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2 Philippine Indigenous Communities

UNIT 2: THE PHILIPPINE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES
2.0 Intended Learning Outcomes
a. Explain, politically and socially, who ICCs/IPs are
b. Convey the similarities and differences of cultural and legal characterization of
indigenous peoples
c. Critically distinguish the different major indigenous communities in the country
and their sub-groups
d. Present a critical inference on the social, cultural, economic and political actualities
of indigenous communities versus the mainstream communities
e. Recommend means to harmonize Indigenous Peoples’ view and existing
government policies on land and resources ownership, use, and preservation

2.1. Introduction

This chapter presents a brief demographic profile of the different indigenous

communities in the Philippines. Brief description about these cultural communities
will be presented including their common perceptions about their existence, land
ownership, resource management and utilization, self-determination, among
others. Moreover, you will learn from this chapter who are considered indigenous
peoples both as to cultural and legal contexts and the bases or criteria used by the
laws of the country to refer indigenous peoples. In sum, the chapter will help you
know the majority and minority indigenous groups in the Philippines. Part of your
study in this chapter is to study on research conducted in the Philippines concerning
IPs. These studies are anchored on resource use and conservation initiatives as well
matters confronting IPs’ exercise of their socio-cultural and political determination.

2.2 Topics/Discussion (with Assessment/Activities)

BRAIN-BUILD
Activity Title: Meet & Greet
Instructions:
1. Perform the following activities and use any writing implements to deliver the
same. Be creative.

Activity 1
Present a visual analysis on the different characterizations of indigenous people
and show the similarities and differences.

Activity 2
Present the different indigenous communities in the Philippines using associative
symbols, images, and/or icons.

Activity 3
By way of a model, show how IPs could best manage, preserve and conserve
their resources consider the social, cultural, political, and economic strengths of
the tribe.

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2 Philippine Indigenous Communities
2. Present your outputs either print or virtual.

General Instruction for Submission of Outputs:

Use separate sheets in accomplishing the activities, quizzes and/or exercises
contained in this module. Compile in a folder and submit as scheduled.
(G.G. GODIN)

3. Rubric

CRITERIA PT. SCORE REMARK

1. Cohesiveness of ideas 10
Ideas or information presented is rich and
shows learner’s understanding of the topic
2. Quality of Instructional Aid 5
The learner’s use of appropriate scheme and
material are apparent and led to the
successful delivery of the expected output
3. Quality and Style of Presentation 5
The learner is able to present the assigned
task accurately and in the most
sophisticated way
TOTAL 20

2.2.1 Overview on Indigenous Peoples and Cultural Communities in the Philippines

Presently, Philippine indigenous peoples inhabit the interiors and mountainous areas
of Luzon, Mindanao, Negros, Samar, Leyte and the Palawan, and Sulu group of islands.

Region Indigenous Communities

Cordillera Kankaney, Ibaloi,Bontoc, Tinggian or Itneg, Ifugao, Kalinga, Yapayao,
Autonomous Aeta or Agta or Pugot, and Bago of Ilocos Norte and Pangasinan; Ibanag
Region of Isbela, Cagayan; Ilongot of Quirino and Nueva Vizcaya, Gaddang of
Quirino, Nueva Vizcaya, Itawis of Cagayan; Ivatan of Batanes, Aeta of
Cagayan and Quirino
Region III Aetas
Region IV Dumagtas of Aurora, Rizal, Remontado of Aurora Rizal Quezon.
Alangan or Mangyan, Bantangan, Buid or Buhid, Hanunuo and Iraya of
Oriental and Occidental Mindoro; Tadyawan fo Occidental Mindor;
Cuyanon, Palawanon
Region V Aeta of Camarines Norte and Camarines Sur, Aeta-Abiyan, Isarog and
Kabihug of Camarines Norte; Agta and Mayon of Camarines Sur, Itom
of Albay, Cimaron of Sorsogon; and the Pullon of Masbate and
Camarines Sur
Region VI Ati Negors Occidental, Iloilo and Antique, Capiz; the Magahat of
Negros Occidental; Corolano and Sulod

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Region VII Magahat of Negros Oriental and Eskaya of Bohol
Region IX Badjao numbering about 192,000 in Tawi-Tawi, Zamboanga del Sur; the
Kalibugan of Basilan, Samal, Subanon and Yakat
Region X Approximately 1.6 million, Banwaon, Bukidnon, Matigsalog, Talaandig
of Bukidnon; the Camiguin of Camiguin Island; the Higa-unon of
Agusan del Norte, Agusan del Sur, Misamis Oriental and Misamis
Occidental, the Manobo of the Agusan Provinves; Umayamnon of
Agusan
Region XI Numbering about 1.8 million, Dibabaon, Mansaka of Davao del Norte;
B’laan, Kalagan, Langilad, T’boli and Talaingod of Davao del Sur;
Mamanua of Surigao del Sur, Mandaya of the Surigao provines and
Davao Oriental; Manobo Blit of South Cotabato; the Mangguangon of
Davao and South Cotabato; Matigsalog of Davao del Norte and del Sur,
Tagakaolo, Tasaday and Ubo of South Cotabato; and Bagobo of Davao
del Sur and South Cotabato
Region XII Llianen, Tinuray, Maguindanao, Maranao, Tausug, Yakan/Samal and
Iranon

2.2.1.1 Ethnic Groups and the Criteria Used for their Classification

It can be gleaned from the socio-cultural and historical configurations of the Filipino
society that the concept of ethnic group does not only refer to the cultural minority, the same
is likewise used to refer large and/or dominant cultural groups such as the Cebuano, Ilocano,
Samarnon-Leyteńo, among others. As mentioned in some portions of this material, ethnic
group does not categorically mean, indigenous communities or minorities. Seemingly, just
like the minorities, these groups also share the same ways of life, cultural orientation,
historical beginnings and experiences. They are said to have adaptation scheme which is
based on their interactions with their environment, such as the coast, mountains, lowland,
and riverine, among others. Sociologist have claimed that, the respective affiliations of the
people a certain grouping defines his-her ethnic identity.

