
student leaders of the selected tertiary schools in Pagadian City.
Student Leaders as defined by the New English Dictionary as students who serve in a
leadership position. In the study, the student leaders referred to is limited to those identified
schools of Pagadian City.
Tertiary schools as defined by the Webster Dictionary as the third stage, third level or post
secondary education. This Tertiary Schools in the research pertains to those that are selected
tertiary school in Pagadian City.
Structure of the Thesis
This study is composed of five chapters. These are the following: Chapter 1: The Problem,
Chapter 2: Review of Related Literature, Chapter 3: Methodology, Chapter 4: Presentation,
Interpretation and Analysis of Data and Chapter 5: Summary of Findings, Conclusion and
Recommendation. The study includes Bibliography and Appendices that contains respondents
profile, questionnaires and other similar files.
Chapter 1 (The Problem): This chapter primarily reveals what the study is all about. It
contains all necessary spheres in which the research revolves on. All vital and definite
information are compiled herewith.
Chapter 2 (Review of Related Literature): This chapter contains review of related
materials that has something to do with the research one way or another. Attach here are
perspective and thoughts of other experts to the objects and subjects of the study.
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Chapter 3 (Methodology): This chapter defines the way of how the study is conducted. It
contains vital information regarding the respondents, the setting of the study, research
instruments and research methods employed by the researchers.
Chapter 4 (Presentation, Interpretation and Analysis of Data): This chapter presents,
interprets and analyzes the data and relates it to the hypotheses for rebuttal or approval thereof.
Analysis of data is referred to a specific theory to explain the ‘why’ or the ‘how’ of the study.
Chapter 5 (Summary of Findings, Conclusion and Recommendation): This chapter
includes findings, conclusion and recommendations. Findings and conclusion simply referred to
the previous chapters for its formulation. Recommendation is included to bring about further
study or so.
Bibliography: This section contains all bibliographical entries of material that are included
as a source for the study.
Appendices: This section contains all files that are necessary for the conduct of the study.
Communication letters, questionnaires and respondent profile are found here.
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Chapter 2 Review of Related Literature
This Chapter deals with related studies of past researches of other sources. This deals
with issues regarding the nature of political socialization and its relation to political awareness. It
also grasps different perspective of persons with authorities with regards to the issue of BBL.
The primary hardship to this study is relating a unique legislation like that of Philippines’
BBL to another state’s statutes that will co-equal the importance thereof. The only valid way to
relate the issues of BBL and the political awareness of its respondents is through comparison of
the same case scenario in other states regarding similar policies that are much debated and the
political awareness of the populace of that state. On the other hand, the concept of public
opinion as may be taken whether in the local scenario or in the international arena, is uniform by
nature. (This provided convenience in the part of the researchers.) Uniformity of the Public
Opinion’s concept is due to universal theories set by theorist like John Locke, Gabriel Almond
and David Easton. Below, different lineage of how public opinion is perceived is injected to
completely present the context and importance of this concept regardless of the timeframe it is
set. This theory supported by political science authorities (regardless of the lineage) are referred
for general reference. Before directly relating foreign scenarios, scrutiny of technical terms and
their indicators are discussed below.
Public Opinion, Political Awareness and Political Socialization
Public opinion is defined by John Locke, a contemporary political thinker, in his work
Treatise of Government, as a significant force in the political realm. It is because of the
consideration that humans are subjected to three general laws as the divine, civil and law of
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opinion and reputation. Here, he strongly made his point that law of opinion and reputation plays
great role in the political aspect.
In the modern political arena, David Easton suggested that politicization is all about an
Input-Output processes. Inputs emanate from the populaces’ demands and needs that are
reinforced by the clamor of social factors. These demands are then processed by the Black Box
or the engineer of the political system, the government. This gives rise to the outputs of the
system through programs and policies implemented. Note that the outputs are not the endpoint
of the process because it brings about feedbacks that are primarily classified as general public
opinion. This concept is best described by the theorist in his infamous Black Box diagram.
The above mentioned concept of Easton regarding politicization is duly supported by the
thought of Almond’s political function. Accordingly, inputs commence when political recruitment
occurs. This is the so called direct selection or stratification of individuals to different levels
depending on independent factors. Recruitment is supported by articulation and aggregation of
interest per every distinct individual. The process of Input is reinforced by political
communication or as referred to as political socialization.
The three political thinkers have commonalities and the most noticeable among them is
the commonality regarding the importance of political awareness or consciousness to the
prevailing issue. John Locke’s, law of opinion and reputation, Easton’s concept of Black Box
feedback and Almond’s concept of interest articulation and aggregation points out the
importance of awareness to political Issues.
Political awareness as made mentioned by authorities of political science as an
important concept worthy of analysis. This technical term is defined by Zaller (1990) as a force
that affects virtually every aspect of citizens' political attitudes and voting behavior. Among its
effects are greater attitude stability and greater support for a nation's mainstream values.
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Baddeley (2011), a professor from Denmark provided similar definitions of political
awareness in his Article in the website of WordPress. He stated that it is the extent to which the
public is aware of the politics prevalent in the society. He further stated classification of a
politically aware society. Accordingly, this society has foundation and contemporary knowledge
of politics, access to elite opinion, forum to discuss individual opinion. He also motioned that
there are two essential elements are needed for a society to become politically conscious.
These two elements are public integrity and public attitude.
Ahmed (2014) supported the notion of his predecessors and stated that political
awareness is the overall vision or individual’s cognitions and ideas that include political interest
and knowledge which facilitate the individual’s ability and understanding of society's problem.
This process stimulates the individual's responsibility towards participating to change the
society’s future and political process through participating in social and political aspects.
According to the definition of Ahmed, he provided three elements to political awareness. These
are 1) political knowledge and cognitions, 2) individual’s political interest and 3) the capacity of
political participation and the ability to change the political system.
Political awareness’ third element as made mentioned by Ahmed supports the general
notion of Democracy as stated by Abraham Lincoln (BrainyQuote) that democracy is a
government of the people, by the people and for the people or in a shorter sense, democracy is
a type of governance with which the superiority of the populace is championed. Hence, it is
honorable to say that political awareness is a key indicator of Democracy. The issue now is
‘what are the factors that may contribute to the consciousness of the people to political issues?’
and ‘how such political awareness be measured?’
These issues are addressed by the book Introduction to Political Science (Michael
Roskin et al, page 124). They stated that the primary indicators of political awareness are the
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family factor, mass media information, peer and education influence, religious factor, internet
and social networking site’s information amplification, governmental factors and social status
and stratification influences and sometimes even sex and gender. As further stated, political
awareness is a factor for the formation of not only public opinion but in the greater sense,
political culture.
Factors of Political Awareness
The first factor as stated above is the family factor. This factor majorly considered as one
of the heaviest socialization factors. This is due to the psychological behaviorist principle that
stated the importance of conditioning and training in the early ages of life. This principle does
not excuse the political aspect. Thus, the political awareness and the conditioning and training
of individual persons during their early years are factors thereof.
The second factor is mass media information. This factor is a major factor in considering
the level of political awareness of individuals. Simple newspapers up to the complex television
shows are all part of mass media. The political knowledge of individuals are greatly affected with
how the mass media affected it one way or another. However, the political cognition of individual
is still dependent especially when the media itself is biased. Nevertheless, the impact of mass
media to the general public is undeniably broad.
The third factor for the determination of one’s political awareness is peer and education.
This basically pertains to the indicator that the level of one’s political awareness is dependent on
the Educational attainment of the person. Furthermore, the peer of every individual is also a
dependent factor as to the determination of political consciousness. Accordingly, the higher the
educational attainment of individual or individual’s peer is equaled to higher political awareness.
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The fourth factor as made mentioned earlier is the religious factor. This factor talks about
the grasp of religion or sects that may influence their members or followers especially as to their
stands and perception to a certain political issue. Not to forget, religions’ sense of assertiveness
to its followers and members.
The fifth factor talks about the Internet and SNS’s. This modern-bred facto is, according
to Baddeley, is one of the many information amplifier. It amplifies the distribution and impact of
information leading to better political cognition disregarding whether such is biased or unbiased.
Further, social media information affects the formation of political cognition of the people.
Therefore, political cognition reflects the consciousness of the general public to political issues.
The government imposes as well factors that may influence the levels of political
awareness of its populace. As mentioned by the same reference, actions and policies that may
promote loyalty to the state or the otherwise, setbacks may stimulate or lessen political
consciousness of people.
Social stratification and status is included as an indicator as well. This is in line with the
notion set by Karl Marx in his work; Communist Manifesto that states that classes influences the
interest of individuals. As mentioned by Easton, the interest of individuals is an indicator of
political awareness. Thus, infusing the thoughts of both thinkers, classes in the society with
different political interest may indicate different levels of political consciousness.
Sex and gender is also an indicator to determine the level of awareness of the people.
The political interest of some sects depends sometimes with the gender or sex of individuals
especially when it talks about sensitive issues or policies where some gender or sex
preferences are privileged or undermined. Examples of these issues are same-sex marriage
and violence against women’s acts. This study, however, does not include these two factors.
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The book of Birkland revealed the policy processes of United States of America.
Accordingly, in the US setting, public policy is played more by bureaucratic functions than
individual participation or activism towards the policy. In analyzing policy in such context, it’s
more accurate to assess the legislature and other bureaucracies especially their operation in
formulating public policies and programs. This is according to Bronislaw Malinowski’s theory of
structural functionalism. In line with this premise are his claims that the official actors in public
policy are the three branches of the government and other bureaucracies that support the
operation thereof. Furthermore, the role of external factors outside the government fence is
considered unofficial by nature. Thus, in the context of US, individuals and the general public
are not accounted so much in the operations of the government in policy making,
implementation and evaluation. Accordingly, the voter turnout of US in the past elections has
significantly declined. This is a manifestation of low political interest of the populace. This
manifestation undermines the importance of individuals’ interest especially its aggregation and
socialization for the formation of political consciousness.
Level of Political Awareness
Barnett and Sobel (2007) formulated a political awareness measurement that depends
solely from the quality of individual and the society. As being published by the authors in the
Article of BlogCritics, they have provided five levels of Political consciousness. To reiterate,
these are the following:
Illiterate - the level of political awareness characterized by the knowledge of some of the who’s
and what’s of the political issue or systems. This group tends to think that knowing these things
is enough and participation on political affairs is limited only to the government. This level has
the percentile of 0-20% awareness to an issue.
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Misinformed - this is the level of political awareness in which an individual prefers to take a
stand notwithstanding the boons and banes of the issues. This group is dominated with
emotions thus the truthfulness of their stand is sometimes easily defeated by objective debates
and inquiries. This level may have the percentile of 21-40% awareness.
General- this level is characterized by moderate awareness to political issues by the populace.
This level is categorized by healthy political socialization and communication. However, the
political activism of this stratum is only minimal. This level may have the percentile level of 41-
60% awareness.
Activist - this is the level by which individuals involve themselves in the political affairs of the
government. This is best described as a level of political awareness by which political
knowledge and involvement is clearly manifested. Thus, the society is active in addressing
issues of politics that may be brought about by the government. This level may have 61-80%
awareness percentile.
Expert - this is the level by which individuals has the personal knowledge of the principles of
politics. This is also categorized by well-versed individuals as to the current state and the reality
of impending issues in their society. Nonetheless, this is a level by which real power holders of
the society may have. This may have 81-100% awareness percentile.
Issues on Bangsamoro
The dilemma of the Philippine Legislature between the passage or blockade of
Bangsamoro Basic Law is at hand. The thoughts of great minds are subdivided to the same
issue. Nevertheless, the Palace is still putting its best foot forward regarding such policy as a
milestone in their administration.
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Bangsamoro Basic Law is defined in its third article as a draft law intended to establish
the Bangsamoro political entity in the Philippines and provide for its basic structure of
government, which will replace the existing Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. According
to the Law, the subjects of this law are the people who at the time of conquest and colonization
were considered natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago and its
adjacent islands including Palawan, and their spouses, and descendants. As defined by the
same, territories of the Bangsamoro is primarily composed of the land mass, maritime,
terrestrial, alluvial and aerial domain. Section 1 expressly states that the Bangsamoro territory
remains part of the Philippines Likewise, the draft Basic Law provides that the Bangsamoro
shall respect and adhere to the Philippines’ international treaties and agreements. Thus,
whatever power that the Bangsamoro may exercise over its territory must be consistent with
and not contravene the country’s international obligations and commitments.
The idea of Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao is rooted in the administration of
President Marcos when tension escalated between Moro National Liberation Front and the
government forces. Thus, a plebiscite is launched to assess the perception of the populace to
the formation of an autonomic region. However, the general public voted against the formation
of such delaying the foundation but laying down basic possibilities of such entity, here, it is
observable that political participation through a plebiscite is manifested. In the term of Cory
Aquino, the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao is inaugurated by virtue of The Organic
Act for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (RA 6734). In a plebiscite, only four
provinces out of the several areas proposed to be included in ARMM opted to join the area of
autonomy: Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. However, assessment of the
region reveals inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the system. This assessment resulted to the
consideration of regrooming of the system of the autonomous region.
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The need of reformations in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao should be
address immediately. The product of 1989-1990 peace talks seemed so inefficient provided that
according to a survey collected by National Statistical Coordination Board – 2005, ARMM is the
lowest grossing region in the Philippines despite the fact of Autonomy.
The structure of the Bangsamoro is questioned by Aquilino Pimentel, a Philippine
senator, due to its non-congruence to the constitutional formation and definition of the Philippine
government. According to the law’s first article on its second paragraph, it is clearly defined that
the entity will have a ministerial form of government that is an evidence of a direct diversion of
the structure of the political region from the format provided by the 1987 Philippine Constitution.
Specifically, the Bangsamoro entity promotes a ministerial and parliamentary form of
government while the constitution states so that the Philippine government is a representative
democracy and presidential government. The senator added that defects in electoral processes
and power sharing between the Bangsamoro and national government are present and should
be addressed.
The Manila Times author, Ricardo Saludo also questioned the contracting credibility of
the Muslim Party provided that the impending Mamasapano Clash Case is an evidence of non-
compliance in good faith to the peace processes. An article from RealPhilippines written by Ilda
supported the stand of Ricardo Saludo. Accordingly, the contracting muslim party is not credible
due to non-consensus with other Islamic Party in the Southern Philippines. Thus, contracting a
peace talks to a specific Islamic part only does not answer the question of separationist ideals of
the whole party. She added that a peace talks should be organized not only to address a
specific party’s voice but the totality of such. Henceforth, the Bangsamoro Basic Law is not a
feasible peace talks, she concluded.
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Relating the same issue to the factors of Political Awareness as presented by Michael
Roskin to the issue of Bangsamoro Basic Law, the same factors may apply added by the
Sgeographical factor that may apply in the Philippine Setting.
The first factor as stated by Roskin is the family factor. This factor majorly
considered as one of the heaviest socialization factors. The way families have conditioned its
member defines the political knowledge to Bangsamoro Basic Law. Thus, the bias is set
primarily in every household. This triggers in a way or another political perspective of
individuals.
The second factor is mass media information in the Philippines. This factor is a major
factor in considering the level of political awareness of individuals. Newspapers publications
from local to national levels present readily available Information regarding the agreement.
Television shows open and sometimes debate this issue influencing the political awareness of
viewers that readily accepts the information notwithstanding the bias of such. The political
knowledge of individuals is greatly affected with how the mass media affected it one way or
another especially in the context of the Philippines. Nevertheless, the impact of mass media to
the general public is undeniably broad because of its convenience, comprehensiveness and
simplicity.
The third factor for the determination of one’s political awareness is peer and education.
This basically pertains to the indicator that the level of one’s political awareness is dependent on
the educational attainment of the person considering the fact that Philippines are a third-world
state. Furthermore, the peer of every individual is also a dependent factor as to the
determination of political consciousness. Accordingly, the higher the educational attainment of
individual or individual’s peer is equaled to higher political awareness. Thus, the barkadas of
each individual connote significance to their political awareness.
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The fourth factor as made mentioned earlier is the religious factor. This factor talks about
the grasp of religion or sects that may influence their members or followers especially as to their
stands and perception to a certain political issue. Not to forget, religions’ sense of assertiveness
to its followers and members. In the case of the Philippines, it’s more likely that an Islamic
individual will favor the Bangsamoro Basic Law while the non-Muslims will not. In this case,
judgment depending to religious belief is true.
The fifth factor talks about the Internet and SNS’s (Social Networking Site/s). SNS is one
of the many information amplifiers. The Social Media especially the widely used Facebook,
