CHAPTER VI.

CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.

1522-1523.

RIVALRY FOR PANUCO CORTES HASTENS TO OCCUPY IT BATTLE AT AYOTOCH-

TITLAN OPERATIONS AT CHILA NATIVE TACTICS FOUNDING OF SAN
ESTEVAN DEL PUERTO A SHIPWRECK INCIDENT DISAPPOINTING RE-
SULTS CAMPAIGN IN TUTUTEPEC MOUNTAINS REJOICINGS ON THE
Ra
CEIPT OF CORTES COMMISSION ALLURING PROJECTS FOR SOUTHERN
CONQUESTS STARTLING NEWS GARAY PREPARES TO
DESCEND ON PA
NUCO His LACK OF ABILITY AND FIRMNESS MARCH FROM LAS PAL-
MAS NEGOTIATIONS WITH VALLEJO.

NORTH of Villa Rica extended the fertile province

of Pdnuco, so called after the ruling chief/ whose
villages bordered
the deep-flowing rivers that seek
the sea at the present Tampico. It was skirted on
the east by woody ranges from which a number of
streams ran down the undulating slopes to a flat and
of lagoons. While
sandy seaboard broken by a series ^

the shore-line was unhealthy and thinly inhabited, the

interior was salubrious, and rumor placed there rich
mines of gold. To find this gold had been the chief
inducement for the expeditions of Garay, and the
with a few thou
hostility of the natives, together
sand pesos obtained by barter, had only served to
confirm the rumor.
The revelation that others were intent on establish
so close to his own,
ing an independent government
had been a source of anxiety to Cortes ever since the
encounter with Pineda in August 1519.
2
He ac-
The province
Cuyo rey se llamaua Panuco. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 67.
1

was known to the Mexicans as Pantlan orPanotlan. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii.
132.
2
See Hist Hex., i. 189, this series. (94)
 OCCUPATION OF THE COUNTRY. 95

cordingly hastened to inform the king that the

natives of Pdnuco had already submitted to him and ;

he intimated afterward that it would be not only dan

gerous for a strange expedition to enter the country,
but injurious to the royal interest there and in the
3
settled districts to the south. The claim of submis
sion was based on the allegiance tendered by some
towns near Almeria, which by way of diplomacy he
made extend indefinitely beyond. The reverses at
Mexico, and the subsequent siege, called attention
away from outlying provinces, but after the subjuga
tion of Anahuac Cortes took up the matter, although
he was prevented from prosecuting it by the arrival of
4
Tapia.
Soon came news from the Islands that a fresh
after
expedition, promoted to some extent by the admiral
of the Indies, was preparing to occupy Panuco. This
was confirmed by a letter from Garay himself, who
announced that the sovereign had appointed him gov
ernor of that district, and that he would at once enter
into possession. Cortes had already made extensive
preparations to anticipate his rival,, and was not to be
held back from a prize now more alluring than ever, and
that by the mere indication of cedulas which he had so
well learned to circumvent.
The question here involved was similar 5 to that
of Narvaez and Tapia. The descent of an armed
force so near to Mexico would encourage the natives
to fresh revolts which might involve the loss of
the entire country, and the slaughter of every
Spaniard. His duty to sovereign and comrades de
manded that he should prevent such disasters, and he
was also bound to protect from other invaders a prov
ince which had already submitted to him. Indeed,
8
Oartas, 56, 260-1.
*
Bernal Diaz states that he did send some men to settle near Panuco River
so as to prevent Garay from taking possession, Hist. Verdad., 160, but this
is doubtful.
5
The ce"dula issued in 1521 is to be found in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii.