Panopio & Rolda (2007) set forth criteria used in the categorization of ethnic groups
which includes; cultural heritage, language use, common ancestry, among others. Recent
developments in sociological research suggests that, ethnicity is a matter of identity.

Despite all these, our duty is to harmonize differences in standard and issues
especially on power and inequality, such that focus must be given to culture-based
understanding of socio-cultural and political divergence. This is for these reasons that
historical foundations must be established without prejudice and/or subjectivity so that
indigenousness of Filipino communities, in its seemingly bewildering conception may be
deeply understood by all.

2.2.1.2 Indigenous Peoples and Cultural Communities

For the past years, studies of the world’s indigenous peoples serve as the only goggle-
box showing glimpses of the very minutiae of information about the practice of the life of

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these communities, to the rest of the globe. Nonetheless, just like how multi-coloured the
series of studies were, no uniform and standard framework could actually define who
indigenous peoples are.

Owing to the multifaceted nature of these communities, like what was mentioned
from the previous paragraph, no standard or uniform definition has been entrenched into
the system. Nevertheless, the Philippine legal system has adopted a single definition of
indigenous peoples. And these definition is embodied in the RA 8371 otherwise known as
the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997 popularly known as the Indigenous known as the
IPRA Law, which is defined as:

Indigenous Cultural Communities/Indigenous Peoples — refer to a group of people or

homogenous societies identified by self-ascription and ascription by others, who have continuously
lived as organized community on communally bounded and defined territory, and who have,
under claims of ownership since time immemorial, occupied, possessed and utilized such
territories, sharing common bonds of language, customs, traditions and other distinctive cultural
traits, or who have, through resistance to political, social and cultural inroads of colonization,
non-indigenous religions and cultures, became historically differentiated from the majority of
Filipinos. ICCs/IPs shall likewise include peoples who are regarded as indigenous on account of
their descent from the populations which inhabited the country, at the time of conquest or
colonization, or at the time of inroads of non-indigenous religions and cultures, or the
establishment of present state boundaries, who retain some or all of their own social, economic,
cultural and political institutions, but who may have been displaced from their traditional
domains or who may have resettled outside their ancestral domains.

While the Philippine government conceptualized the word with a pinch of antiquity
or through the lens of our history, the international institutions and communities have,
nonetheless, a varied, secular, socio-anthropological conception of who indigenous peoples,
indigenous communities and/or indigenous groups are, this are as follows:

Indigenous populations are communities that live within, or are attached to, geographically
distinct traditional habitats or ancestral territories, and who identify themselves as being part of a
distinct cultural group, descended from groups present in the area before modern states were created
and current borders defined. They generally maintain institutions, separate from the mainstream or
dominant society or culture. (World Health Organizations)

Indigenous peoples are inheritors and practitioners of unique cultures and ways of relating to
people and the environment. They have retained social, cultural, economic and political characteristics
that are distinct from those of the dominant societies in which they live. (UN Declaration on the
Rights of IPs)

Meanwhile, the United Nations define indigenous communities, peoples and nation
as:
“Those having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that
developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of societies now
prevailing in those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society
and are determined to preserve, develop, and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories,
and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their
own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems.”

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Admittedly, these definitions are just part and parcel of the so many definitions we
could get from other sources and references. These definitions were so coined based on the
varied researches and studies conducted all over the globe. Nonetheless, for purposes of
studying the course, we may acknowledge that definition the government has
institutionalized through its promulgated statutes, the IPRA law.

2.2.1.3 General Profile of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines

Reading the definitions presented in the preceding page, it could be deemed that the
concept intertwined with the way we comprehend the word, ethnic group in our Sociology
course. The latter, however, define ethnic group as a categorization of social group is stated
and defined in its generic form. This is why, ethnicity must not be confused with the concept,
indigenous communities, because the word “ethnic” does not automatically imply
indigenous peoples alone. It includes other categories of social groups within a cultural
community. On the same vein, current demographic records have shown that indigenous
communities are not generally seen in all part of the archipelago. But leaning to these
demographic files and figures, would lead us to their actual place of sojourn and that they
could be found mostly within the parts of Luzon and Mindanao, and in patches in some part
of the Visayas.

Some have been long-thriving in their original homelands, however, majority left and
decided to go to the open land as the country rally towards economic determination and
inclusively develop. The United Nation has recently claimed that, what drive these
indigenous peoples to leave their settlements in mountains are brought by various push
factors. Some of these “push” factors contributing to indigenous peoples’ migration to urban
areas include the land dispossession this is where indigenous peoples are forcibly removed
or driven from their homelands, extreme poverty, militarization, natural disasters, lack of
employment opportunities, and the deterioration of traditional livelihoods combined with
the lack of viable economic alternatives as well as the prospect of better opportunities in
the mainstream communities.

These push factors made some members of the tribes to inhabit other places, even
some densely populated areas of the mainstream, where better opportunities could at least
help them survive. While some chose to forget their primitive practice of life, there are still
those who remain in the remote spots of the country. This situation made indigenous
peoples’ population even difficult to document. To this date, there is no accurate census or
population count of indigenous peoples. Under this light, what should be considered as
significant is that, these people must be accurately accounted, registered and mapped, so
that, problems relating to the provisions of social services could be better identified,
addressed and resolved.

Currently, ANAC-IP party-list Jose Panganiban Jr., filed before the Congress the
House Bill No. 7849, otherwise known as the Proposed Indigenous Peoples Civil Registration
System (ICPRS) Act, which aims to collect, update, and create a database of the members of
the IPs and indigenous Cultural Communities (ICCs) and provide a civil registration system
that is responsive to the culture, customs, and traditions of the ICCs and/or IPs. Panganiban
stand by the basis that accordingly, the lack of a culturally-sensitive system of civil
registration caused the non-registration of IPs. Based on statistics that the Tunay na Alyansa
ng Bayan Alay sa Katutubo (TABAK) has provided, indigenous peoples communities

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predominantly habituate and thrive in the interiors of Luzon, Mindanao, and some islands
of Visayas. Accordingly, there are more than forty ethnic groups that comprise in the
Philippines indigenous population and these can be classified into six groupings excluding
the Islamic groups. While the NCIP, identifies 95 distinct tribes in 14 regions of the country
which includes the Islamic groups.