Twitter, Instagram and among other sites that allows information to be served and shared is an
indicator to the political awareness of Filipinos especially the youths. It amplifies the distribution
and impact of information leading to better political cognition disregarding whether such is
biased or unbiased. Further, social media information affects the formation of political cognition
of the people. Therefore, political cognition reflects the consciousness of the general public to
political issues.
The Philippine government imposes as well factors that may influence the levels of
political awareness of its Filipino populace. In the case of BBL, the executive branch expressed
perspective towards the policy. Thus, the stand taken over by the government urges and affects
the political cognition of Filipinos.
Social stratification and status is included as an indicator as well. Classes in the
Philippine society tend to react in a policy like the BBL differently. Upper class may not be
affected so especially that accordingly, majority of this class stratum is not in the Southern
Philippines but in the National Capital Region (NCR). Mostly, the middle class and lower class
Filipinos from the southern Philippines that are most likely affected by the policy will have higher
level of awareness to the political issue.
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The positioning or Geographical location of individual will also influence the political
consciousness. It is implied that the political awareness of individuals that are direct subjects or
affected by the policy will have higher political awareness level in comparison to those that are
not. Thus, it suggests that Filipino southerners being a direct subject of the policy may be of
higher political awareness than those that are in the northern Philippines.
Outline of the Bangsamoro Basic Law
As defined by the law itself, BBL is a draft law which is intended to create and define a
special administrative region. The BBL is composed of twelve (12) substantive provisions. This
twelve provisions are as follows: General Provisions, Bangsamoro Identity, Bangsamoro
territory, Political Autonomy and Bangsamoro Government, Inter-Governmental Relation,
Bangsamoro Justice System, Public Order and Safety, Fiscal Autonomy, Economy and
Patrimony, Natural Resources, details of the plebiscite that would lead to ratification of the BBL
and the details of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority that would be set up in the meantime.
The GMA news TV online article dated September 10, 2014 selected some of the
provisions which is intriguing the majority of the reviewers of the legislation. As per mentioned
by such, they hand-picked the following provisions as the most debated and controversial parts
of the Bangsamoro Basic Law.
(1) Establishment of the Bangsamoro- This provision is specifically belonging to the
general provision and Bangsamoro identity wherewith the basic reasons of the creation of the
special region is enumerated.
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(2) Territorial domains- This provision is well defined in the second article of the
Bangsamoro Basic Law. This provision inscribes and limits the territory of the proposed
Bangsamoro administrative region.
(3) Structure of Government- This provision sets up the structural definition of the
government of the Bangsamoro. This defines the three branches of government that is
functioning in the Bangsamoro administrative region.
(4) Principles and system of Governance- This provision functions together with the
structural definition of the Bangsamoro government. This serves as the theory by which the
structure and much of the operations of the functioning government is anchored upon.
(5) Power distribution and Sharing- This provision defines and limits the extent of the
power sharing and distribution between the inter-governmental conducts of the central
government and the Bangsamoro government. This is specifically defined under the Inter-
governmental relation provision.
(6) Taxation- This defines special powers delegated to the Bangsamoro government.
This provision lets the government to levy tax to its jurisdiction. This is where the division of the
proceeds of taxes are defined as well. This is specifically found in the provision of Fiscal
autonomy.
This selected provisions provided are made in reference for the formulation of the
questionnaire checklist that is utilize in the conduct of survey for gathering, testing and
analyzing the data.
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Chapter 3 Research Methodology
This chapter deals with the essential elements of the research process. It covers the
different areas concerning the study, namely: Research Design, Research Environment,
Research Subjects, Sampling techniques, Instrumentation, Data-gathering Techniques, and
Statistical Treatment. With this, the researchers will be able to describe the methods and
procedures done to obtain the data. It will help the researchers to meet the conclusion of the
study.
Research Design
This study will use two types of data. Firstly, the primary data which are the answers of
the respondents who are the student leaders provided from the survey questionnaires given and
prepared by the researchers. Lastly, the secondary data which are the published literatures and
books of different authors related to the research problem. These data are of great help for the
success of the researchers’ study.
Research Environment
This study will be conducted in different leading tertiary schools in Pagadian City in the
province of Zamboanga del Sur, namely: Saint Columban College, the only diocesan tertiary
school in the city located at Alano-Sagun St., San Francisco District, Pagadian City; Southern
Mindanao Colleges, a private non-sectarian type of tertiary school located at Jamisola St., Sta
Lucia District, Pagadian City; Pagadian Capitol College, another private non-sectarian type of
tertiary school at Rizal Avenue, Tubaran District, Pagadian City; Western Mindanao State
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University-External Studies Unit, a public non-sectarian university located at Roxas Avenue,
Sta. Maria District, Pagadian City; Josefina Herrera Cerilles State College, a public non-
sectarian type of tertiary school located at Pagadian West Capitol Road, Balangasan District,
Pagadian City; Zamboanga del Sur Maritime Institute of Technology, another private non-
sectarian type of tertiary school located at Balangasan District, Pagadian City. These mentioned
schools possess numerous student enrollees from the different disciplines that the mentioned
tertiary schools offered.
Research Subjects
The research subjects of this study are the student leaders of selected tertiary schools in
Pagadian City. These schools are (1) Saint Columban College, (2) Southern Mindanao
Colleges, (3) Pagadian Capitol College, (4) Western Mindanao State University-External
Studies Unit, (5) Josefina Herrera Cerilles State College, and (6) Zamboanga del Sur Maritime
Institute of Technology.
Sampling Techniques
The study will use Purposive Sampling in its conduct. Fifteen percent (15%) from the
population of student leaders per school will be identified as a stratum. The actual respondents
will then be identified through lottery technique.
Instrumentation
The researchers will devise a questionnaire that will particularly treat the factors and
indicators of political awareness of student leaders. Prior to the testing of instrument, it is to be
submitted first to the thesis adviser for scrutiny and approval.
Data Gathering Procedures
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In gathering data, the researchers will secure a written approval noted by the thesis
adviser and to be sent personally to the president of each tertiary school (SCC, SMC, PCC,
WMSU-ESU, JHCSC, and ZSMIT) in Pagadian City provided the permission to conduct a
survey for the student leaders regarding their awareness on Bangsamoro Basic Law. After
securing the approval, the researchers will immediately conduct and distribute the
questionnaires to the respondents (student leaders).
The researchers will distribute the questionnaires individually and will explain the
reasons for conducting the survey. The distribution as well as the retrieval of the answered
questionnaires will took the researchers with an estimated time of two (2) weeks to complete.
The gathered data will be tabulated, interpreted, and will be analyzed.
Statistical Treatment of Data
This study will utilize frequency count and distribution and percentage analysis. The
processing of the statistical data will be done on the computer using software, the Special
Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) for more accurate and reliable results. Tabulated data may
be manually derived from the answers of the respondents as presented in a descriptive manner
as:
%=F/Nx100
Where:
F= Frequency of response per item
N= Total number of response
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Chapter 4 Research Presentation, Analysis and Interpretation
This chapter presents the interpretation of the data generated in this study. Furthermore,
each table and figure presented below has the corresponding brief interpretation and general
analysis based on the survey of frequencies. Graphic organizers are formulated and analyzed
through the help of Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS).
The survey questionnaire is subdivided into two parts. The first parts is pertaining to the
subjective political awareness of each respondents to the provisions of Bangsamoro Basic Law
while the second part is measuring the extent of the factors that may affect the political
awareness of the respondents to the Law.
PART ONE (SELECTED PROVISIONS OF BBL)
Establishment of Bangsamoro Entity
1. Bangsamoro Identity is not only covering Muslim natives of Mindanao but also includes
natives or original inhabitants of Palawan and other Adjacent Islands that determined
themselves through ascription or self-ascription. (FAB: Provision I, par. 5)
Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Aware 21 58.3 58.3 58.3
Unaware 8 22.2 22.2 80.6
Partly
7 19.4 19.4 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
Table 1 shows the distribution of the responses of the student leaders as to their political awareness to this specific
provision.
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Figu
re 3: The Graphic Representation of the Table 1
The first item revealed that majority of the student leaders are aware of the Bangsamoro
identity encompassing the Muslim Natives and others as stated above. In reference to the table
above, 21 respondents are aware of this part.
In fact, according to a student leader from WMSU, he stated that,
“Isip usa ka estudyante sa Political Science, kinahanglan gyud naku magtuun aning mga
butanga kay mao mani among ginatun-an sa eskwelahan. Mao naa ko gamay’ng
kahibalo ani.”
As a student of Political Science, I ought to study about this thing (BBL) since this is one
of my concerns in the School. That’s why I know a bit about this topic
This statement verifies the factor of education affecting the political awareness of this
respondent. This means that, according to his statement, his field of discipline made him more
aware of Bangsamoro Basic Law and its provisions particularly with regards to the first item’s
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discussion of the Bangsamoro identity. The inputs of the black box may be implied in this case
that it is founded in the base of education as an indicator that greatly affect once political
cognition on the issue.
On the other hand, 8 respondents claimed that they are not aware of the provision. As
said by a respondent,
“Wala man tawun koy alamag ani. Kabalo ra ko nga naa ning BBL kay mapaminawan
man naku sa tv usahay pero wala gyud ko kasabot kung unsa gyud na siya.
(I don’t know a thing about this. I only know that BBL exist because I can
sometimes watch it on TV but rather than that, I know nothing.
In fact, I don’t really understand BBL.)
This means that this particular student leader is not aware of this provision of BBL aside
from its existence. In fact, as implied, the input from this respondent is lower in comparison to
others though provided that he sometimes watch BBL in the TV. So, the political cognition of
this respondent is lower influencing too the political awareness of the student leader to BBL.
Thus, the input that may emanate from him is lower in comparison to those respondents who
have pre-existing knowledge about the law.
Whilst, seven of the respondents stated that they are just partially aware of the
provision’s spirit. In a casual interview of one of the respondents from PCC, she stated that she
is not really aware of the whole provision.
“Kabalo ra ko nga apil gyud ang mga muslim ana pero wala ko kabalo nga apil sad diay
ang ubang natives sa Mindanao ug bisan pa gani sa Palawan nga Visayas na man unta
na. Maistoryahan mani namu usahay sa amo family kay muslim man gud ako mama.”
(I know that the Muslim Natives are included in the law but I’m not really aware that even
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other natives of Mindanao are included even those that are in Palawan even considering
that it’s no longer part of Mindanao. We sometimes discuss these things because my
mother is a Muslim native)
This statement refers to the incomplete knowledge of the respondent to this provision of
BBL. However, this statement highlights that political cognition regarding Bangsamoro identity is
present. It is evident that political knowledge about the provision existed to this student leader
as she admits that she knows that the Bangsamoro identity covers Muslim natives in the
southern Philippines but she is not aware of the inclusion of other natives. In this case, the
political cognition towards this provision is affected by the factor of the family. This means that
the awareness of this respondent is affected by this indicator.
2. BBL is created to redress the unacceptable status quo of the Autonomous Region of Muslim
Mindanao. (FAB: Provision I, par. 1)
Cumulative
Aware 23 63.9 63.9 63.9
Unaware 8 22.2 22.2 86.1
Partly
5 13.9 13.9 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
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Figure 4: The Graphic Representation of the Table 2
In item number two, the respondents are tested as to their awareness as to the purpose
of BBL, that is, to redress the status quo of Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).
More than 60% of the respondents claimed that they are aware of the purpose of BBL. IN fact,
the percentile of those that belong to the strata of Unaware and Partly Aware/Unaware is just
the half of the percentile of the respondents that are aware. Only 8 respondents (22.2%) stated
that they are not aware of it while only 5 (13.9%) are just aware of some of the parts of the
provision. A respondent claimed that the BBL is so timely because the Autonomous Region in
Muslim Mindanao is not really developing that much. “Sakto ra sad nga naa ning BBL para
muilis anang ARMM kay dili man sad kaayo klaru ang development sa ARMM karun .”
3. The Framework Agreement of the Bangsamoro is contracted by the Government of the
Philippines (GPH) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). (FAB: Introduction)
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Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent
Aware 26 72.2 72.2 72.2
Unaware 7 19.4 19.4 91.7
Partly
3 8.3 8.3 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
The third item talks about the parties that are involve in the Framing of the Bangsamoro
Basic Law. These are the Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
According to the survey, more than 70% of the student leaders know about the contracting
parties while 19.4% or 7 respondents stated that they are not aware of it. The other 3 (8.3%)
student leaders claimed that their awareness is only a part of the total provision. The awareness
may be influenced by the event, Zamboanga Siege last 2013 by which neighboring city of
Zamboanga is challenged by the Moro National Liberation Front (an opposite faction of MILF).
One of the reasons of the siege is because of a lopsided contract between GPH and MILF that
undermines MNLF. This notion is supported by some of the respondents since some of them
(particularly in JH, SCC and WMSU student leaders) have visited or even have resided in the
place. Thus, it related to their awareness to this provision.
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Why BBL is to be established
Aware
21.30% Unaware
Partly Aware/ Unaware
13.88%
64.81%
Figure 5 The summary of the provision by which the establishment of BBL is rooted upon
In the first provision (Establishment of Bangsamoro), the result shows that 70 (65%)
respondents are aware while 15 (13.88%) respondents are partially aware/unaware to the
provision while 23 (21.3%) are unaware of the said provision. This means that the awareness
level of the student leaders is fairly high with regards to the reasons why Bangsamoro Basic
Law is established. Thus, the level of political awareness of student leaders with regards to the
provision of the establishment of Bangsamoro entity is high as shown by the survey result in
item number one, two and three.
In fact, considering the gap percentile between the highest strata with the other two, the
result is 21-35% difference. Comparing this to later provisions, this section may be implied to be
mostly available to the political cognition of the respondent-leaders. Injecting the theory of level
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of political awareness by Barnett and Sobel, the respondents have a General level of political
awareness having
Territory
4. The territory of Bangsamoro entity includes the present geographical area of the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao that extends to those that has voted for inclusion
in 2001. (Article 3: Section 2, par. a, b and c of Bangsamoro Basic Law)
Cumulative
Aware 23 63.9 63.9 63.9
Unaware 6 16.7 16.7 80.6
Partly
7 19.4 19.4 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
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The fourth item talks about the geographical scope of the Bangsamoro entity. The
territories under Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) are retained by the
Bangsamoro entity. This means that if BBL will be passed through, the selected territoties will
be automatically infused to the Bangsamoro territory. The survey revealed that 23 respondents
are aware of this provision while 6 respondents are not familiar with the same and the other 7
may be familiar with some parts of the provision but not the whole provision.
The majority of respondents may be affected by the factor of proximity. Some respondents
to some extent live in the territories of ARMM with which affects their awareness or their quick
grasp of the political cognition of the provision.
5. Other contiguous areas may be included to the territory of Bangsamoro provided that there
is a resolution of the Local Government Unit or petition of 10% of the total registered voters
35 | P a g e
asking for the inclusion thereof two months prior to the conduct of ratification of BBL and
delimitation of Bangsamoro. (Article 3: Section 2, par. d of BBL)
Cumulative
Aware 16 44.4 44.4 44.4
Unaware 11 30.6 30.6 75.0
Partly
9 25.0 25.0 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total
36 100.0 100.0
provision.
The fifth item talks about other contiguous areas that are still under the territorial
jurisdiction of the Bangsamoro entity. The provision still talks about the territories of the
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Bangsamoro entity. 16 respondents (44.4%) positively affirmed about their awareness to the
existence of this provision while 11 respondents (30.6%) negatively responded while 9 (25%) of
the respondents stated that they are partially aware of it. In comparison to the previous item,
similar result has been formulated. The only inconstant feature is the differing gap from the
strata of Aware group and Unaware group.
6. The territory of Bangsamoro entity also includes Inland waters such as lakes, rivers, river
systems and streams within the bangsamoro entity as well as the Bangsamoro waters or the
12 nautical miles from the low water marks of its shore.
Cumulative
Aware 16 44.4 44.4 44.4
Unaware 10 27.8 27.8 72.2
Partly
10 27.8 27.8 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
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The sixth item talks about the maritime domains of the Bangsamoro entity. According to
the survey, 16 of the respondents (44.4%) are aware of the provision while another 10 said that
they are unaware of it. In fact, in a follow up interview of one of the respondents he said that,
“unsa diay ning maritime domain?” (What is this maritime domain?) Further, another 10
respondents claimed that they are just aware of the part of the whole provision. As stated by a
respondent, “kamao ko kung unsay maritime pero wala jud ko kabalo unsa na nang nautical
zone nga naa diri.” (I know what maritime is but I don’t know what is that nautical zone is all
about.)
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Territorial Provision
24%
Aware
Unaware
51%
25%
Figure 9 The summary of the provision by which the establishment of BBL is rooted upon
The survey on territorial provision shows that 50.92% (55) of the total respondent
manifested positive awareness to it while 25% (27) respondents said that they are unaware of it.
The 24.07% said that they are not completely aware of the total provision of the territory of the
Bangsamoro entity. This means that more than half of the respondents are aware of the
possible scopes and domains of the BBL. This awareness is very important so to assess the
overall geographical or regional warp it may bring about to the peninsula of Mindanao. This
means that the level of political awareness of the respondents in this provision is in the general
stage.
System and Principles of Bangsamoro Governance
7. The government structure of Bangsamoro entity will be democratic by its dealing and
conduct. (Article IV: section 2)
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Aware 20 55.6 55.6 55.6
Unaware 8 22.2 22.2 77.8
Partly
8 22.2 22.2 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
The seventh item talks about the structural identity of the Bangsamoro government. This
pertains to the democratic functions and dealings of the entity. The responses are as follows: 20
respondents (55.5%) are aware to this governmental principle that is principally questioned by
the other side especially that manifestation of corruption, rampant political dynasties and vote
buying is observed in the current ARMM setting. Eight respondents (22.2%) are unaware to this
provision. “Wala gyud ko kibaw if Democratic ba gud ang Bangsamoro Government or di pero
dili gyud siguro kay parehas karun o, dli man siya democratic.”(I don’t really know whether
40 | P a g e
Bangsamoro government is really democratic or not but I guess it isn’t just like what is
happening today.) Further, another eight respondents (22.2%) claimed that they are partially
aware of this provision.
8. The Bangsamoro entity adheres to the principles of the central government like civilian
supremacy, social justice, unity and other rightful principles. (Article IV: Section 1, 4, 5, 6
and 7)