147. Instructions connected with it, such as the settling of a boundary, appear
to have been brought by Bono de Quejo.
96 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.

the natives had sent to implore him for protection

6
both against strangers and adjoining hostile tribes.
An additional reason for occupying the province was
the necessity for New Spain proper to control so ex
7
cellent a country.
The importance of the project demanded that Cortes
should undertake it in person, the more so since his
leading captains were occupied elsewhere. He accord
ingly left Diego de Soto in charge at Mexico, with
instructions for continuing the rebuilding, and set out
with one hundred and twenty horse, three hundred
foot-soldiers, a few field-pieces, and some forty thou
sand Indians from different quarters.
8
fair propor A
tion of the latter were chosen Aztec warriors, whom
he thought it prudent to keep under his own im
mediate control, rather than expose the capital to
the danger of a fresh conspiracy. The quality of the
9
allegiance accorded to the Huastecs, as the Panuco
6
Bernal Diaz confirms this, and adds that the greater part of the province
had and killed the men sent by Cortes. Hist. Verdad., 161. He evi
risen
dently confounds the time and men with previous occurrences, for Cort6s
would not have failed to use a slaughter of his own men as an argument. He
states that the people of Panuco came to excuse themselves for killing Garay s
men, and later the crew of a vessel, on the ground that they were not his
adherents. Cartas, 281-2. The petition came probably from the Almeria
region, which he chose to call Panuco, for on a previous page he writes some
what contradictorily that the Panuco tribes who had formerly tendered alle
giance were now warring on vassals of the crown. Id., 263.
7
Mouia le tabien desseo de vengar los Espaiioles de Francisco de Garay
q alii matara, adds Gomara. Hist. Mex., 222.
8
Cartas, 282. One hundred and thirty horse, 250 foot, and 10,000 Indians.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 161. He never allow s more than a limited num
r

ber of natives, desirous as he is to assume as much credit for Spaniards as he

possibly can. A part of the force was recruited from Aillon s unfortunate
expedition to Florida. Herrera reduces the horsemen to 80, but Gomara
increases them to 150; and Ixtlilxochitl follows him as usual, though he
assumes the auxiliaries to be composed wholly of Acolhuas and Mexicans.
There must have been a large number of Tlascaltecs, Totonacs, and others.
The town of Xochimilco claims to have furnished 500 warriors and large sup
plies. Those who survived this expedition perished under Alvarado in
Guatemala. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 294. Zamacois,
Hist. Mej., iv. 104, assumes that the incorporation of so large a force of Aztecs
was a proof of growing confidence in them, but the truth is that the select
warriors were taken away because they could not be trusted, especially after
the recent conspiracy. Two years later the same precaution was observed,
even so far as to take away on a long journey their princes, who actually
proved a burden from the constant watching and care demanded by them.
9
The Huastecs occupied a large stretch of territory, but afterwards their
province was limited on the north-east by Tampico. See Native Races, i. 647.
 WAR ON THE HUASTECS. 97

people were properly called, was demonstrated imme

diately on approaching their territory. Demands for
peaceful submission were met by jeers, and at Ayot-
10
ochtitlan a large force of warriors came to the attack
with heedless confidence. Unfortunately for them the
ground was advantageous for the cavalry, which fell
upon them with an irresistible sweep that scattered
the host in confusion. Swamps and forests enabled
them to rally, however, and warned by misfortune
they presented themselves again in better order, so
much so that the allied troops found it no easy matter
to complete the rout. Several thousand warriors paid
the penalty for resisting the appeal of the Christians,
while the invaders lost three soldiers, several horses,
and a large number of allies, without counting the
wounded. 11
The lesson proved most effective, since the demand
for submission with the promise of pardon and good
12
treatment, extended through the captive caciques,
was now promptly responded to, though the accom
panying presents were so insignificant as to dampen
the ardor of the gold-seekers. After a halt of three
or four days the army 13 proceeded to Chila, a
large
village on the Pdnuco River, deserted and partly
burned, five leagues from the sea, where Garay s force
had suffered disaster. The usual demand, with offers
of pardon for past offences, was sent to
adjoining dis
tricts, but confident in the strength of their position
on rivers and lagoons, the inhabitants scorned the
appeal, and even killed the messengers, together with
10
The present Coscatlan, says Lorenzana, 25 leagues from Panuco port.
Cortes, Hist.N. Espaila, 342.
11
Bernal Diaz has 3 soldiers, 4 horses, and 100 allies killed, with 30
Span
iards and 200 allies wounded. The Huastecs numbered 60,000. He calls the
encounter two battles. Ixtlilxochitl increases the allied loss to 5,000 and the
Huastec to 15,000. Herrera mentions only 50 Spaniards and several horses
wounded, and a number of allies killed; and Cortes as usual refrains from
disagreeable details.
12
Accompanied by Father Olmedo, Marina, and Aguilar, says Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 161, but it is not would be
likely that persons so valuable
sent to doubtful foes. Those who had formerly submitted, by sending envoys
to Mexico, now confirmed the allegiance, says Cortes.
13
Bernal Diaz states that only half the
army advanced, after a week s rest.
HI?T. MEX., VOL. II. 7
 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.