2.2.1.4 Different Indigenous or Tribal Groups in the Philippines

The data of the KAMP (Kalipunan Ng Katutubong Mamamayan Ng Pilipinas) include 40

ethno-linguistic groups and the three major groups of Islamic or Muslim Filipinos, and the
these tribes may be roughly classified into seven major groupings and these are as follows;

1. Mindanao Lumad

The indigenous peoples in Mindanao, the southern part of the Philippines, are
called Lumad, meaning ‘born of the earth’ or homegrown (La Viña, 2015). They are
composed of roughly eighteen ethnic groups and considered the largest grouping of
indigenous peoples in the country. They are concentrated in varying degrees in the
mountainous portions of the provinces of Davao, Bukidnon, Agusan, Surigao,
Zamboanga, Misamis, and Cotabato. They can be found in almost all provinces of
Mindanao and they include the Subanon, Manobo, B’laan, T’boli, Mandaya, Mansaka,
Tiruray, Hiligaynon, Bagobo, Tagkaolo, Banwaon, Dibabawon, Talaandig, Mamanua
and Mangaungan.

In Lumad oral traditions, the movements of people across one generation to the
next are traced according to river systems they have occupied, with proximity to water
often equated with degree of civilization and cultural purity. Despite the passage of
time, and decreased linear proximity from the original rivers, these primal riverine
origins remain significant in the present day, as Lumads continue to socially prioritise
the genealogies and networks of traditional political authority that are upstreamed
from these oral traditions. Focusing on field data from the Higaunon ethnic group of
northern Mindanao, this article analyses five examples of water being employed as a
hermeneutic for how Lumads locate themselves in relation to other ethnic groups, the
state, modern Filipino society, and their own cultural traditions (Paredes, 2016).
Politically, Lumads have regularly resorted to the accommodation and assimilation of
Moro priorities, including throwing their support behind the latters’ decades-long
struggle for territorial autonomy due to their political and demographic inferiority to
Moros (Paredes, 2015).

2. Cordillera Peoples

This is the indigenous population of the Cordillera mountain range, which

covers six provinces in the middle of the Northern Luzon – Abra, Apayao, Benguet,
Ifugao, Kalinga, and Mountain Province. They are communally called the Igorots,
which means “mountain peoples”. However, like the Kalingas and Ifugaos, they
refuse to be called Igorots except by their own tribes. There are eight ethno-linguistic
groups in the Cordillera namely, Bontoc, Ibaloi, Ifugao, Isneg, Kalinga, Kankanaey,
Tingguian, and Yapayao, a total of 1,722,006 based on August 1, 2015 census of the
Philippine Statistics Authority.

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The Cordillera people are composed of a large group of ethnic-linguistic groups
living in the Philippines' Cordillera region. These tribes have gained reknown for
resisting cultural and military encroachment from outside powers. To strengthen their
forces, the Cordillera people have organized the Cordillera Peoples' Alliance and the
Office for Cordillera Peoples' Concerns in their bid to control development aggression
in their region (Weissman, 1994).

Cordillera peoples are known for their strong collective political identity.
Yogaswara (2004) declared that, one effort to strengthen the identity of Cordillera is
strengthening the ‘collective remembrance’ through annual events such as Cordillera
Day on 24 April. The annual event commemorates Mangli-ng Dulac, a chieftain from
Kalinga who was killed by the military. This was the price of his struggle against the
development of the Chico Dam. The anti-Chico dam movement united many tribal
groups, including those not living along the Chico River. At the time, they used a
traditional mechanism called vochong as part of their struggle. In addition, New
People’s Army (NPA) was also involved in the movement to oust the Marcos regime.

3. Caraballo Tribes

These refers to the five ethno-linguistic groups, Ibanag, Ilongot, Gaddang,

Ikalahan and Isinai, who, altogether with the Aeta peoples, inhabit the Caraballo
mountain range in the Eastern Cental Luzon. This range connects the provinces of
Nueva Vizcaya, Quirino and Nueva Ecija.

4. Agta and Aeta/Negrito

Described to be short, dark-skinned and kinky-haired peoples are the earliest

inhabitants of the Philippines. Aside from having been perpetually driven into the
hinterlands of Central Luzon, mainly in the provinces of Zambales, Bataan and
Pampanga, and in other parts of the country, they also suffer from sorts of racial
discrimination.

The Aeta (also spelt “Ayta”) are an indigenous people of the Philippines and
one of the oldest groups of inhabitants. They are scattered in the mountainous regions;
their neighbours also call them “Pugut”, which means “forest spirit”; this name could
be related to animism. Their language is Zambal, which is spoken by about 2000
people, and they are part of a community of LAKAS (an abbreviation of Lubos na
Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales or Alliance of Indigenous Ayta in
Zambales). The Aeta are included among the so-called negritos. This name comes
from a Spanish term negrito, meaning “little black person”. The Aeta are small in
stature (women are approximately 140 cm tall), and they have a decidedly dark
complexion and curly hair (Lihtenvalner, K., & Podgornik, 2012).

5. Mangyan of Mindoro

A generic name for the six ethno-linguistic groups spread over the mountains
and foothills of Mindoro, an island southwest of Luzon, namely, Batangan, Iraya,
Hanunuo, Alangan, Ratagnon, Buhid, and Tadyawan. They are historically known for

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being the first inhabitants of the island and one of the few groups that is still
accustomed to a pre-Spanish form of writing.

The Hanunoo-Mangyan strongly adheres to the Mangyan Law, a non-written

law, however customary or traditional which is designated as batas mangyan.
Hanunoo-Mangyan society is not exceptional. In their society are found no
complicated judicial and political institutions: there is no police nor prison there. In
fact, there are many Hanunoo-Mangyan who are disinclined to be under the control
of the law of lowlander, insisting that it is nothing but the law of the lowlanders. In
fact, there are many cases where people moved to the interior parts because they
disliked paying tax to the Municipal Office (Miyamoto, 1988).