Aware 15 41.7 41.7 41.7
Unaware 13 36.1 36.1 77.8
Partly
8 22.2 22.2 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
Figure 9:The Graphic Representation of the Table 8
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The eighth item talks about principles that are to be adhered by the Bangsamoro entity
in its conduct. Some of these are civilian supremacy, social justice and other rightful principles.
The current setting reveals that the development is deprived in the status quo of ARMM. Fifteen
(41.6%) respondent stated that they are aware of it and in the other side thirteen respondents
(36.1%) are partially aware while going further, eight respondents (22.2%) claimed that they are
not aware of it. While surveying, some respondents claimed that they are not even aware of the
technicalities of civilian supremacy, social justice and other principles of the Bangsamoro entity.
As quoted, “Wala gyud tawun mi kasabut unsa ni nga mga words.” (We can’t even understand
what this words mean.)
9. Freedom to pursue its economic, social and cultural development is granted to the
Bangsamoro entity as to their exercise of the right of self-governance and self
determination. (Article IV: Section 1)

Aware 21 58.3 58.3 58.3
Unaware 7 19.4 19.4 77.8
Partly
Aware/Unawar 8 22.2 22.2 100.0
e
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
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Figure 10 The Graphic Representation of the Table 9
Efforts that may sustain economic, social and cultural development in the Bangsamoro
entity are expressed in the ninth item. This is a vital principle that should bring forth revival to
the erring Muslim Mindanao Region. The result shows that 21 (58.3) respondents stated that
they are aware of it while another 8 respondents (22.2%) are just partially aware of it. As said by
a SMC respondent, “mao ni usa sa mga dapat maaksyonan kung mugaling mapadayun gyud
ang BBL at least di na maglisud ang mga tawo anang mga dapita.” (This is one of the many
things that should be acted upon if ever BBL will prosper and at least those persons that are
living in this places should not suffer that much anymore.)
In another casual interview with a JHCSC respondent, she said that she is not aware
that the BBL touches economic, social and cultural development. She thought that BBL is
related to disarmament of the MILF and other aspects that regard military matters. This
respondent belongs to the 19.4% which is unaware to this provision.
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Principles of the Bangsamoro Government
22.20%
Aware
Unaware
51.85%
25.90%
Figure 11 The summary of the provision by which the principles of the Bangsamoro government is defined
The provision regarding the system and principles of Bangsamoro entity shows that
51.85% (56 respondents) are aware of the provision. while in contrary, 28 respondents (25.9%)
stated that they are not aware of the provision and 24 (22.2%) respondents claimed that they
are just partly aware of it. This means that in this provision, the political awareness of
respondents is in the General level.
Government Structure
10. The Bangsamoro entity will have a political system that is parliamentary by structure or by
which the executive and legislative branch is duly fused. (Article IV: section 2)