some foragers. During the fortnight required to

obtain boats, build rafts, and make other preparations
for a semi-naval attack, peaceful overtures were re
newed in the hope that the gentle treatment so far
observed might win the natives.
Everything being ready, advantage was taken of a
dark night to cross the river. One hundred and fifty
chosen soldiers, one third mounted, had already effected

PANUCO.

the manoeuvre when dawn revealed them to the Ind

ians, who had all this time been massed to prevent
the passage. They immediately attacked the invaders
with a fierceness heretofore unsurpassed, says Cortes,
killing two horses at the first onset, and inflicting
other damage. The soldiers stood their ground, how
ever, and, reenforced from the other bank, they took
 FURTHER FIGHTING. 99

4
the offensive and quickly routed the natives/ pursu
ing them with great slaughter. Three leagues from
camp they reached a deserted village, in the temple
of which were hung in ghastly array the dressed
skins and apparel of Garay s slain men. Several
could be recognized by soldiers who had known
still

them, and who now with deep emotion consigned the

remains to sanctified graves.
The following day the party followed the banks of
a lagoon, and near sunset reached a beautiful village,
apparently deserted. On entering they were sud
denly set upon by an ambuscaded force, though so pre
maturely as to enable them to form This was most
fortunate, since the natives attacked with great reso
lution, and fell back in good order after the repulse,
throwing themselves into a compact circle bristling
with pikes. When the soldiers charged in their turn,
a blinding shower of arrows and darts came rattling
against them, and though they broke the ring, the
warriors formed anew, the front line kneeling. This
was repeated three or four times. And but for the"

stout armor of the soldiers, I believe that none of us

would have escaped," says the general. Observing
the unflinching resolution of the soldiers and the
havoc repeatedly inflicted, the rear of the foe began
to desert by swimming across a river which entered
the lagoon just beyond the village. Cortes was too
delighted to attempt interference, and sought rather
to accelerate the movement into a general flight.
The warriors gathered on the opposite bank, while the
tired Spaniards retreated within the village and en
15
camped under strong guard, feasting on the slain
horses, for they had scarcely any supplies.
14
The were 2 soldiers, 3 horses, and
casualties according to Bernal Diaz
many allies,with 30 Spaniards and 15 horses wounded. Chimalpain is much
more moderate, Hist. Conq., ii. 93, while Ixtlilxochitl claims 10,000 wounded
allies. Cortes involuntarily admits heavy losses so far by saying, con hasta
treinta de caballo que me quedaron
10
.
segui todavia mi camino. Cartas, 284.
. .

Bernal Diaz, who assumes that the retiring foe was pursued, gives the
loss at 2 horses and 3 men, with 4 times that number wounded, Cortes ad
mits the wounding of nearly 20 horses.
100 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.

Proceeding on their way, they passed through sev

eral deserted villages devoid even of food, though
wine was found in the cellars and declared to be
delicious. After three days, without seeing either
natives or booty, they turned back to Chila, half
by certain natives, Cortes now
16
starved. Instructed
sent a strong force by night in another direction,
both by land and water, and surprised a large village,
inflictinga terrific lesson. The wholly unexpected
attack, the strength of the place, and the severity of
the punishment, all combined to convince the natives
that resistance was useless, and with almost one
accord they came to submit, the whole province ten
dering allegiance within three weeks. In order to
assure possession, Cortes founded the town of San
Estevan del Puerto, a little below Chila, on a lagoon
connected with Rio Panuco, and established a munici
pality, with Pedro de Vallejo as his lieutenant. The
force volunteering to remain consisted of one hundred
and thirty men, with twenty-seven horses, and a
number of allies, 17 among whom the province was
18
divided in repartimientos. Their comfort and secu
rity were further insured by the arrival of a small
craft from Villa Rica with stores.
When the expedition set out from Mexico a larger
vessel had been sent in advance with supplies; but
she foundered at sea during a storm, and only three
men managed to reach the shore, clinging to some
spars. They found their place of refuge a sandy
island, containing nothing but brackish water and a
kind of fig. Fortunately it was frequented by mana
tees, which came to sleep on the sand, and were thus