6. Palawan Hill Tribes

These are the non-Muslim tribal peoples of Palawan Island situated in the far
remote west of Mindoro. This group is composed of four ethnic groups – Tagbanua,
Batak, Kalamianes, Cuyonin, and Kenuy.

According to Venturello et.al. (1907), Tagbanuas Apurahuanos is probably the

most numerous in the island, occupying almost the entire central part, including the
eastern and western coasts. The principal rancherias on the eastern coast are Iwahig,
Ira-an, Aborlan, and Tigman; on the western coast, Virong, Apura-huan, Apitpitan,
and Napsahan in the south. Their dialect differs from that of the semi-civilized
Tagbanuas and the Christians of the north. Then, after the Apurahuanos who, as has
been said before, are the most numerous, follow the Palawanos, a tribe inhabiting the
southern part of Palawan and which name they have taken.

Acero (2020) revealed that, Tagbanuas in Buong Narra Palawan strongly

believed on the influenced of deities in their livelihood practices. Their means of
safeguarding their environment is implied in their day to day activities as; rituals
(pagdiwata, runsai, pagbubuwis, paglalambay); performed for good harvest. It also
practiced to free from epidemic like cholera, dysentery and flu. The practice rituals in
their swidden farm, honey and rattan gathering is also an implication of protecting
their environment.

7. Muslim Groups

These are the Muslims in Mindanao composed of fourteen groups, namely,

Maranao, Maguindanao, Tausug, Samal, Yakan, Sangil, Palawani, Badjao, Kalibugan,
Jama-Mapun, Ipanun, Kalagan, Molbog, and Muslim.

2.2.5 Indigenous Peoples’ View on Land Use, Ownership, and Control

Concept of Land through IPs’ Perspective

Indigenous Peoples’ existence rests on land. Land is the core of their existence without
which human life is nothing. There is no traditional concept of absolute, individual, land
ownership. Among the Igorots, ownership of land more accurately applies to the tribal rights

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to impose territorial control and use of resources for the benefit of the entire tribe. The people
are the stewards of the land such that if a member of the tribe stops to work, he loses his
world itself. Under the concepts of “trusteeship”, the right to possess the land does not only
belong to the present generation by the future ones as well. The indigenous concept of
ownership generally holds that ancestral domains are the ICCs/IPs private but community
property which belongs to all generations and therefore cannot be sold, disposed or
destroyed. It likewise covers sustainable resources rights. Indigenous people conceived land
is as important as life. They view land ownership, acquisition, and control could be best
understood through the words of the Kalinga warrior chief, Macliing Dulag, to wit;

To claim a place is the birth right of every man. The lowly animals claim
their place, how much more man. Man is born to live. Apu Kabunian, lord of us
all, give us life and placed us in this world to live human lives. And where shall we
obtain life? From the land. To work the land is an obligation, not merely a right.
In titling the land you possess it. And so land is a grave that must be nurtured.
Land is sacred. Land is beloved. From its womb springs our Kalinga life.

History would tell that the free land use and resource utilization had been the critical
source of life for our Filipino ancestors. The absences of a clear-cut institutionalized system
for centuries paved way to the primitive form and structure of management and
administration of these resources.

Versus Government View on Resource Utilization

Below are the government’s views of resource utilization in the Philippines. The
purpose here is to harmonize conflicting interpretations of property ownership and resource
utilization in so far as territories occupied by IPs/ICCs are concerned.

A. What are the four modes of exploiting natural resources? (Section 2, Article XII of
the 1987 Constitution)

The Constitution provides that in the exploration, development and utilization

of these natural resources, the State exercises full control and supervision, and may
undertake the same in four (4) modes:

1. The State may undertake such activities or

2. The State may enter into co-production, joint venture, or production-sharing
agreements with Filipino citizens or qualified corporations
3. Congress may, by law, allow small-scale utilization of natural resources by
Filipino citizens
4. For large-scale exploration, development, and unitization of minerals,
petroleum, and other mineral oils, the President may enter into agreements
with the foreign-owned and controlled corporations involving technical or
financial assistance.

Which of the following modes apply to indigenous peoples?

The small-scale utilization of mineral resources is allowed under the Constitution. The
limited rights of management must be taken to contemplate small-scale utilization of natural

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resources as expressly allowed, in recognition of the plight of forest dwellers, gold panners,
marginal fishermen and other similarly situate who exploit their natural resources for daily
subsistence and survival. The law mandates that for the ICCs/IPs to conserve these resources
and ensure ecological and environmental protection within their domains, which duties, by
their very nature, negate utilization in large-scale. Large-scale utilization of natural resources
is allowed subject to the prioritization of the IPs/ICCs rights as owners of the land on which
natural resources are found be entering into co-production, joint venture, or production-
sharing agreements with them.

Wherefore, the rights granted to the ICCs/IPs over their ancestral land merely give
them, as owners and occupants of the lands on which the natural resources set, the right to
small-scale utilization of these resources and at the same time a priority in large-scale
development exploitations. The state has its options, and it is within its prerogative to choose
which option to pursue. There is nothing in the law, particularly the IPRA law, the right to
solely undertake large-scale development of natural resources within their domains.

Three (3) Types of Mineral Agreements

1. Mineral Production Sharing Agreement (MPSA)

One where the government shares in the production of the contractor, whether
in kind or in value, as owner of the minerals. And, in turn, the contractor provides the
financing, technology, management and personnel do for the mining project.

2. Co-production Agreement (CA)

One where the government provides inputs to the mining operations other
than the mineral resources.

3. Joint Venture Agreement (JVA)

Under this agreement, the government and the contractor organize a joint
venture company, with both parties as having equal shares.

Because the State is a person, just like any other person with a hand, mouth and hand,
it could perform acts similar to that of a natural person. It could sue and it could be sued,
enter into contracts, either in its capacity as a sovereign being or in its corporate or
proprietary capacity.

Aspects of Territory
Community’s claim to a territory is similar to the concept of homelands amongst the
tribal peoples. Territorial boundaries (beddeng in Mt. Province, bugis, in peace pact forging
areas) have been established between ilis and are reflected in the memories of the peoples.
Natural geophysical features like mountain ridges and water bodies serve as boundary
marks.