Aware 17 47.2 47.2 47.2
Unaware 9 25.0 25.0 72.2
Partly
10 27.8 27.8 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
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provision.
“Bangsamoro will have parliamentary government.” This is the spirit of the tenth item
wherewith 47.2% (17 respondents) responded that they are aware of it while 9 respondents
(25%) of the respondents are unaware of it while the remaining 27.8% (10 respondents) are just
partially aware of the provision.
As stated, the more than 40% of the total respondents are aware of this provision. This
is primarily affected by the rampant debates and news about the structural definition of the
Bangsamoro Legislative Department in both social media, internet and mass media. This claim
is supported by a respondent that said,
“Kabalo ko ani nga part kay sige man naku ug kalantawan sa TV gud.”
(I know this provision because I usually watch this in the TV news.)
This item reveals to us the importance of mass media in the political awareness of the
respondents. In this scenario, it is concluded that his political cognition is greatly affected by the
45 | P a g e
political instrument of mass media. This means that the inputs that may emanate from this
respondent is higher provided that he is more knowledgeable of this provision through the
television information that he derived. Thus, the political cognition of the respondents is
proportional to the level of political awareness of the respondent.
Some of the respondents are not really aware of the structural definition of the
Bangsamoro legislative department. As mentioned by one of the respondents, he is aware of
the existence of a legislative organ in the Bangsamoro but not the structure.
“Kabalo ko nga naa pud legislative department ang Bangsamoro government but dili ko
aware if unsa pud kaha ang structure. Basin paryas ra sad na sa government natu.
Makadalikyat man ko ug basag mga title sa article sa internet gud usahay about ani”
(“I know that Bangsamoro Government has a legislative department but I’m not really
aware of its structure. I think the structure is just the same with ours. I can sometimes read
some article headlines in the internet.”)
This situation shows the interplay of the internet to the political awareness of this
particular student leader to the BBL. Accordingly, the respondent had a pre-existing knowledge
about the presence of a legislative organ in the Bangsamoro but not he particular structure
thereof. This pre-existing political cognition is brought about by internet article headlines that he
sometimes scan. This means that more or less, the internet may affect the input that may
derived from the respondent that may be so become a demand or sentiment toward BBL and its
provision.
On the other hand, almost 28% are not aware of the provision. As said by a respondent,
“Unsa diay ning Legislative department?”
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(“What is this legislative department?”)
This means that the respondent is not even aware of the definition of the legislative
department. This basic question may imply that unawareness thereof means lower political
cognition or perhaps no pre-existing political consciousness at all. This may be perceived that
the particular respondent is having lower level of political awareness because of lower political
cognition. This may result to an ineffective political socialization provided so that this particular
respondent has a lower political cognition.
11. Bangsamoro Parliament will exercise the powers and functions as mentioned by the basic
law. Legislation and election of the Chief Minister is to be done by the body. (Article VII:
Section1)

Aware 12 33.3 33.3 33.3
Unaware 13 36.1 36.1 69.4
Partly
11 30.6 30.6 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
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In item 11, the legislative function is defined whereby the power is vested in the
Bangsamoro parliament. According to the survey, 36.1% (13 respondents) are not aware of the
provision. This conforms to the statement of the 27.5% of the respondents from the previous
item. Accordingly, they are aware of the existence of a legislative organ but not the structure. In
this provision, the structure of the legislative organ is clearly defined (parliamentary). Further,
the function of the specified organ is also specified in this provision where as stated, the
respondents are not aware of. As simply stated by a respondent,
“Was knowing gyud ko ani nga provision oy”
This particularly states that almost 40% of the total respondents do not have existing
knowledge about this provision. This means that they are not aware of the structure and
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function of the Bangsamoro parliament and chief minister. Suffice it to say, the feedback they
may solicit in the long run is of lesser validity rate considering the real level of political cognition
or political awareness to this provision.
The other 30.5% (11 respondents) are just partially aware of it. Simply speaking, the
respondents are aware of the existence or by the function of a legislative organ but not
necessarily the whole provision stated. According to a respondent,
“Kabalo ko sa structure kay mao baya na halos ang gilalisan sa mga dagkong tawo sa
politics sa social media or bisan pag sa tv but dili ko aware sa function gyud nila mismo kay lahi
man gyud siya kaysa sa atuang gobyerno”
(“I know the structure of the Bangsamoro parliament because that’s one of the debated
provision in the BBL by statesmen in the social media and even in the TV but I’m not really
aware as to the function thereof provided that it is a completely different government to ours.)
The above statement states the existing knowledge of the respondent to the structure of
Bangsamoro parliament but no absolute knowledge with regards to the functions thereof. Even
so, as provided by the statement, the pre-existing knowledge is brought about by the factors of
the social media and the internet. This supports the claim of the previous items that both social
and mass media greatly affect the political cognition and awareness of the respondents.
The remaining 12 respondents (33.3%) stated that they are completely aware of the
existence thereof. Moreover, one of the WMSU respondent stated that,
“I know this provision kay we are doing debates in our school. Dayun once, we have
made this provision as our motion. Mao nga we had discussed this within my peers and
mga friends para prepare mi sa debate.”
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(I know this provision because we are doing debates in our school. Dayun once, we
have made this provision as our motion. So, we discussed this within my peers and friends for
our preparation.”)
This means that they are aware of the structure and functions of the Bangsamoro
Legislative organ. In accord to the statement, the political cognition is primarily influenced by the
means of peer and education indicators. This caters to a higher political cognition of the
respondents that made them more aware of the provision. And so, the inputs of this respondent
is clearly viable and firm in the total process of political socialization with regards to
Bangsamoro Basic Law and its provsions.
12. The Chief Minister together with its cabinet form part as the executive authority of the
Bangsamoro entity. Further, the Chief Minister serves as the head of the Bangsamoro
government. (Article VII: Section 3 and Section 30)

Valid Aware 13 36.1 36.1 36.1
Unaware 14 38.9 38.9 75.0
Partly
Aware/Unawar 9 25.0 25.0 100.0
e
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision.
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In item 12, the structure of the executive body of the Bangsamoro entity is defined.
According to the survey, 38.9% of the respondents (14 respondents) are unaware of this
provision. This supported the premise of the previous item with which respondents are not
aware of the structure and function of the legislative organ. This is evident that the respondents
are not that particular to the structural definition of the Bangsamoro government. In fact, a
respondent said that,
“Wala man siguro relevance ang structure sa Bangsamoro government na diri sa atua.
wala gyud ko kabalo ana kay wala pa man naimplement dayun dili sad kayo ko updated ana
nga issue kay dili ko interested kayo man gud.”)
(“I don’t see relevance with the structure of Bangsamoro government to us. I don’t know
this provision because the BBL is not yet implemented and I’m not really updated to BBL
because I’m not interested wit this issue.”)
51 | P a g e
The respondent justified that he is unaware of this provision because of irrelevance of it
to his part. According to the respondent, the unawareness in his part is duly because of the
reason of irrelevance and self-factor. The respondent stated that the delay in the
implementation of BBL also influenced him not to be aware of the law. Hence, the inputs of this
respondents that may be processed by the black box by David Easton may be prone to pre-
existing bias with regards not only to the political cognition and political awareness but perhaps
also to political perception with regards to the issue of BBL. Further, 36.1% and 38.9% are the
percentile of the respective legislative and executive organ. This may prematurely imply that the
respondents are less aware of this provision.
Further, 36.1% (13 respondents) are aware thereof. This almost conformed to the result
of the previous items. As said by a respondent in the JHCSC,
”About man diay ni sa branches of government no. Timing kayo kay naa man mi
fundamentals to political science mao makarelate ko ani nga provision.
(I guess this is about the branches of government. It’s so timely provided that I’m having
my fundamentals to political science that’s why I can easily relate to it.”
This statement came from a respondent from JHCSC whereby he stated that his political
awareness to this provision is brought about by the education he is having. The subject he is
currently taking influenced his overall political cognition and political awareness. This means
that he is duly influenced by the factor of education rather than other indicators of political
awareness.
Finally, 9 respondents (25%) said that they are not really aware of the totality of the
provision. This may imply that the respondents may be aware of the administrative function of
52 | P a g e
an executive organ but not tantamount the operation and conduct thereof. In fact, a respondent
stated that,
“Among nahibal-an ra tawun ani kay ang structure sa ilang gobyerno ra but dili ang
function ug operation nila ”
(“I only know about the structure of the government but not the operations and functions
thereof.”)
This provision reveals that the awareness level of this respondent is only limited with the
basic structure of government in the Bangsamoro. However, the political cognition with regards
to the functions and operations of the government of the Bangsamoro are held limited for the
student leaders. Hence, evaluating this with the theory of Easton, the inputs if processed will
result to higher political cognition which in some instances result also to higher political
awareness.
13. A titular head of the Bangsamoro entity, Wali, will be chosen to serve for ceremonial
functions. (Article VIII: Section 1)

Aware 9 25.0 25.0 25.0
Unaware 16 44.4 44.4 69.4
Partly
11 30.6 30.6 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total
36 100.0 100.0
provision.
53 | P a g e
In item 13, the existence of a wali is defined as a titular head of the Bangsamoro entity.
According to the survey, 16 respondents (44.4%) are unaware of the existence thereof. This
provision is actually a unique feature that made Bangsamoro government distinct from the
central government of the Philippines. Frequently, titular head is only present on government
that manifest monarchy and parliamentary rule. Not surprising, more than 40% is unaware of
such.
As mentioned by a respondent:
“unsa ng titular head diay?”
(what is titular head actually?)
This means that even the technical term “titular head” is unfamiliar to some of the
respondents. Provided so, the respondents responses are expected to be unaware provided
that the student leaders has lesser to no pre-existing political cognition with regards to the
technical term of the provision. Reflecting this point to the theory, we may imply that for provided
54 | P a g e
reasons, the respondents in this item will incur lower political cognition that ill further result to
lower political awareness.
11 respondents (30.6%), in the other hand, are just partially aware of it with which, major
reasons are the technicalities of the term and complexities of the administrative concepts being
utilized. The remaining 9 respondents (25%) are aware of its existence.
As stated by a respondent,
“Kabalo ko ani nga section sa BBL kay nabasahan man naku ni sa us aka newspaper
atung miagi.”
(I’m aware of this provision because I have read it in a newspaper last time.)
However, this case is only, in comparison to the two previous strata, a minority group.
This means that the political cognition of the respondents regarding this provision is lesser in
comparison to other previous provisions. The student leader expressed that the newspaper
affected the political cognition of this respondent. In fact, applying this case
14. The Justice system to be adopted in the bangsamoro entity are the Shariah Law for
exclusive muslim application, traditional and tribal justice system for the Indigenous people,
local courts and alternative dispute resolution.