16
En todo este tiempo entre todos no hubo cincuenta libras de pan. Cor-
Us, Cartas, 285. Messengers were again sent forth to summon the caciques,
who replied that they were collecting gold and other presents and would
bring them within a few days; but none came. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
162.
17
Including a part of the Acolhua warriors. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades,
64.
18
Some of these grants are dated at San Estevan May 1, 1523. Casas%
Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., vii. 308.
 INFLUENCE OF CORTES OVER THE NATIVES. 101

easily for food.

killed Fire was obtained by the
primitive method of rubbing together two pieces of
wood. Finding no vessel at Panuco, Cortes had sent
instructions to Villa Rica to despatch the above craft
in search of it, and so the three sailors were rescued.
The vessel and a small boat were left with the settlers
19
to maintain communication.
The expedition was most disappointing, for hardly
any spoils were secured to
satisfy the inordinate hopes
entertained, while the expenses amounted to quite a
large sum, nails and horseshoes costing their weight
20
in gold. Yet the outlay was not in vain, so far as
Spanish interests in general were concerned, for a
crew wrecked on that coast not long after escaped
the slaughter to which they would undoubtedly have
been exposed had the province not been subjugated,
and later colonists were saved the cost and danger of
21
conquering.

There seems to have been good reason for the claim

that the influence of Cortes was necessary to main
tain the conquests he had effected, and that his simple
presence answered better than armies to control the
natives. Of this an illustration was offered at this
time. His absence in Panuco gave rise to the report
in some quarters that he had departed for Spain, and

19
Un barco y un chinchorro. Cortts, Cartas, 286. Bernal Diaz adds that
when Cortes was about to leave, a conspiracy was revealed among the three
leading villages, to lead in a general revolt against the settlers as soon as the
general should have left. The villages were burned as a warning. Hist. Vcr-
dad., 162. Gomara insinuates that this burning occurred during the cam
paign, it seems, in punishment for the attack on Garay s men. Hist. Mex.,
222-3.
20
Valian los clauos a peso de oro, de quinze quilates, y cada quatro her-
raduras, y cien clauos, costaua cincuenta y quatro Castellanos de buen oro,
and the horses cost 1,500 to 2,000 castellanos. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap.
xvii. The cost to me alone was 30,000 pesos de oro, says Cortes, and as
much more to my companions for outfits and supplies. Cartas, 286. Bernal
Diaz raises the amount to 70,000. When the general afterward claimed re
imbursement from the crown, the treasury officials objected on the ground
that he had incurred the expense merely to forestall the legally appointed
governor. Hist. Verdad., 161, 163.
21
This applies to Garay s expedition, and Cortes himself points out the
gain to the emperor.
102 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.
22
the troublesome mountaineers of Tututepec, a district
between Cempoala and Pdnuco, took advantage of his
supposed absence, encouraged also by false infor
mation from Huasteca. Not alone did they rebel, but
they made a raid on the adjoining peaceful territory,
burning more than twenty villages. Cortes was on
the way back from San Estevan, when messengers
from the ravaged district came with their complaints.
Both time and proximity favored them, and the gen
eral resolved to personally inflict a lesson that should
be lasting. It was no easy task, however, for the
march led mostly across rugged mountains, alternating
with narrow defiles and dense forests, so much so that
a number of horses died from exhaustion. The line
was besides exposed to constant assaults on flank and
rear by the unencumbered and agile foe, which on one
occasion inflicted quite a serious blow on the carriers
train, and escaped with a large part of the baggage.
Nevertheless the persevering Spaniards achieved their
object, and captured the ruling lord, together with the
general, who were promptly hanged for having a sec
ond time broken their oaths of allegiance. As a fur
ther warning to other provinces, the captured natives
were enslaved and sold at auction to cover the cost of
the horses lost during the campaign, or rather, a por
tion of the cost, for the proceeds of the sale were com
23
paratively small. The lord s brother was installed as
and the expedition turned homeward by w ay of
r
ruler,
Villa Kica.