This view on territorial acquisition system is primitive, compared to the modes or

means emanating through the lens of stately principles. As discussed in the case of Cruz vs
Secretary of DENR, there are only five ways on how to acquire territories in the Philippines;

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1. Discovery – considered as the oldest mode of acquiring a territory. For validity, it

must be accompanied by occupation, management and administration of the land
discovered.
2. Conquest – the acquisition of a territory through the use of force, which reduces the
vanquished territories into submission to the conquering State. This mode of acquiring
a territory is heavily sanctioned by the United Nations Charter as it is violative and
illegal being done through the use of threat or force.
3. Prescription – the continued and uninterrupted occupation of the territory for a long
period of time by a State.
4. Cession – a bilateral agreement whereby one State transfers over to another State a
definite portion of a territory.
5. Accretion – acquisition of a territory through artificial or natural way.

Do not confuse territorial acquisition from land acquisition. The two concepts pertain
differentiated composition. While a territory pertains to the fluvial, aerial, terrestrial, and
maritime domains, land, on the other hand pertains to land per se or that solid portion of the
earth’s surface that is completely not covered by water.

Land Acquisition
These are the modes or ways of acquiring lands as a member of the indigenous
cultural communities. These modes are only applicable in so far as acquisition lands within
ancestral lands is concerned since ancestral domains are owned in common by the tribe,
hence, cannot be appropriated by private individuals.

1. Inheritance – these are usually the individual and privately held lands like rice fields
and residential lots being passed on from parents to the heirs or those entitled to
inherit them through succession. Privately held lands are considered as the most
prized possession of the clan. Rights to communal and clan lands are similarly
inherited but ownership remains with the clan, the system is called as Japay.

2. Sale – this acquisition happens when a seller offers to the buyer the land in lieu of a
consideration or price. For sale to exists, there must be delivery of the goods after
payment of the price. Sale, in indigenous communities, is considered the last resort,
and is traditionally permitted only in times of extreme need and emergency. Only
individual private properties can be sold. Ancestral domains or part thereof is not
subject to sale because it is owned by the community as a whole. Priority is given to
the immediate family members when properties are offered for sale.

3. Compensation – property may also be acquired as a form of compensation for harm

or damage done to another member of the community. Compensation is used as a
means to redress grievances or wrongs committed by a member to another member.
Among the peace pact holding areas, these properties may not necessarily be given
directly to the aggrieved party alone rather awarded to the community as a whole.

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Note that ancestral domains are owned by the entire community. It could not be sold but
could be inherited by the generations and generations yet come. It is under the management
and utilization of the indigenous communities but the management and utilization thereof
subject to strict regulations by the State.

Land Use and Resource Utilization

Below are the classifications of properties within the ancestral lands and/or domains.
These properties possess their own characteristics and they vary from one another in terms
of use and acquisition. However, the distinction is so thin that it might clarity or confusion
to the readers. These are the ways by which these lands are utilized by the indigenous
peoples.

1. Communal properties – this refers to the properties owned in common by the tribe,
such the ancestral domains. It includes the forests and hunting grounds, bodies of
water (even if located upon individual private lands), ritual and sacred grounds, and
mineral lands. People traditionally share the resources as needed and are all equally
responsible for its conservation or regeneration.

2. Clan properties – this include the “uma” (swidden farms), pasturelands and
reforested areas (muyung in Ifugao, batangan and tayan in Mt. Province, etc.)
acquired from the common properties through prior occupation and usufruct rights.

Usufructuary right refers to a right accorded to a person the temporary right to use
and derive income from a property owned by somebody else.

3. Individual private properties – these include the rice fields (payaw), home lots and
backyard gardens. Private properties may be inherited by individual family members
through succession. The nearest kin are given priority when these properties are sold
or mortgaged.

Applying the characterization of each of the property classification, we could finally

draw a thin line between properties found in ancestral land and ancestral domains. Lands
within ICCs/IPs ancestral lands could be owned, sold, or mortgaged privately. However,
neither lands nor portions of the ancestral domains could be sold or mortgaged because it is
not owned by a single entity. It can only be owned in common.

Resource Management

Below are amongst of the important resources within the ancestral lands/domains.
Part of the discussion below includes the initiatives and/or mechanisms employed by the
indigenous peoples to preserve and conserve their resources as well as the manner by which
resources are used.

1. Forests/Watershed Areas – this also called muyung by the people of Kalinga, this
refers to the privately held woodlots among the Ifugao’s Tuali subgroup. The
privatization of the woodlots ensures that forests areas are maintained not only for
fuel wookd and timber but most importantly for the agricultural economy.

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2. Agriculture – most tribes are into rice and crops production. Agricultural practice
common with the indigenous communities is swidden farming otherwise referred to
as shifting cultivation. A rotational farming technique wherein land is cleared for
cultivation, normally by burning, and then left to regenerate after a few years before
returning and planting crops.
3. Water resources – Dapat and mananum technically refer to the traditional irrigators’
associations that have recognized rights and access to a water resource. On the same
vein, tribes impose mandate to sustain their waters. Regulation of fishing activities
and other marine resources extractions are carried out to sustain aquatic biodiversity.

In the preservation and conservation of resources within ancestral domain, the

ICCs/IPs concerned are offered the flexibility whether to employ the strategies endorsed by
the agents of the State or resort to their customs and traditions. Thereby making the
development plans of the State mere recommendations. Provided, however, that their use
of customs or traditions in the preservation and conservation of the resources found within
the ancestral domains will not in any way harm and/or violate existing statutes, rules and
regulations. It could be gleaned from the numbers of literatures available that majority of the
indigenous communities have adopted and sustained their primitive ways of sustainable use
of their resources.

Political Exercise and Self-governance

This shows the ability of the indigenous peoples to exercise all the necessary functions
of regulation within the community using their own initiatives, customs, and ways without
interference of external or formal authorities.