Aware 20 55.6 55.6 55.6
Unaware 9 25.0 25.0 80.6
Partly
7 19.4 19.4 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
55 | P a g e
In item 14, the application of Shariah and traditional justice system or local court system
for Muslim natives, other natives and non-moro citizens is defined respectively. As stated 55.6%
(20) of the respondents are aware of the application thereof. The respondents are aware of this
provision since as emphasized by news in TVs, Radio, Newspaper or Internet, the rule of
Philippine law or of the tribal law, shall not be suspended by the framing of the BBL. Further, it is
highlighted by a respondent’s statement that,
“Sa akuang part mas makabalo ko ani nga issue kay tungud sa mga newspaper nga
akung mabasahan or sa tv nga ako malantawan, radio nga madunggan daun usahay sad sa
internet.
“In my part, I find the newspaper, TV and sometimes the Internet that infuences me to be
aware of this BBL.”
A respondent claimed that he is affected by the social media and mass media factor. As
stated by the statement, the political cognition of the respondent is influenced by the information
he derived from the newspaper, television, radio and internet. This highlights the contributory
factor of this indicator to the overall political awareness of the respondents.
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Whilst,9 respondents (25%) is not aware. This is frequent misconceived provision
provided that some of the respondents thought that Shariah Law shall rule all citizens within the
Bangsamoro entity.
As said, “Abi gyud naku ug Shariah Law ra ang mu-iral anang sa BBL. Mao man
ginaingun gud sa kadaghanan sa akung palibut”
(I thought Shariah Law is the only law that may be effective in the Bangsamoro entity.
It’s because it is what I mostly hear from other people around me.)
The remaining 7 respondents (19.4%) is just partially aware of it. Simply speaking,
respondents think that Shariah Law shall supersede the rule of traditional Philippine law once
Bangsamoro entity is constructed and ratified.
As said by a respondent:
“I thought nga sa BBL ang Shariah law gyud ang magprevail kaysa sa law sa
Philippines. Karun ra ko kabalo nga effective diay gihapon ang laws sa Philippines.”
(“I thought that Shariah Law will prevail than other law in the Philippines. It is just now that I
have learned that Philippine law is still effective in the Bangsamoro entity.)
This means that the respondent in this particular provision has a misconception with
regards to existing awareness to the provision. Though the political cognition of the student
leader is present, the factual value of the political knowledge is untrue. This leads to the same
case as unawareness to the part of the respondent. This misconception may be precipitated by
many factors such as the social media, the mass media and even by the influence of peers that
express untrue claims and statements.
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Provision regarding Bangsamoro Government
Structure
48
71
Aware
Unaware
61 Partly Aware/ Unaware
Figure 17 The summary of the provision by which the principles of the Bangsamoro government is defined
Analyzing the summary of the responses of the student leaders regarding the Structure
of the Bangsamoro Government, these are the overview: 39.4% (71 respondents) are aware of
this provision. This means that respondents are having fair political cognition with regards to the
defined government structure of the Bangsamoro government. Further, 33.9% (61) of the
respondents are unaware of the provision. Comparing this survey result to previous provision,
the margin of gap between the two responses is lesser (only 10 respondents). The remaining
26.7% (48) of the respondents are just partially aware of the existing provision. With this result,
the political awareness of the respondents is in the misinformed level.
Powers of Government
15. Reserved powers are granted to bangsamoro entity as to aspects of defense and external
security, foreign policy, coinage and monetary policy, postal services, citizenship and
naturalization, immigration, custom and tariff, common market and global trade and
intellectual property rights. (Article V: Section 1)
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Aware 13 36.1 36.1 36.1
Unaware 11 30.6 30.6 66.7
Partly
12 33.3 33.3 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
In item 15, the reserved powers of the Bangsamoro government is defined. Some of this
reserved powers as mentioned by the Article V: Section 1 are the defense and external security,
foreign policy, immigration and among others. This means that the following powers are held
exercised by the central government except for special circumstances. Result shows that 30.6%
(11) of the respondents are unaware of it.
As quoted in a follow-up interview,
“Wala na gyud ko kasabot unsa ning akung ginabasa karun”
(I don’t really understand what I’m reading now.)
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On the other hand, 33.3% (12) of the respondents are just partially aware of it. As
emphasized by a respondent, he stated that he is aware of the powers of the government but
not the specific powers especially reserve powers of the Bangsamoro government. This means
that the knowledge of the respondent is present but limited to general concept of governmental
powers. As stated by the respondent, he is not aware of specific power distribution especially
with regards to Bangsamoro and central government power partition.
38.9% (14) respondents are aware of the existence thereof. In comparison to other
stratum of responses, this had the highest percentile. In comparison to the two previous strata, it
is greater in almost 5-8%.
As made mentioned by a respondent from WMSU,
“Naintriga man gud ko aning BBL dayun na-impluwensyahan pa sad ko sa akung mga
amigo nga apil sad sa mga NGO.”
(… It’s because I’m intrigue of this BBL then I’m further influenced by my friends and
peers that belong to NGOs.)
As stated by the respondent that made an aware response, he said that his existing
political cognition is influenced by his curiosity to the issue. This means that the political
cognition is precipitated by the self-factor. Moreover, he added that his grasp to political
knowledge is further influenced by his peers that are members to a Non-government
organization. This means that his inputs are precipitated by self and further enhanced by his
peers.
16. Concurrent powers are granted to the central and Bangsamoro entity as to cases involving
social securities and pensions, quarantine, land registration, pollution control, human rights
and humanitarian protection and promotion and others. (Article V: Section 2.)
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Aware 13 36.1 36.1 36.1
Unaware 6 16.7 16.7 52.8
Partly
17 47.2 47.2 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
Concurrent powers of Bangsamoro entity is defined in this item. Concurrent powers
refer to the shared powers and responsibilities to the Bangsamoro government and the central
government. Example of the aspect with which the two entities have a concurrent power are
social security, pensions, quarantine, land registration, pollution control and among others as
stated by Article V, Section II of the BBL. According to the item number 16, 36.1% of the
respondents are aware of the provision. This is composed by thirteen respondents with which
claimed that they have grasp political knowledge about this provision.
As made mentioned by one of the thirteen, he said that,
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“Natun-an man namu na sa among usa aka subject o, mao mani ang sharing of powers
sa gobyerno, di ba?”
(We have studied this topic in one of our subjects, I think this is about the sharing of
powers of government, right?)
On the other hand, 16.7% (6) are unaware of this item. Six respondents expressed
negative response as to their awareness to this item. In comparison to those who stated that
they are aware of this item, the gap between the two strata is almost 50%.
In the follow –up interview, a respondent stated that she is not really fun of reading or
watching news and she don’t really care much about laws because she can’t understand them.
(wala gyud ko alamag anang mga balaud uy. Di man gud ko ganahan magbasa or
magtan-aw ug balita kay di man ko makasabut.)
This statement highlights the unawareness of the respondent caused by self-factor. In
addition, another reason why the respondent has low political cognition is the inexistence of
interest in the part of the respondent. Furthermore, the lack of interest of the respondent hinders
him to attain political knowledge. As said, he is not fun of watching or reading news. Thus, as a
result, the respondent made a unaware response which tantamount that he has lower political
cognition and lower political awareness with regards to this provision of BBL.
Lastly, 17 respondents (47.2%) are just partly aware of the existence of this provision. In
comparison to other responses of the student leaders in this item, it is almost 10% to 30%
higher. This means that a significant number of respondents are not really that aware of this fact
of BBL. A respondent, during the follow up interview, said that she is aware of the partition of
powers between the two parties. But, she added that she is unaware of the fact that there are
certain scenarios wherewith the two parties may share jurisdictions and responsibilities.
62 | P a g e
“Naa diay ing-ani na section ang BBL? Ang akung nahibaw-an kay nagtunga sila ug
power murag paryas sa local government sad natu.”
(Is there really such section in the BBL? What I only know is that they have divided
powers like what had happened with our local government.)
This statement reveals the incomplete awareness of the respondent to this specific
provision. As said by the student leader, he is aware that there is partition of powers and
responsibilities between the central and Bangsamoro government. This is evident that political
cognition in the part of the respondent is present though it’s limited as stated
17. Exclusive powers are granted to the bangsamoro entity as to aspects relating to agriculture,
livestock and food security, economic and cultural exchange, loans and credits, economic
zones and industrial centers, free ports and others. (Article V: Section 3)

Aware 12 33.3 33.3 33.3
Unaware 15 41.7 41.7 75.0
Partly
9 25.0 25.0 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
63 | P a g e
Item 17 is with regards to the provision about exclusive powers of the Bangsamoro
entity. Exclusive powers refer to the power with which the Bangsamoro entity solely enjoy. This
includes agriculture, economic and cultural exchange, labor, equipment and more than 50
others enumerated by section III, Article V of BBL. The survey revealed that 15 (41.6%) of the
respondents stated that they are unaware of it.
One of the fifteen said that,
“Abi ko ug nang Bangsamoro parehas ran a sa ubang region sa pilipinas. Wala ko
kabalo nga naa diay na siya kaugalingun nga power.”
(I thought Bangsamoro (region) is the same with other regions of the Philippines. I’m not
aware that it has specific powers that are enjoyed.)
This statement claims the unaware response of one of the respondents. This also caters
to the misconception of the respondent with regards to his presumption that power sharing
64 | P a g e
between central and local government are the same with power sharing between central
government and Bangsamoro government.
In contrary, 33.3% (12) respondent claimed that they are aware of the existence of a
provision by which Bangsamoro government is granted exclusive powers to specific situations
or aspect.
In fact, a respondent said that this is one of the provisions that made this law
controversial.
“Isa mani sa mga nagpakuyaw ani nga region kay naa siya exclusive power, kung
lantawun nimu, mura na gyud siya ug nasud. Mao baya ni usa sa mgakalalisan sa mga tawo sa
TV o bisan pa man sa internet”
(This is one of the provisions that made it interesting because it has exclusive powers. If
you observe, it’s almost like an independent nation. This is one of the many provisions by which
people debate about in TV or internet.)
This statement refers to the awareness of the respondent to this provision. According to
the statement, the political cognition of the respondent emanates from the factor of mass media
and social media specifically, television and internet. This supports other items with which the
role of the internet and mass media is emphasized as well.
Further, nine respondents (25%) said that they are partially aware of the provision. This
response is almost 8-20% lesser compare to the previous groups of responses. Some of the
respondents claimed that they are only aware of the existence of the partition of powers of the
Bangsamoro government and central government but not the thorough and conceptual
knowledge about it.
According to a respondent from WMSU,
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“We know nga gidelegate ang powers and responsibilities sa central government
paingun sa central government pero dili gyud ko kayo well-versed with regards sa
18. Other exclusive powers are granted to Bangsamoro such as to regulate and exercise
authority over foreign investments, to proclaim state of calamity over its territory and among
others as referred to (Article V: Section 4)

Aware 9 25.0 25.0 25.0
Unaware 14 38.9 38.9 63.9
Partly
13 36.1 36.1 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
Other exclusive powers of the Bangsamoro entity are enumerated also. Examples of this as
stipulated by section 4 are proclamation of state of calamity, creation of urban land reforms and
others. According to the survey, roughly 14 (38.9%) of the total 36 respondents stated that they are
66 | P a g e
unaware of it. This section specified nominate exclusive powers with which falls to the jurisdiction
and responsibility of the Bangsamoro government.
On the other hand, 25% (9) respondents claimed that they are aware of the existence of the
other exclusive powers granted to the Bangsamoro government. Further, 13 respondents (36.1%)
said that they are partially aware of this provision. As stated by the one of the thirteen respondents,
“kabalo man ko nga naa’y powers ang government pero wala ko gaexpect nga naa sad diay in-ani
nga powers bisag local government ra unta ang Bangsamoro.” (I am aware that governments have
powers but I don’t expect that Bangsamoro would possess that much considering that it’s only a
local government.)
Comparing the results of this item to the previous one, the “aware” response came down
from 12 to 9 respondents then in the “unaware” response, the extent of gap is only 7% (1
respondent). The previous item has 15 respondents while this item have 14. Finally, the stratum of
those that answered “partly aware” came up from the previous item’s 9 respondents to 13 item to the
current. The result of both items is quite consistent with the “unaware” stratum having the highest
number of responses.
35.40%
33.30% Aware
Unaware
31.90%
Figure 21: The summary regarding the provisions about the powers of the Bangsamoro Government
The provision regarding the distribution of powers between the central government and
the Bangsamoro government is outlined in the Article V of the BBL. This should be defined so to
ensure harmony between the two governments’ operations and to define scope and limitation of
67 | P a g e
one’s powers. The result of the survey shows that 33.3% (48 respondents) of the total
responses are aware of the provision. The respondents are more aware starting from the first
three sections of the power division between central government and bangsamoro government.
In fact, the first three have tallied 12, 13 and 13 “aware” responses.
On the other hand, 31.9% (46 responses) raised unaware response to this provision. In
fact, the result tallied 11, 6, 15 and 14 “unaware” responses respectively while the remaining
35.4% (51 responses) claimed that they are just partly aware of the provision. This is an
evidence that the student leaders are not really aware of the provision regarding power and
responsibility division between the central government and the Bangsamoro government. This
total may result to the political awareness level of Misinformed.
Taxation
19. Power is granted to the Bangsamoro entity as to the creation of sources of revenue and to
levy taxes, fees and charges. Wherewith, the same taxes, fees and changes shall accrue
exclusively to the Bangsamoro Government. (Article XII: Section 6).

Aware 14 38.9 38.9 38.9
Unaware 11 30.6 30.6 69.4
Partly
11 30.6 30.6 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
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Taxation is one of the powers of the state. This is the power by which a state may be
able to fund various public expenditures. As said by Hector De Leon, tax is the lifeblood of the
state. Article XII, section 7 of the BBL grants this special power to the Bangsamoro entity. This
special region has the powers and right to create its own source of revenue. This rights is
accordingly given to ensure self-governance and more independent to the region.
The survey tallied that 30.5% (11 respondents) are unaware of this section. In fact,
respondents expressed surprised reaction to the said section of BB, as quoted, “kuyawa diay
aning Bangsamoro uy. Makademand diay sila ug tax aside sa central government.” (I found
Bangsamoro so peculiar. They (Bangsamoro government) may demand tax to their jurisdiction
aside from the central government.)
Further, 30.7% (11) respondents claimed that they are partially aware of this section. As
noted during the follow up interview, some of the respondents are aware that taxes are collected
by the state even in the Bangsamoro entity but they are not aware that the Bangsamoro
government has a special power to do so. “Kamao ko nga magcollect gyud ug tax pero wala ko
69 | P a g e
kabalo nga diay ani nga powers ang Bangsamoro.” (I know that taxes may be levied but I’m not
aware that Bangsamoro (government) has this special power.)
Finally, 38.9% (14 respondents) are aware of this section. This stratum has the highest
number of responses. However, the gap between this stratum and the other two is only 21.4%
(3 responses). As said by a WMSU respondent, “Isa mani sa mga ginademand sa MILF nga
side. Kana bitaw’ng mafeel gyud nila ang independence like sa tax.” (This is one of the
demands of the MILF side. A moment with which they may feel independent from the central
government like In the aspect of taxation.)
20. All fees and charges collected in the Bangsamoro shall be shared generally as follows, 25%
to the Central Government and 75% to the Bangsamoro, including the shares of the local
government unit. However, for a 10-year period, 25% is to be retained by the Bangsamoro
entity. (Article XII: Section 10)