Costly as had been the campaign, however, both

men and leader were to receive a reward which should
forever obliterate their late severe troubles. This
came in the form of the commission appointing Cortes
22
Another Tututepec existed near the coast, west of Tehuantepec, and
the name has also been applied by careless chroniclers to Tochtepec, or Tux-
tepec, on Papaloapan River, creating much confusion.
"Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xviii., assumes that only 200 slaves were
sold, while 20 horses perished. Cortes says 10 or 12 horses. Cartas, 279.
Era compensacion religiosa y cristiana, hombres observes
por caballos
!

Bustamante. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 95.

 CORTES MADE GOVERNOR. 103

24
It had been intrusted
governor and captain-general.
by his agents in Spain to Rodrigo de Paz and Fran
cisco de las Casas, two near relatives of the general,
who hastened on their way in the fastest vessel they
could secure. Nor did they fail to touch at Santiago
25
de Cuba, and there flaunt in the face of Velazquez,
with great fanfaronade, the decrees which crushed
forever his aspirations and rendered powerless his
sting. Their arrival was greeted throughout New
Spain with wild demonstrations of joy, with proces
sions, salvos, and prolonged festivities. And rightly
so; for the cedulas implied the culmination of years
of deferred of victory achieved after long and
hopes,
varied struggle for all that was worth possessing. The
triumph alone was soothing to these adventurous
spirits, and how
much more when it dispelled the
weighty cloud of royal displeasure, removed the brand
of outlaws, and placed them before the world as ac
knowledged heroes, assured in the enjoyment of their
and treasures, and looking forward
lands, their slaves
with exultation
confident to fresh conquests, now
more resplendent than ever with prospective gain and
26
glory.
Their anticipations were not now based on flimsy
rumor, but on one of the richest presents laid at the
feet of Cortes since the fall of Mexico. It was brought
by an imposing embassy of one hundred persons from
IJtatlan and Guatemala, the result of Alvarado s dem
onstrations along the southern sea the year before.
Gold-ware, pearls, rare plumes, and choice fabrics
were offered in token of the friendship tendered by
24
Remesal leaves the impression that this had called Cortes to Villa Rica,
on the way from Tututepec to Mexico. Hist. Chyapa, 3.
25
In May J.523, says Gomara.
26
The usual reward to bearers of good tidings was this time distributed
with princely liberality. Paz was made chief mayordomo of his great kins
man; Casas received a captaincy, to which was soon added the large enco-
mienda of Anguitlan, and the office of alcalde mayor, an office for which his
ability fitted him. Both men figure quite prominently during the following
years. Their voyage companions were also remembered, and the captain who
had brought them across, says Bernal Diaz, received a new vessel, so that he
returned quite rich. Hist. Verdad., 187.
104 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.

the distant monarclis. The hearts of the soldiers

warmed with delight as they beheld these specimens
of wealth, magnified tenfold as they drank with cove
tous souls the stories of the attendant Spanish mes
sengers of cities and palaces surpassing those of Mexico
in size and beauty. 27
The experiences in Pdnuco had
already divested the unknown north of its main al
lurement, and now it was wholly eclipsed. All atten
tion turned toward the pearl-lined shores bathed by
the southern sea, to the mysterious Quiche kingdom,
and beyond to the coast of Hibueras, where gold was
so abundant that fishermen used nuggets for sinkers.
Cortes had additional reasons for his allurement in
the absorbing hope of discovering the much sought
strait, which might possibly be found even in the
south among the numerous inlets which penetrated
into the narrow strip of land. To gain this and other
laurels for his wreath he must hasten, however, for
already the Spaniards of Panamd were moving north
ward and might forestall him.