1. Peace pact (Bodong/Pechen) – peace covenant exists among the warring groups on
the Cordillera like the Kalinga and some groups in the Bontoc and Ifugao, the bodong
is the basic institution by which life, territory and integrity are protected.
2. Social Function (Dap-ay/Abong) – this refers to the physical location of the center of
government in the tribe which also serves a social function. It is in this place where
the council of elders meets and members of the community are told to join to discuss
and decide on matters and affairs.
3. Council of Elders (Lallakay/Amam-a) – this is the traditional council of elders who
govern the tribe. Membership in the council is not only based on age but also on elders’
wisdom accumulated through their experiences.

Example of Systems of Rule, Authority, Leadership and Legitimacy

Buendia et.al. (2006) presented a comprehensive mapping and analysis of indigenous

governance practices in the Philippines, few of these are as follows, viz:

 Ibanag – The Ibanags had a form of leadership similar to the other IPs all over the
country prior to the arrival of the Spaniards in the Philippines. Marino Gatan in his
book entitled Ibanag Indigenous Religious Beliefs: A Study in Culture and Education
(1981), explained that the tribe was led by the dakal na barangay (barangay head) who

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was not officially selected but emerged as leader because he possessed charisma and
“humaneness to control or placate his people” (Gatan 1981:16).
 Mangyan – The chief head appointed by the provincial governor as “Comisario de
Manguianes” served as the mediator between the Mangyans and the local
government (Helbling and Schult 2004:151). Sometimes the Comisario tasked by the
governor to rule the Mangyans was a Tagalog not a Mangyan because the Tagalog
could be easily manipulated (Ibid). Therefore, the line of authority was passed on from
the Spaniards to the Tagalogs to the Mangyans (Ibid). This scenario was supported by
Fletcher Gardner, a US Army contract surgeon, cited by Lopez who claimed that the
power of Chief Mangyan was indeed restricted (Lopez 1976:63).
 Mansaka – Bernardo Limikid in his work entitled Mansaka (2002) mentioned that the
community leaders were known as matikadong. These leaders were assisted by their
family members or elders (mangkatadong) (Limikid 2002:10). No election was held
but similar to other IPS, leadership surfaced based on their remarkable qualities.
 Agta – Jean Treloggen Peterson in his work entitled The Ecology of Social Boundaries:
Agta Forefathers of the Philippines (1978) stated that similar to other indigenous
groups like the Hanunuo Mangyan, Agta had no formal government. The influential,
wise and experienced elders were powerful but young leaders were not hindered from
emerging (Peterson 1978:10). The leaders served as advisers

Resource Use and Conservation: Actual Study

Gabrielle & Mangahas (2017) found that the desire to protect and conserve the
environment led tribal members to organize themselves into a political and social unit with
the legal duties to protect the environment. The Wishful Ancestral Domain Association of
Kalanguya (WADAKA) is an organization intended to uphold customary laws and pattern
of cultural traits which are considered component of their legal system. Some of their
customary laws are also recognized by the Philippine laws, to wit: 1) the right to develop
lands; 2) the right to stay in the territory; 3) the right to clean air and water; 4) right to resolve
conflict; 5) the right to claim parts of reservation; and 6) right to ancestral land (Agabin, 2011).

The WADAKA adopts a traditional system of governance. This finding is supported

by the observance of their customary justice and peace process, the cooperative system
known as the og-ogbo, the authority of the Council of Elders or Nangka-ama to implement
policies and ordinances, and the use of Tongtongan or peace building processes to resolve
conflicts and trial of grave cases. Some of the functions of WADAKA are to protect the
ancestral domain and monitor the use and development of natural resources. This is done by
designating an Ancestral Domain Monitor (Gabrielle & Mangahas, 2017).

They added that, the chieftain of Calanguya, they observe the practice of “Kulpi” or
limitation of fishing in the river. The members are “allowed only to fish for a few days until
the harvest season, so that fish would have enough time to breed and propagate”. On the
other hand, the Latang is also observed or a day’s observance of no hunting policy. This is to
protect the animals and other endangered species and give them enough time to recover and
reproduce (interview notes). Furthermore, the community through the WADAKA adopted
the pudong. It is a sign board warning people to pick or hunt only in specified area in the
forest near their source of water. All activities are forbidden in the area in order to protect
the water supply. The Bahwak is the place where they pitch water.

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Changing Indigenous Women: Actual Study
Camaya & Tamayo (2018) discussed the traditional life of the indigenous women and
the changes occurring in them as the modernity changes the landscape of the world. They
had a detailed discussion of this in their research entitled, Indigenous Peoples and Gender
Roles: The Changing Traditional Roles of Women of the Kalanguya Tribe in Capintalan,
Carranglan in the Philippines According to them, the traditional courtship and marriage is
termed as Kinalon is the usual marriage done through an intermediary (Makalon). In such
situation, it is the man who would signify an interest to a woman by approaching one of the
nangkaama (male elders), and asking for help to approach the family of the woman. When
an agreement has been reached, the timbal (marriage ceremony) will soon follow. The
Kaihing, is basically a betrothal. It is an early negotiation between two families for the
marriage of their children. Sometimes it is intended to settle family disputes where the
offender and the offended family are required by the nangkaama to settle their feud through
kaihing, requiring the offender to betroth his son to the daughter of the offended. Secondly,
kaihing is also a voluntary act between two families to strengthen their existing good
relationship. There is no minimum age required for this, for even an unborn child could be
betrothed. The nangkaama is highlighted by bringing a bottle of rice wine which will be
opened and shared to act as a seal when they think that the woman has agreed and accepted
the man. Most of the time, the woman do not literally say yes but their actions and gestures
like crying or keeping quiet will be interpreted as saying yes. The woman is not expected to
say anything during a kalon (proposal), but once she speaks, it is a signal that she is saying
“no” to the man who is proposing; however, actual interview revealed that no woman ever
dares to speak when a proposal is ongoing, especially when both sides and the elders have
shown inclination for a union. During the kalon, the elders will tell the woman all the good
qualities of the man proposing.