Aware 14 38.9 38.9 38.9
Unaware 12 33.3 33.3 72.2
Partly
10 27.8 27.8 100.0
Aware/Unaware
Total 36 100.0 100.0
provision
70 | P a g e
71 | P a g e
Sharing of taxation between the central government and the Bangsamoro government is
pointed out by item 20. The two parties will have 25-75 partition. The Bangsamoro will have the
lion’s share while the 25% is to be remitted to the central government. However, in ten year time, the
25% tax that is supposed part of the government will be allocated to sustain rehabilitation and
development of the region.
According to the tallied result, 33.3% (12) of the respondents are unaware of this tax sharing
principle. As what a respondent stated, “privileged diay kayo ning Bangsamoro no. Wala gyud ko
kabalo aning mag butanga uy.” (I have realized how privileged Bangsamoro is. I’m not really aware
of this things.)
Further, other 10 respondents (27.8%) claimed that they are partly aware of this tax sharing
principle. In fact, some of the respondents claimed that they are only aware that taxes will proceed
wholly to the central government.”Wala ko ga-expect nga tungaan pa diay sa duha ka part,.” as said
by a respondent. On the other hand, 38.9% (14) of the total percentile of respondents claimed
awareness to the existence of the tax sharing principle between the central government and
Bangsamoro government. As further mentioned by a respondent, “part mani sa powers sa
Bangsamoro government. Ang rason man gyud ana siguro kay for sustainance and development.”
(This is a part of the powers of the Bangsamoro government. The reason perhaps may be for
sustainance and development (of the region).
29.20% Taxation
38.90%
Aware
Unaware
31.90%
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Figure 24: The summary of survey results regarding the provisions about taxations of the Bangsamoro Government
The provision tells us about the taxation of Bangsamoro entity as defined by the Article
XII of BBL. The According to the overall tally of this provsion, 38.9% or (28 responses) are
aware of this provision. On the other 23 responses (31.9%) claimed that they are unaware of it
while the remaining 21 responses (29.2%) are not completely aware of the existence thereof.
The gap between the three are not generally significant, only 8-18% (3-7 responses) is the
average gap between respective percentiles. It is observable that “agree” response supersedes
the two strata while the “partly aware” and “unaware” group is in close gap between each other.
The responses are as follow; 14-11 and 14-12. This means that the level of political awareness
of respondents in this provision is under the misinformed group.
PART TWO (FACTORS THAT AFFECTS POLITICAL AWARENESS)
This part pertains to the factors that may affect the political awareness of the
respondents. As predetermined by the researchers, these are the following indicators that are
considered: family factor, mass media factor, peer and education, religion, internet and social
networking sites and social status factor. The respondents are given questionnaire checklist
with five items per factor. The responses are then tallied and converted into percentiles. In this
analysis, the summary of answers per factors is considered not individual item analysis.
Family factor
Responses Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Yes 124 69% 69%
No 56 31% 100%
Table 21 shows the responses of respondents as to the item checklist under family factor
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FAMILY FACTOR 31%
Yes No
69%
Figure 25 shows the graphic representation of Table 21
In this factor the respondents are asked how their families encourage them to read about
political and social issues. It includes the family’s awareness on different issues and how
families affect their perception on political and social issues. The table above shows the
percentage of the respondents’ response on the said factor.
In item number one, 70% (25) of the respondents’ family encourage them to read about
current issues while the other 30% (11) is not.
In item number two, 77.8% of respondents’ families are aware of the current social
issues while the remaining 22.8% is not.
In item number three, more than 65% of the families where respondents belong are
familiar with the operations of the government while less than 35% of them are unaware of it.
In item number four, almost 67% of the respondents are discussing Bangsamoro Basic
Law within their family while the remaining 33% do not.
In item number five, more than 65% of the respondents are influenced by their families
with regards to their political perception while the remaining 35% is not.
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Here are some of the statements of the respondents regarding the family factor. “Si
Mama kay mahilig man makigtabi nako labaw na sa issues diri sa Pilipinas.” (My mother loves
to talk with me especially on issues in the Philippines).“Wala juy alamag akong ginikanan ani.
Mutuo pako’g kwarta ang ilang istoryahan.” (My parents are really in to political issues. I
believe they are more interested to money and business.)
Mass media factor
Yes 130 72% 72%
No 50 28% 100%
Table 22 shows the responses of respondents as to the item checklist under mass media factor
MASS MEDIA FACTOR 28%
Yes No
72%
In the second factor, mass media is one of the instruments that influence the political
awareness of the student leaders. This part assesses their access to mass media at their schools
and homes. And further, it evaluates their attitude towards mass media news. The above table
shows the frequency response of the total number of the respondents.
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In item number one, more than 65% of the respondents have access to mass media while
less than 35%don’t have.
In item number two, ¾ of the respondents have access to mass media at home while the
remaining ¼ don’t have.
In item number three, more than 70% have access to mass media in school while less
than 30% don’t have.
In item number four, more than 55% read about editorials and opinion in mass media
while less than 45% do not.
In item number five, almost 70% read updates about BBL in mass media while 30% do
not.
This graph shows the percentage of how the respondents were greatly influence by
mass media. With 150 responses (78%) answered that they were influenced by mass media
such as newspaper, television and others. While the other 50 responses (28%) answered that
mass media does not affect their political awareness.
As one of the WMSU student leader said, “ Naa man mi access sa mass media sa
balay ug sa eskwelahan dayun dako pud siya nga tabang sa akoa isip isa ka future
teacher.’’(We have access to mass media at our home and in our school and I find it a big help
to me since I am a future teacher.) This is also supported by the statement of one of the
respondent of PCC, “Ang mass media kay importante ug kinahanglan gyud nako labi na kay
criminology student ko. Magamit nako siya sa akong research ug madungagan ang akong
mga kahibalo sa mga current issue sa atong nasud.’’ (Mass media is very important for me and
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I also need it especially, I am a criminology student. It can also help in my researches and it
helps me to be aware of the different issues in our country.)
This is a contradiction of one of the JH student leader who said that, “Wala man mi
access sa among balay pero naa me sa eskwelan. Dili man pod ko hilig magbasa ug mga
newspaper or mutan-aw ug balita sa TV.’’ (We don’t have access in our home but we have in
our school. I’m not a fan of reading or watching news in television.
Peer and Education
Peer and education is one of the factors that helps in developing one’s perception about
to a certain issue whether political or a social. According to the survey, 122 responses (68%)
out of 180 (100%) the answered was ‘yes’ and 58 (32%) ‘No’ responses.
Yes 122 68% 68%
No 58 32% 100%
Table 23 shows the responses of respondents as to the item checklist under peer and education factor
PEER AND EDUCATION