Preparations were accordingly made to carry out

both aims by two directions, along the north and
south seas, so as to render them quicker and surer of
attainment, and to enable the expeditions not only to
aid each other in their pacifications, but to present a
stronger front to the approaching Spaniards from the
south. The importance of the enterprise demanded
the best military talent. The choice was easily made,
however, for who could come before the often tried
adherents the redoubtable Alvarado, second only to
the leader himself, the impressive Olid, and the ad
mirable Sandoval, all able, brave, zealous, and evidently
devoted. To Alvarado, who had already initiated the
conquest in the direction of Guatemala, fell naturally
its continuation, and Olid, as next in
age and standing
of the trio, had the best claim to the Hibueras com
mand. The distance of this province, and the uncer
tainty of the land route, made it advisable that Olid
21
See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 624 et seq., this series.
 THE JAMAICAN GOVERNOR. 105

should proceed by sea, while the other party advanced

along the already disclosed path. By August 1523
both expeditions were ready, Alvarado s rendered im
posing by a considerable force of cavalry, with four
28
field-pieces, the more needful in view of reports of
hostile movements in the border province of Soco-
nusco. Olid was less thoroughly equipped, but funds
had been sent to Cuba to secure the needed horses
and stores, which he would there take on board. 29

Thus stood matters when a messenger from San

Estevan appeared among the captains at Mexico with
the startling intelligence that Adelantado Garay had
arrived there with a large force to assert his claim
as governor of the province. While this was most
aggravating, Cortes congratulated himself on not
having as yet despatched the expeditions. After
expending so much money and labor in conquering
Pdnuco, and that in the face of royal orders, he had
no intention of abandoning it, especially since he per
ceived behind the intruder the portly figure of Velaz
quez, and the meddling admiral of the Indies, with
the prospect of never-ending intrigues, attended by
encroachments and probably worse troubles. His
fears and his ambition allowed him no rest; and
broken in health as he was, and lame in one arm
through a fall from the saddle, he resolved to lead all
the prepared forces in person against the arrival. 30
Garay s expeditions to the north-western gulf coasts
had by no means been encouraging, what with com
paratively meagre results from barter and loss of men
in encounters with the natives. 31 The gold obtained
was nevertheless regarded as a specimen of riches
which must be great, as the inhabitants were so eager
^Cortes enumerates his force as 80 horse and 200 foot. Cartas, 289-90.
29
The purchases were intrusted to Alonso de Contreras. Oviedo, iii. 459;
Gomara, Hut. Mex., 229, 243.
30
He was bedridden. Cortes, Cartas, 291. Vn Braco, que se le quebr6
en vn regozijo,
por el .ies de Setiembre. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. v..
The fall must have occurred earlier than September.
31
See Hist. Mex., i. 189, this series.
106 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.

to defend them. This belief was confirmed by the

magnified treasures which Cortes
had obtained on
the adjoining coast, and despatched to the emperor.
Garay had therefore hastened to ask for fresh cedulas,
whereby he should be empowered to approach more
centre of wealth.
closely to Andhuac, the evident
With the aid of his patron, the admiral, and other
friends, these were readily obtained from the regent
Adrian, permitting him to colonize the province of
32
Amichel, which embraced the much coveted Pdnuco.
The fate of Narvaez and Tapia had not failed to im
press the adelantado with the danger of treading on
33
the corns of the formidable Cortes, but if he enter
tained any serious fears, they were dissipated by the
arguments of Colon and Velazquez, who were deeply
interested in the success of an expedition which might
pave the way for their own plans; sufficiently so to
prompt even assistance.
Preparations were actively pursued, and about June
34
24, 1523, Garay set sail from his island domain of
Jamaica with a fleet of eleven vessels, well provided with
artillery and carrying nearly six hundred soldiers, one
hundred and fifty of them mounted, and the rest
largely composed of arquebusiers and archers. Stores
appear to have been provided in a careless 35
manner, or
left to the discretion of different captains. Touching
32
The ce"dula is dated at Burgos, 1521, and signed by the cardinal and
admiral. Navarrette, Col. de Viayes, iii. 147-53. It contains the usual in
structions for good government and extension of the faith, and stipulates
that repartimieiitos of Indians shall under no consideration be made, as
this has been the cause of all the evil in Espaiiola and other parts. Should
his reports prevail on the crown to extend the privilege to him, after the con
dition of the country is known, he must strictly conform to regulations for
such repartimientos. Instructions like these amounted to nothing, for they
were always evaded with more or less assurance, and by this time the Paiiuco
people had been enslaved.
33
In reply to a letter announcing the projected expedition to the gulf
coast, CorttJs had congratulated him and tendered his services, but this was
not supposed to be sincere. Indeed, it was intimated that the wily conqueror
rather sought to induce Garay too come, so that he might win over his men,
and seize, or buy for a trifle, the outfit. Lucas, in Cortes, Residencia, i. 275-6.
This was an idle rumor, no doubt, but it illustrates the opinion entertained
of Cortes and his wiles.
4
Dia de San Johan, writes Oviedo. June 26th, says Herrera.
35
Garay declares 1 1 vessels navios, though the phrase is peculiar, and may
 THE GOVERNOR OF NEW SPAIN. 107