In pregnancy and childbirth, when a Kalanguya woman is pregnant, the tasks she
used to do like kaingin, planting and harvesting, still continue. It is only during the latter
part of the pregnancy where the woman avoids carrying heavy loads. Kalanguya women
usually give birth alone; sometimes they are assisted by their husbands or a woman
neighbour. One interview with a Kalanguya woman even revealed that the women of the
tribe have been known to give birth while doing kaingin. The very act of giving birth alone
shows how self-sufficient the women of Kalanguya are. As for the Kalanguya healing
practices, the community has a respected mabaki or native priest that performs the ritual of
healing. The mabaki is usually a man, this is if we base our findings on available manuscripts
of studies done on the Kalanguya tribe; however, according to one of the women elders
interviewed, there were times when the mabaki was female. They often performed baki or
canao, which is an act of offering the blood of slaughtered native animals to appease the
spirits and heal the afflicted person; which partly explains why native pigs and poultry have
always been present in Kalanguya communities. If we consider the results of the interview
with the women elders of the Kalanguyans, the mabaki would perhaps be the highest
traditional position or role that a Kalanguya woman has ever occupied.

The Kalanguya women generally worked side by side with the men, and are
responsible for providing food for the family. They plant, weed and harvest in the fields. The
men, on the other hand, do the heavier and more irregular work such as gathering wood for
fuel and plowing. They are basically peace-loving people, and when it comes to tribal
leadership, the women take the role of a submissive follower. However, the Kalanguya

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women think that it is good for them to have knowledge on Gender and Development,
specifically on the Violence against Women and Children Act (VAWC), but being the peace-
loving and obedient women that they are known for, they do not consider it as one of their
major problems.

From this point, other cooperatives and programs started to snowball for the
Kalanguyans of Capintalan, and of the neighbouring barangays in Carranglan where
Kalanguyans reside. With the help of the local Women’s Cooperative, Kalanguyans have
found a more affordable means of establishing simple businesses that provides extra income
for the family, capacitating and empowering the women to be more and do more. The
establishment of a local High School paved to the way to better education opportunities, and
through the help of several agencies, the Kalanguya youth now have access to free college
education, though they have to go through a strict selection process.

These are the factors that have gradually changed the traditional roles of the
Kalanguya women in Capintalan, from being laborers to becoming educators, entrepreneurs,
barangay leaders, social workers and nurses. Or simply be women that can take their place
in the society, be heard and make a difference. Although they continue to retain the values
and some of the beliefs taught to them by their ancestors, they nonetheless know that the
only way to go would be to move forward, while cherishing, protecting and remembering
the roots from where they came from. The named researchers have concluded that,
indigenous women of the Kalanguya tribe in Capintalan, Carranglan of Nueva Ecija still
recall most of their traditional roles as women of the tribe.

Although the advent of modernization has come to their community and they have
embraced the changes it has caused, they nonetheless still value their traditions and culture.
They are proud of their ancestry and have genuine desire to be educated and give back
service to their people. Since most of them still live and depend on the forest, support
mechanisms from the government and non-government organizations for the protection and
management of their forest resources should pushed.

The diligence and hard work that the Kalanguya women display, and their good work
attitude make them deserving of more government programs that would cater to their needs
and bring further development. They should be exposed to more trainings, because they
display a wide understanding of concepts and seem to be natural leaders in their own right.
These exposure and trainings will eventually lead to a new and better way of living for the
Kalanguyans, so there is an immediate need to document their culture, beliefs and traditions
as they may be lost in history. Following the development of the Kalanguya community and
chronicling the events and situations that effect change in it should be a work in progress,
for an accurate perspective of their history.

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Quiz # 1.0 Score: _____________

Name: __________________________________ Date: ______________
Instruction: Identification. Below is a table containing various point of views and/or
perspectives. Select by putting a  on views or perspectives which you think are beneficial
and X on those that would be damaging against the interest of the IPs/ICCs. (2pts/item)

YOUR
PERSPECTIVES WHY
THOUGHT
Indigenous languages must be recognised in constitutions and law
Indigenous peoples must be kept safe in their territories and resources
because they have deep spiritual, cultural, social and economic ties
with their lands, territories and resources; this is vital to their identity
and existence
Territories and resources are vital to IPs/ICCs’ identity and existence
Various fora must be made available to provide the space and platform
to identify opportunities for concrete action to recognize and
strengthen the indigenous peoples’ rights to lands, territories, and
resources
Development projects such as mining or logging concessions, bio fuel
plantations or other business operations; or designation of
conservation areas must remain under the regulation and control of
the government so IPs/ICCs’ enjoyment of these resources are better
protected
Indigenous peoples must be given the right to obtain legal protection
or title deeds to their ancestral domains and lands as well as resources
Indigenous peoples must be obliged and held accountable towards the
protection and conservation of all the resources found within their
ancestral lands and domains
Forced evictions and dispossession of lands are violations of IP rights
In the case of cross-border indigenous peoples, bordering States should
ensure the protection of cultural rights on an equal basis.
States should increase their financial support to museums that are
owned and managed by indigenous peoples, as part of the redress and
repatriation process.

BREAKDOWN VIEWS
Answer the following questions by reflecting on important bits and pieces of information
and/or details learned from your readings.

1. What is the main similarity and difference of indigenous peoples and ethnic groups?
2. What is the criteria used to define and treat indigenous peoples and cultural
communities?
3. How do indigenous peoples or cultural communities treat natural resources utilization
and management borrowing the words of Makli-ing Dulag?
4. What can you say about the studies conducted on IPs, is it advantageous for indigenous
women to change gender roles? Explain your stand.
5. How would you characterize ancestral domains? Is it for IPs or for the state?

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BRANCH-IT-OUT
Broaden your thoughts about the picture/concept and establish connections between
them to make the main concept relevant and meaningful. Design your own web map.

A.
CONTEXTS
CONCEPTS ASSOCIATION TO THE
CLASSROOM CONTEXT
REAL-WORLD
Ancestral domain
Ancestral land
Self-governance
Sustainability
Inclusion
Exclusion

B.

MAKE A REAL DEAL

Help the ICCs/IPs understand concepts by harmonizing conflicting
views on resource utilization and ownership amongst IPs/ICCs.