32%
Yes NO
68%
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In item number one, 80% of the respondents share their perception regarding political
and social issues with their peers while almost 20% do not.
In item number two, almost 70% of the respondents said that their school propagates
awareness to social and political issues while 30% do not.
In item number three, more than 60% said that they have access to instruments that
may boost their political cognition at school while almost 40% do not.
In item number four, almost 65% evaluate the perception of other people than the more
than 35% who don’t.
In the last item, more than 60%of the respondents said that their school entertain
liberated thoughts and perception to current issues while almost 40% do not.
As to the result of the survey, 122 (68%) of the respondents’ response that they agree
that peer and education affect their political consciousness, with the remaining of 58 (32%)
student leaders who response that this factor does not constitutes to their political perceptions
regarding on current issues. A political science student of SMC said that, “Tabian man kaayo
ko, labi na sa akong mga barkada. Magtabi dayun me about sa mga issuea labi nang mga
current issue.’’ (I’m a talkative person especially when I’m with my friends. We talk about issues
especially with the current ones.)
One of the student leaders of ZSMIT stated that, “Na! dili jud me magdiscuss sa akong
mga barkada about political issues pero magtabi me about social issues.” (In the circle of my
friends, we don’t really discuss about political issues but rather we talk about social issues.)
Furthermore, a respondent from SCC affirms that their school has an access to social
and political issues and it helps them in formulating their opinions. “Naa man access ang
eskwelahan para maimprove ang amuung panghunahuna matud sa mga panghitabo karun sa
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atung lugar ug sa atong nasud.” (Our school has an access (to political instruments) to improve
our knowledge as to the happenings of our city and to our nation.”
Religious factors
Religion is an aspect of the society that is defined with the belief and faith to a supreme
being. In the political arena, the awareness or consciousness of individuals (as mentioned in the
RRL) are correlated with one’s religious identity. The result of the survey proves that such claim
is true to the respondents notwithstanding the fact that the difference between the two strata is
only 4-5%.
Yes 92 51% 51%
No 88 49% 100%
Table 24 shows the responses of respondents as to the item checklist under peer and education factor
Figure 28
RELIGIOUS FACTOR shows
the graphic
Yes No
49% 51%
representation of Table 24
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in item number one, 58% of them said that their religious leaders influence them to be
concerned about political issues while the 42% do not.
In item number two, half of the total number of the student leaders (50%) said that they
consider religious benefits as to policies and programs implemented by the government the
other half (50%) did not consider it.
In item number three, 47% of the respondents answered that they consider religion as a
consideration in policy reference and the remaining 33% said that they don’t consider religion.
In item number four, almost 42% of the respondent response was acceptance of the
religion of the legislator that made the law as to their political perception and 48% who do not.
For the last item, 58% of them said that they believe that BBL is non-sectarian by nature
and almost 43% do not.
As to the result of the survey, 92 responses (51%) out of 180 answered ‘Yes’, that
religious factor affects their political cognition towards the existing issues. The remaining 88
responses (49%) who answered ‘No’, they don’t consider religious factor as to their political
perceptions. One of the student leaders of WMSU stated that, “Sa amoa pung religion,
mahisgutan pud usahay ang BBL kay kana laging epekto ana sa mga Kristiyano kung maaprub
sa goberyno. Everytime nga itopic kay mura pud ug nag-andam na kung unsay mahitabo.” ( In
our religion, we would also talk about BBL sometimes for its effect to the Christians is very
alarming. That’s why whenever we talk about it, we are also preparing for possible happenings.
A respondent in PCC also said that, “Basta para sa akoa, kung unsa man ang mahitabo
naa juy purpose si Lord ana. That’s why, we don’t give too much attention to that issue. If it
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happens, it will.” (As for me, whatever happens, I know it is His will. That’s why; we don’t give
too much attention to that issue. If it happens, it will.)
In addition, a JHCSC student leader said that, “Well, dili man jud malikayan nga itopic
ang BBL, daghan man gud ang pwede maapektuhan. Not just Moslem’s like but also the people
living in Mindanao.” (Well, we can’t deny the fact that most of the other religions disussed BBL.
It is because, many people would be affected not just Moslems but also people living in
Mindanao.)
Internet and Social networking sites
Internet and Social Networking Sites factor questions is merely about how the
respondents has been aware of the issues concerning political and social through internet. It
also includes posts and opinions in the internet that has given ideas to the respondents.
Furthermore, it gives awareness to the respondents about the current issues through the
articles being posted by the users. The table below shows the percentage of the internet and
social networking factor.
Yes 139 77% 77%
No 41 23% 100%
Table 25 shows the responses of respondents as to the item checklist under Internet and social networking sites
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SOCIAL NETWORKING SITES
Yes No
23%
77%
In the item number one, 75% of them have an easy access to internet and SNS while
the other 25% do not have.
In item number two, ¾ (75%) of the respondents evaluate opinions posted in social
networks regarding social and political issues and the 25% respondents do not evaluate.
In item number three, more that 77% who agree that internet and social networking sites
help them in formulating their political perception while the 23% does not agree with this.
In item number four, 69% read BBL related issues in the Internet and SNS and the 31%
did not.
The last item, 61% of the total respondents believe that social media affect their political
cognition and almost 38% who claimed it does not.
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In this graph it shows 23% answers NO and 77% answered YES. This means that
Social Networking Sites gives much awareness to the respondents. One of the JHCSC
respondents said:
“Sa internet rajud ko maka-update sa mga panghitabo sa kalibutan. Wala najuy lain.” ( I can
only be updated through internet. Nothing else.)
Also, it has been supported by one of the SMC respondents, he said:
“Kung dili tungods internet, mura ko’g sinaunang tao jud.” (If not for the internet, I would still be
like a primitive person.)
But, unlike the above respondents, one of the SMC respondents said:
“Dili man ko karelate ana nila oyy. Wala man guy internet sa amoang dapit.” ( I can’t relate
about the issue, since there is no internet in our vicinity.)
Social Status and Stratification
Social stratum of an individual may help to formulate their political perceptions as to their
knowledge of the different issues. Social status also the indicator of one’s level of political
awareness and in identifying the information they get from others. The tallied result emphasis
that social status and stratification has still a big impact to everyone’s life.
Yes 89 62% 62%
NO 55 38% 100%
Table 26 shows the responses of respondents as to the item checklist under Social status and Stratification
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SOCIAL STATUS AND STRATIFICATION
Yes No
38%
62%
In item number two, half (50%) of the total number agreed that their social status and
stratification influence their political perception to certain political issues and the other half (50%)
did not.
In item number three, almost 56% of them answered that they considered social status
as a factor for their political awareness while the remaining 44% who don’t.
In item number four, more than 63% who think that social status is considered by the
government as a factor for policy making and implementation and with respect to the 36% who
didn’t.
And the last item, almost 78% who said that they consider social status of individuals
affected by a certain law especially to their own political perception on it, the 22% of them who
do not consider.
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The graphic above represents the 62% of the respondents who consider this as a tool in
their own political consciousness. While the remaining 38% who do not consider as an
instrument in having gaining information and having their individuals’ awareness. One of the
respondent in SMC who commented that, “ Sa akong estatdo sa kinabuhi makaingon pud ko
nga nakahatag jud pud ug impact sa akoa kay sa among kapobrehon mas eager ko makabalo
kung nganung kinahanglan ni siya especially sa dako nga budget nga ilang gipangayo sa
gobyerno.” (In my status now I an say that it gives great impact to me. Or it pushes me to know
why do we have this (BBL) and I ‘m concern to the big budget allotted for the bill. )
A student leader of ZSMIT also concluded that, “ Sus! Ako? Di najud ko muhatag ug
atensyon ani oy. Basta makakaon lang ming mga pamilya! Payts na! Mas hatagan nako’g
atensyon ang pagpanginabuhi kaysa ani kay wala man gihapon koy mahimo kung problemahun
pa nako ni.” (As for me, I just want to make a living for my family’s sake. I don’t want to waste
my time thinking about this issue because nothing would change exactly.)
5 Social Status
1
Middle Class
Lower Class
Upper Class
30
Figure 31 shows the graphic representation of the social status
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In item number one, the respondents were given the opportunity to classify their social
status, with thirty (30) respondents who answered that they belong in the middle class, one (1)
in the upper class and five (5) in the lower class. This classification of the classes in the society
has a different field of interest and views en route for political and social issues. This is show in
the graph above.
One of the JHCSC respondent said, “Social status? Hmm.Makatabang biya jud ni sa
pag classify sa imung mga matagbuan nga tsismis or mga news ai.” (Social Status? This is
helpful in classifying rumors and news you may encounter.)
Also, one of the WMSU student stated that, “Pobre man me pero dili pod siguro ko lower class
ui coz as far as I know ang lower class kay kato nang below poverty line, katung walay puluy-
an, halos di makakaun sa unsa ka adlaw.” (We are poor but I think we are not belong in the
lower class. As far as I know, lower classes are those below poverty line, those who don’t have
a house and those who almost can’t eat once a day.)
Chapter 5 Summary of Findings, Conclusion and Recommendation
This chapter presents the findings, conclusions and recommendations of the study
according to the result of analysis and interpretation of data in the previous chapter.
Summary of Findings
The findings of this study is primarily rooted to the identified problems in Chapter 1. The
researchers have identified three general inquiries to the survey. Two of the three general
inquiries of this research is enumerated and supplied with findings below while the action plan is
supplied in the recommendation.
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 Which of the provisions of Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) are student leaders
most aware of and least aware of?
The first provision regarding the establishment of BBL garnered 70 “aware” responses
which is equivalent to 65% of the total responses. On the other hand, the provision also
garnered 23 (21.3%) “unaware” responses while the “partly aware/unaware” response garnered
15 (almost 14%) remarks.
The second provision is pertaining to the territorial domain and jurisdiction of BBL. There
are 55 positive responses or almost 51% that stated they are aware of the second provision.
Further, 27 (25%) responses claimed that they are unaware to the provision while only 24% said
that they are not really that much aware to the territorial provision of BBL.
The third provision states the system and basic principles being adopted by the
Bangsamoro government. It tallied 56 “aware” responses or equivalent to almost 52% of the
total responses. Whilst, the “unaware” response totaled to almost 26% or 28 responses in
figure. The partly aware/unaware response produced 22% or exactly 24 responses.
The fourth provision tackles about the structural identity of the Bangsamoro government.
The result recorded that almost 40% (71) of the total responses are “aware” of this provision.
Further, 34% (61) said that they are not aware of this provision while the remaining 26% (48
responses) claimed that they are not really aware of the total defined structure of the
Bangasamoro Government.
The fifth provision explains the power sharing and distribution between the central
government and the Bangsamoro government. It tallied 34% negative responses or equivalent
to 48 unaware responses while 31% said that they are aware of the provision or exactly equal to
46 responses. On the other hand, 35% from the total responses are not really aware of the
provision or roughly 51 responses.
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The last provision talks about the special power of taxation by the Bangsamoro
government. The survey result tallied 38% (28) of the total responses aware to the said
provision while 31% (23) followed that they are unaware thereof while the remaining 29% are
not completely aware of the total provision.
Provision Aware Unaware Partly Aware/Unaware
Figure Percentile Figure Percentile Figure Percentile
Establishment of BBL 70 65% 15 14% 23 21%
Territorial Domain 55 51% 25 24% 26 25%
System and Principle. 56 52% 28 26% 24 22%
Structure 71 39% 61 34% 48 27%
Power distribution 48 33% 46 32% 51 35%
Taxation 28 39% 23 32% 21 29%
Table 27 The summary of responses of Student leaders to the selected provisions of BBL
The responses of the student leaders clearly manifest that the average awareness level
is 45-47%. Moreover, the unawareness level average is 27-28% while the response that states
“partly aware/unaware” tallied 29-30%. Thus, analyzing the average of both unaware and partly
aware responses, it may be generally concluded that more than 55% of the total respondents
for the selected BBL’s provision are not really understood, unknown) or not completely
understood, known by the respondents.
Further, the summary of findings shows that most of the student leaders are aware of
why the BBL is established. This provision may be found in the Framework Agreement of
Bangsamoro. This claimed, as reiterated, 65% from the total responses of the student leaders. It
is followed by the system and principle of Bangsamoro government (52%), territorial domain of
Bangsamoro entity (51%), Structure of the Bangsamoro Government and Taxation both having
39% and power distribution (33%).
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Meanwhile, the provision by which student leaders are least aware of is the power
distribution and sharing of the government garnering 67%. This finding is derived through the
addition of the “unaware” group and “partly aware/unaware” group. It is followed by the taxation
and structure of Bangsamoro government both tallying 61%, system and principle of
Bangsamoro government (48%), territorial domain (49%) and lastly the establishment of BBL
with 35% unaware and partly aware/unaware rate.
The findings imply that the student leaders are more aware why BBL is established.
However, the survey also shows that further concept of BBL is not really known or understood
by the respondents. In fact, the average awareness rate of other provision is only 42.8%
compared to the first provision’s 65% and the average unaware rate of other provision is 46.2%
while the first provision is only 21%. This means that further and in-depth understanding and
study of the complex concepts of the BBL such as the structure, systems and concepts, taxation
and others is necessary so to insure improvement as to the level of awareness to this political
issue.
Provision Aware Level of Political
Figure Percentile Awareness
Establishment of BBL 70 65% General
Territorial Domain 55 51% General
System and Principle. 56 52% General
Structure 71 39% Misinformed
Power distribution 48 33% Misinformed
Taxation 28 39% Misinformed
Table 28 shows the level of political awareness of the respondents per selected provision of the BBL
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The results of the survey presents the corresponding level of political awareness of
student leaders in the selected provisions of the BBL. This data may be concluded that the
average awareness percentile of the respondents is 46.5% or equivalent to the general level of
political awareness. This is according to the theory established by Barnett and Sobell as
mentioned in the Chapter II of this research.
 Which of the following indicators influence the student leaders’ level of political
awareness the most and the least?
Factor/ indicator Yes No
Figure Percentile Figure Percentile
Family 124 69% 56 31%
Mass media 130 72% 50 28%
Peer and Education 122 68% 58 32%
Religious factor 92 51% 88 49%
Internet and SNS 139 77% 41 23%
Social status 89 62% 55 38%
Table 28 The summary of responses of Student leaders to the indicators/factors of Political Awareness
The table above shows the summary of responses as to the indicators of political
awareness of student leaders. This shows that the most influential indicator for the student
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leaders is the Internet and Social Networking Sites (77% positive response). This is followed by
mass media factor (72%), family factor (69%), peer and education (68%), Social status (62%)
and religious factor (51%). This solidifies the claim that current trends in the Internet and Social
Networking Sites are more effective and influential in the side of student leader respondents or
in general, the current generation of youth in the Philippines.
Meanwhile, the least influential factor, as mentioned by the survey result is the religious
factor garnering almost 50% negative responses from the student leaders. Followed by the
social status and stratification (38%), peer and education (32%), family factor (31%), Mass
media (28%) and Internet and SNS factor (23%). This implies that almost 50% of the
respondents don’t discriminate the identity of the legislator as to the religious preference he
possess to the boons the law may derive.
The survey also reveals that majority of the respondents are middle-classers. In fact, out
of 36 respondents, 30 (83%) are middle-classers while the lower-classers comprises 14% (5
respondents) and the least is the upper class which is composed of only 3% or a lone
respondent.
Conclusions
This research is primarily aimed to address the three basic questions regarding BBL and
political awareness. The first premise of this study has the objective to determine the provisions
by which the respondents are least and mostly aware of. Second premise is to assess the least
and most influential factor to the political awareness of the student leaders that represents the
whole studentry of their specific institutions. After which the first two premises are then
combined to formulate a general action plan so to boost the political awareness of the
respondents using the factors that are found to be so influencing.
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This study established the following statements as a fact in the scope of Political
Awareness and its interplay with the issues of Bangsamoro Basic Law:
1. Student leaders are mostly aware of the provisions why BBL is established.
However, this awareness is limited only to that basic provision provided that other provisions
tallied only 30-50% awareness percentile. In fact, the provision by which the student leaders
have responses the least is the power distribution and sharing which tallied 33% awareness
percentile only.
2. Student leaders are mostly influenced by the Internet and Social Networking
sites. This claims that this new trend of technology may be utilized to upgrade the political
awareness of the youth so to the issue of Bangsamoro basic Law. It is followed within a close
gap by the mass media. This means that the overall awareness of the student leaders is muchly
affected by available political instruments than other social personalities.
3. Student leaders have the “general level of political awareness”. This level is
characterized by a moderate level of political awareness and healthy political socialization and
communication within its social arena. However, as stated by Barnett and Sobell, the political
activism is only minimal in this stratum.
Recommendation
Based on the findings and limitations of this study, the researchers endorse the following
recommendations:
1. Having been able to determine Internet and Social networking sites as a role
player in political awareness, a separate study may be conducted to measure the extent of
influence it may do so to other political issues.
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2. Similar studies may be conducted replacing the stratum of the youth with
another stratum of the society as the respondents. In doing so, interesting and interactive follow
up interview should also be done. Consideration of the time, resources and manner of
occurrence should also be taken into consideration so to insure reliability of the survey results.
3. Pertaining to the manner of distributing survey, documentation, such as picture or
video taking, is also recommended. The giving of tokens or something that the respondent
would remember on the interview is suggested as well to sustain the new found relationship and
researchers.
4. The result of this research should be echoed back to the institution of the
respondents together with an action plan which is attached in the appendix of this study. If ever
needed, full copies of this research may be furnished upon request by respective institution of
the respondents to the researchers.
Bibliography
Merriam Webster Dictionary, 11th edition ,2003
The New Webster Dictionary of the English Language edited by Virginia S. Thatcher, 1969
New English Dictionary,2004
Lualhati et al, Bangsamoro (Pagpupunyagi sa sariling-Pagpapasya), 2011
Roskin, Michael G. et al, Introduction to Political Science 7th Edition, 2000
Cunningham, Frank, Theories of Democracy (A Critical Introdution), 2002
Birkland et al, Policy Process of USA, A foreign Policy Analysis, 2007
93 | P a g e
Karl Marx (Communist Manifesto)
Blindenbacher and Nashat, Introduction to Political theories (2010)
Ham, Christopher, The policy process in the modern capitalist state (2nd edition), 2002
Hill, Michael, The policy Process: A reader, 1993
Online thesis
Ahmed, Political Awareness of Youth in (2014)
Zaller, John, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinions, 1992
Baddeley, Alan, Working Memory: Theories Models and Controversies. September 27, 2011
Online articles
FAQ regarding BBL, GMA News TV online article dated September 10, 2014
Barnett and Sobel , The Five Levels of Political Awarenes, (2007) (Article from BlogCritics)
Bronislaw Malinowski’s theory of structural functionalism, 1998
Ricardo Saludo, why not for MILF?, Manila times
Websites
sccpag.edu.com
zsmit.net84.net
jhcscmain.edu.ph
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wmsu.edu.ph
eskwelahan.com/pcc
eskwelahan.com/smc
Appendix A- Action Plan
This section establishes possible methods to boost the Political Awareness of Students
especially regarding Bangsamoro Basic Law and its provisions. This action plan is duly referred
to the conducted study by Political Science student researchers of Saint Columban College in
the First semester of the school year 2015-2016 entitled “POLITICAL AWARENESS OF
STUDENT LEADERS’ AMONG SELECTED TERTIARY SCHOOLS IN PAGADIAN CITY ON
BANGSAMORO BASIC LAW”. Copies of this action plan is furnished to selected tertiary
schools only wherewith its student leaders have participated as respondents of the said
research. This tertiary schools are identified as Saint Columban College, Southern Mindanao
College, JH Cerilles State College, Zamboanga del Sur Maritime Institute of Technology,
Western Mindanao State University- External Studies unit and Pagadian Capitol College.
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Provided below are some of the alternatives provided by the researches to boost political
awareness of students to the Bangsamoro Basic Law. This is in accordance to one of the
recommendations derived by the researchers in the study. If needed, copy of the research may
be furnished by the researchers upon request of the institution of the respondents.
Action Plan for Political Awareness to Bangsamoro Basic Law and its provisions
Purpose: To boost political consciousness of students to Bangsamoro Basic Law and its
provision.
General expected outcome: Politically conscious students with regards to Bangsamoro Basic
Law and its provision.
Agency or
Expected Resources Target time for
Activities person in
outcome needed accomplishment
charge
Resource School
Improved speakers administrators
Before the full
political BBL
1. BBL awareness adaption and
awareness of Function hall awarenesss
seminar implementation of
participants to council
BBL
BBL Other seminar Student
materials councils
Brochure/
information School
sheets about 50 pieces of administrator
BBL brochure or Before the full
2. Spreading of BBL
information adaption and
information
Improved sheet per implementation of School
sheets/brochures
political institution- BBL publication
cognition about respondents
BBL Student
councils
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Improved
political and
Library
social cognition
of students
3. Availing of updated
Social and
and comprehensive Availability of As soon as
political
social and political updated and possible
instruments
instruments in schools comprehensive
School
social and
administrators
political
instruments in
school.
Faculty and
4. Cultivation of staff
Interactive and
interactive and society Competent As soon as Students
socially aware
related classroom teachers possible
students Office of
atmosphere
academic affairs
Computer
5. Creation of an Internet-based Internet access studies
internet based political political and As soon as department
and social update social update possible
Page Web page
center center
administrator developers
Web page
Administrators
developers
Appendix B-Survey Questionnaire