CONTEXTS
HOW MAYBE PUT IN PRACTICAL
CONCEPTS
CONTEXT USE FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE
IPs/ICCs IN THE PHILIPPINES
Ancestral domain
Ancestral land
Self-governance
Resource Utilization
Inclusion
Exclusion

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Quiz # 2.0 Score: _____________

Name: __________________________________ Date: ______________
Part I. Identification. Based on the cues presented, identify the principles or concepts
applicable to each item. Spell the words correctly. WRONG spelling is WRONG.
____________ 1. Cannot be sold and owned but could be owned in common
____________ 2. Central institution for the protection of life, territory, integrity
____________ 3. Group of people who governs the tribe
____________ 4. Land acquisition is done through succession
____________ 5. A property that could be inherited or pass on to heirs
____________ 6. Allowed mode of resource utilization
____________ 7. Oldest mode of acquiring territories
____________ 8. A political denomination of the largest ICCs/IPs in the country
____________ 9. A term used to refer the people of Ifugao and Kalinga
____________ 10. What is land for ICCs/IPs?
____________ 11. True or False. Hanunuos are Mangyans
____________ 12. True or False. Kalingas and Ifugaos are peoples of Cordillera
____________ 13. True or False. Manobo and Bagobo are peoples of Mindoro
____________ 14. True or False. Agriculture is the primary source of living of most ICCs/IPs
____________ 15. This refers to the center of governance in the tribe

Part II. Enumeration/Discussion. Provide what is being required under each item. Please
spell the words correctly.

1. Distinguish the 7 major ICCs/IPs or ethnic groups in the Philippines in terms of their
social, cultural and political conceptions. (10pts.)

ICCs/IPs Social Political Cultural Economic

2. Explain how is UN and other international organizations and institutions helping the
country’s indigenous peoples? (5pts.)
3. Present at least five (5) ways on how you could help ICCs/IPs adopt an understanding
of property ownership and resource management policies in the country. (10pts.)
(G.G. GODIN)

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2.3 References

Acero, L. (2020, July). Towards Environmental Sustainability: Beliefs and Livelihood Practices of
Tagbanuas in Buong Narra Palawan, Philippines. In IOP Conference Series: Earth and
Environmental Science (Vol. 505, No. 1, p. 012034). IOP Publishing.

Agabin, P.A. (2011) The Influence of Philippine Indigenous Law in the Development of New Concept
of Social Justice. IBP Journal, 36, 1-18.

Buendia, R., Mendoza, L., Guiam, R., & Sambeli, L. (2006). Mapping and analysis of Indigenous
governance practices in the Philippines and proposal for establishing an indicative framework
for Indigenous people’s governance: Towards a broader and inclusive process of governance in
the Philippines.
https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/4465/1/Mapping_and_Analysis_of_Indigenous_Governan
ce-Philippines_Participatory_Governance_Case_Study.pdf

Camaya, Y. and Tamayo, G. (2018) Indigenous Peoples and Gender Roles: The Changing Traditional
Roles of Women of the Kalanguya Tribe in Capintalan, Carranglan in the Philippines. Open
Journal of Social Sciences, 6, 80-94. doi: 10.4236/jss.2018.62008.

Cruz vs Secretary of DENR. G.R. No. 135385, (Supreme Court of the Philippines December 6,
2000).

EED Philippine Partners' Task Force for Indigenous Peoples' Rights, e. a. (2009). Philippines
Indigenous Peoples ICERD Shadow Report. Regional Office, Santiago, Chile: OHCHR.
Retrieved from:
https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CERD//PHL/INT_CERD_NGO_PHL_75_9922
_E.pdf

From Megapexl (Clipart). Creative Brain and Pencil Sign. ID 38197886 © Chatchai5172.
https://www.megapixl.com/creative-brain-and-pencil-sign-illustration-38197886

Gabriel, A. and Mangahas, T. (2017) Indigenous People’s Contribution to the Mitigation of Climate
Variation, Their Perception, and Organizing Strategy for Sustainable Community Based Forest
Resources Management in Caraballo Mountain, Philippines. Open Journal of Ecology, 7, 85-
100. doi: 10.4236/oje.2017.72007.

La Viña T (2015). Leave the Lumad alone! Rappler.com, 14 September. Available at:
http://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/105806-leave-Lumad-alone.

Lihtenvalner, K., & Podgornik, V. (2012). The non-formal education and migration of the aeta, an
indigenous tribe in the Philippines. Anthropological notebooks, 18(3), 25-40.

Miyamoto, M. (1988). THE HANUNOO-MANGYAN: Society, Religion and Law among a Mountain
Peopte of Mindoro Island, Philippines. Senri Ethnological Studies, 22, iii-240.

Panopio, I. and Rolda, R. (2007) Society and Culture. Katha Publishing Co. Inc. Q.C., Philippines.

Paredes, O. (2016). Rivers of memory and oceans of difference in the Lumad world of Mindanao.
TRaNS: Trans-Regional and-National Studies of Southeast Asia, 4(2), 329-349.

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2 Philippine Indigenous Communities
Paredes, O. (2015). Indigenous vs. native: negotiating the place of Lumads in the Bangsamoro homeland.
Asian Ethnicity, 16(2), 166-185.

(RA 8371, Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997. Retrieved from:

https://www.lawphil.net/statutes/repacts/ra1997/ra_8371_1997.html

Venturello, M. H., & Miller, M. E. Y. (1907). Manners and customs of the Tagbanuas and other
tribes of the island of Palawan, Philippines. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections.

Weissman, Robert. "Crisis in the Cordillera." Multinational Monitor, vol. 15, no. 4, 1994, p. 16+.
Gale Academic OneFile, Accessed 20 Sept. 2020.

Yogaswara, H. (2004). Identity and everyday life among indigenous peoples in the Cordillera
of Northern Luzon, the Philippines. The Asian Face of Globalisation: Reconstructing
Identities, Institutions, and Resources, 143.

2.4 Acknowledgment

The images, tables, figures and information contained in this module were
taken from the references cited above.

C. M. D. Hamo-ay