College of Teachers, Arts and Sciences
Pagadian City
QUESTIONNAIRE REGARDING THE LEVEL OF POLITICAL AWARENESS OF

STUDENT LEADERS AS TO BANGSAMORO BASIC LAW
Respondent’s Profile
Name (Optional):________________________ Course and Year:
Gender: ______ Age: ___________ Civil Status: ______________
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Ethnic Affiliation: ___________________ Religion: __________________________
Name of School: _____________________________________________

Position in the School: ____________________________
I-Direction:Put a check on the box provided after each question. Please answer honestly.
Establishment of BBL
1. Bangsamoro Identity is not only covering muslim natives of Mindanao but also includes
natives or original inhabitants of Palawan and other Adjacent Islands that determined
themselves through ascription or self-ascription. (FAB: Provision I, par. 5)
Aware Not Aware Partly Aware/ Partly Not Aware
2. BBL is created to redress the unacceptable status quo of the Autonomous Region of
Muslim Mindanao.(FAB:ProvisionI,par.1)
Aware Not Aware Partly Aware/Partly Not Aware
3. The Framework Agreement of the Bangsamoro is contracted by the Government of the

Philippines (GPH) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). (FAB: Introduction)
Territory
4. The territory of Bangsamoro entity includes the present geographical area of the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao that extends to those that has voted for
inclusion in 2001. (Article 3: Section 2, par. a, b and c of Bangsamoro Basic Law)

5. Other contiguous areas may be included to the territory of Bangsamoro provided that
there is a resolution of the Local Government Unit or petition of 10% of the total
registered voters asking for the inclusion thereof two months prior to the conduct of
ratification of BBL and delimitation of Bangsamoro. (Article 3: Section 2, par. d of BBL)
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6. The territory of Bangsamoro entity also includes Inland waters such as lakes, rivers, river
systems and streams within the bangsamoro entity as well as the Bangsamoro waters or
the 12 nautical miles from the low water marks of its shore.
System and Principles of Bangsamoro Governance
7. The government structure of Bangsamoro entity will be democratic by its dealing and
conduct.(ArticleIV:section2)
8. The Bangsamoro entity adheres to the principles of the central government like civilian
supremacy, social justice, unity and other rightful principles. (Article IV: Section 1, 4, 5,
6and7)
9. Freedom to pursue its economic, social and cultural development is granted to the
Bangsamoro entity as to their exercise of the right of self-governance and self
determination.(ArticleIV:Section1)
Government Structure
10. The Bangsamoro entity will have a political system that is parliamentary by structure or
by which the executive and legislative branch is duly fused. (Article IV: section 2)
Aware Not Aware Partly Aware/ Partly Not Aware|
11. Bangsamoro Parliament will exercise the powers and functions as mentioned by the basic
law. Legislation and election of the Chief Minister is to be done by the body. (Article
VII:Section1)
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12. The Chief Minister together with its cabinet form part as the executive authority of the
Bangsamoro entity. Further, the Chief Minister serves as the head of the Bangsamoro
government. (Article VII: Section 3 and Section 30)
13. A titular head of the Bangsamoro entity, Wali, will be chosen to serve for ceremonial
functions. (Article VIII: Section 1)
14. The Justice system to be adopted in the bangsamoro entity are the Shariah Law for
exclusive muslim application, traditional and tribal justice system for the Indigenous
people, local courts and alternative dispute resolution.
Powers of Government
15. Reserved powers are granted to bangsamoro entity as to aspects of defense and external
security, foreign policy, coinage and monetary policy, postal services, citizenship and
naturalization, immigration, custom and tariff, common market and global trade and
intellectual property rights. (Article V: Section 1)
16. Concurrent powers are granted to the central and bangsamoro entity as to cases involving
social securities and pensions, quarantine, land registration, pollution control, human
rights and humanitarian protection and promotion, penology and penitentiary, auditing,
civil service, coastguard, custom and tariff, administration of justice, funding for the
maintenance of national roads, bridges and irrigation system, disaster risk reduction and
management and maintenance of public order and public safety. (Article V: Section 2)
17. Exclusive powers are granted to the bangsamoro entity as to aspects relating to
agriculture, livestock and food security, economic and cultural exchange, loans and
credits, economic zones and industrial centers, free ports and others. (Article V: Section
100 | P a g e
3)
18. Other exclusive powers are granted to Bangsamoro such as to regulate and exercise
authority over foreign investments, to proclaim state of calamity over its territory and
among others as referred to (Article V: Section 4)
Taxation
19. Power is granted to the Bangsamoro entity as to the creation of sources of revenue and to
levy taxes, fees and charges. Wherewith, the same taxes, fees and changes shall accrue
exclusively to the Bangsamoro Government. (Article XII: Section 6)
20. All fees and charges collected in the Bangsamoro shall be shared generally as follows:
25% to the Central Government and 75% to the Bangsamoro, including the shares of the local
government unit. However, for a 10-year period, 25% is to be retained by the Bangsamoro entity.
(Article XII: Section 10)

College of Teachers, Arts and Sciences
Pagadian City
QUESTIONNAIRE ON FACTORS THAT AFFECTS STUDENT LEADERS’ POLITICAL

AWARENESS
101 | P a g e
I- Directions: Put a check on the space that correspond to your answer. Please answer honestly.
A.1 Family
1. Does your family encourage you to read about current social issues?
___ YES ___ NO
2. Are your family members aware of different social issues?
___ YES ___ NO
3. Are your family members aware of the operation of the government?
___ YES ___ NO
4. Do you discuss Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) within your family?
___ YES ___ NO
5. Does your family influence your political perceptions?
___ YES ___ NO
A.2 Mass Media
1. Do you rely on television, radio or newspaper information to social issues?

___ YES ___ NO
2. Do you have access to mass media at home?
___ YES ___ NO
3. Do you have access to mass media at school?
___ YES ___ NO
4. Do you read editorials and opinions in mass media regarding BBL?
___ YES ___ NO
5. Do you read about BBL updates in mass media?
___ YES ___ NO
A.3 Peer and Education
1. Do your peers share their perception to certain social and political issues?
___ YES ___ NO
2. Does your school propagate awareness to social and political issues?

___ YES ___ NO
3. Do you have access to social and political instruments that may boost your political
cognition within your institution?
__ YES ___ NO
4. Do you evaluate political perceptions of your peer and of other persons like your
instructors?
__ YES ___ NO
5. Does your school entertain liberated thoughts and perception to issues?
___ YES ___ NO
102 | P a g e
A.4 Religious factors
1. Do your religious leaders influence you to be concerned about political issues?

___ YES ___ NO
2. Do you consider religious benefits as to policies and programs implemented by the
government?
___ YES ___ NO
3. Do you consider religion as a consideration in policy reference?
___ YES ___ NO
4. Do you consider the religion of the legislator that made the law as to your political
perception to it?
___ YES ___ NO
5. Do you believe that BBL is non-sectarian by nature?
___ YES ___ NO
A.5 Internet and Social Networking Sites
1. Do you have easy access to internet and SNS?

___ YES ___ NO
2. Do you evaluate opinions posted in social networks regarding social and political issues?
___ YES ___ NO
3. Do the internet and social networking sites help you in formulating your political
perception?
___ YES ___ NO
4. Do you read BBL related issues in the Internet and SNS?
___ YES ___ NO
5. Do social media affect your political cognition?
___ YES ___ NO
A.6 Social Status and Stratification
1. Do you belong in:
Upper class ___

Middle class ___
Lower class ___
2. Do your social status and stratification influence your political perception to certain
political issues?
___ YES ___ NO
3. Do you consider your social status as a factor for your political awareness?
103 | P a g e
___ YES ___ NO
4. Do you think social status is considered by the government as a factor for policy making
and implementation?
___ YES ___ NO
5. Do you consider the social status of individuals affected by a certain law especially to
your own political perception to it?
___ YES ___ NO
II-Directions: Arrange the following indicators from one (1) to six (6) based on how it influences
you.
Factors:
___ Family
___ Mass Media
___ Peer and Education
___ Religion
___ Internet and Social Networking Sites
___ Social Status and Stratification
Appendix C- Communication Letters
Attached in the following pages are the approved communication letters of the
researchers to the institution of the respondents. The communication letters are duly signed by
the researchers and noted by the adviser, dean and subject teacher. The communication letter
is also noted and approved by the receiving school’s Dean of Student’s Affairs and School
President/ Administrator.
 Saint Columban College Letter
 Southern Mindanao College Letter
 Pagadian Capitol College Letter
104 | P a g e
 JH Cerillers State College Letter
 Zamboanga del Sur Maritime Institute of Technology Letter
 Western Mindanao State University-External Studies Unit Letter
Appendix D- Documentation
105 | P a g e

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Political Awareness of Student Leaders’ Among Selected Tertiary Schools in Pagadian

City on Bangsamoro Basic Law

Presented to the Faculty of

College of Teachers Education, Arts and Sciences

Saint Columban College

Of the Requirements for the Course

Political Science 220

(Research Methods in Philippine Political Issues)

undoubtedly half, whether to give a ‘yeas’ or the slashing ‘nay’.

Islamic and indigenous communities in the Southern Philippines through BBL.

Mamasapano clash to discredit the integrity of the contracting party.

as to the perspective of the youth.

Perspective of the Researchers

The research is conducted by Bachelor of Arts major in Political Science students of

respondents for evaluation and if necessary implementation thereof.

Diagram of David Easton is shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1: The Black Box Diagram

2 shows the Conceptual Framework of the Study.

Factors affecting Level of Level of Political Awareness:

Bangsamoro Basic Law Bangsamoro Basic L

Statement of the Problem

study will provide insights on the awareness of the student leaders.

aware of and least aware of?

awareness the most and the least?

awareness of students with regards to the issue of Bangsamoro Basic Law?

Scope and Limitation

limitations of the study.

Capitol College(PCC), Southern Mindanao Colleges (SMC), Western Mindanao State

Zamboanga del Sur Maritime Institute of Technology ( ZSMIT).

regarding Bangsamoro Basic Law.

for Social Sciences (SPSS) to ensure accuracy and reliability.

Significance of the Study

Student Leaders: As a student representation of their respective schools, and as a

the fact that it is significant and noteworthy for the government.

awareness they share to their students or learners.

make them evaluate to level of awareness they have reach.

especially to policies that may directly and indirectly affect them.

studies as a reference or review.

City is defined by Merriam Webster Dictionary as a large town; a place or situation

Pagadian City as the locale of the study.

the Bangsamoro Basic Law.

Bangsamoro Basic Law is defined by the Framework Agreement of the Bangsamoro as

student leaders of the selected tertiary schools in Pagadian City.

schools of Pagadian City.

tertiary school in Pagadian City.

Structure of the Thesis

Chapter 2: Review of Related Literature, Chapter 3: Methodology, Chapter 4: Presentation,

profile, questionnaires and other similar files.

information are compiled herewith.

Chapter 2 (Review of Related Literature): This chapter contains review of related

instruments and research methods employed by the researchers.

Chapter 4 (Presentation, Interpretation and Analysis of Data): This chapter presents,

Chapter 5 (Summary of Findings, Conclusion and Recommendation): This chapter

as a source for the study.

Communication letters, questionnaires and respondent profile are found here.

their indicators are discussed below.

Public Opinion, Political Awareness and Political Socialization

great role in the political aspect.

depending on independent factors. Recruitment is supported by articulation and aggregation of

communication or as referred to as political socialization.

the commonality regarding the importance of political awareness or consciousness to the

importance of awareness to political Issues.