at Jagua in Cuba, he learned of Cortes entry into

Panuco and his appointment of governor in New
Spain. While notifying the men of prospective resist
ance, he pointed out their irresistible strength, and
his own and encouraged them with pro
rights,
spective rewards, whereof he gave a foretaste by
appointing alcaldes and regidores of the Villa Garay-
ana to be founded in the new region. 36 The adelan-
tado was a well-meaning man, but too pliable for the
scheming adventurers who swarmed to the Indies. Of
a good family, he sought to maintain his name and posi
tion by initiating some of the many enterprises which
ilitted through the brains of his companions, but he
lacked both ability and character to direct them, and
possessed no military experience with which to impose
upon the swaggering horde. The more he heard of
the wiles and exploits of Cortes, from the mouths of
victims who hardly cared to mention their defeat, the
less confident he grew in his project, though Velaz

quez did all he could to encourage him. He resolved

to seek a compromise with his great rival, and directed
himself to Licentiate Zuazo, an upright and highly
respected judge, who had been sent to Cuba by the
audiencia of Santo Domingo to take the residencia of
the governor. Though unable to leave Cuba just then,

be interpreted as 12. The word navios may exclude smaller craft. His offi
cers declare about 600 men. Provision, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. ,

xxvi. 97-103. Lucas, who shared in the expedition, mentions 11 vessels, 150
horse, and 400 foot. Cortes, Hesidencia, i. 275. Cortes writes 120 horse and
400 foot and several cannon. Cartas, 290. This is supposed to be the number
which arrived in Paiiuco, reduced by losses. Gomara specifies 9 larger vessels
and 2 brigantines, 850 Spaniards, with 144 horses, 200 arquebuses, 300 cross
bows, a few Jamaican natives, and an abundant of stores and merchandise.
Hist. Mex. 224.
,
An exaggeration, no doubt, though the men are increased by
the crews. Not to be outdone, Bernal Diaz enumerates 11 larger vessels, 2
brigantines, 136 cavalry, 840 infantry, chiefly arquebusiers and archers. Hi*f.
Verdad., 168. A royal cedula based on a report from the audiencia of E.s-
panola mentions 16 large and small vessels, 600 men and 150 horses. Pacheco
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 497-8.
36
Where, is not said. It was probably left for events to determine. Pro-
rixion,in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 115-16. Gomara places this
incident already at Jamaica, saying derisively, Hizo vn pueblo en ayre quo
llamo Garay. The alcaldes were Alonso de Mendosa and Fernando de
Figueroa, and the regidores Gonzalo de Ovalle, Diego de Cifueutes, and one
Villagran. Hi#t. Met., 224.
108 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO.
ST
the licentiate promised soon to undertake the mission.
As an additional precaution, Garay took a special
oath of allegiance from the men to uphold his cause,
and then somewhat relieved he resumed the voyage.
After being tossed by a storm, he entered Rio de las
Palmas 38 on St James day, July 25th, and sent Gon-
39
zalo de Ocampo to explore. Their report was so
unsatisfactory that the soldiers demanded vocifer
40
ously to be led to Panuco. Unable to resist the
appeal, and not particularly captivated by the country,
he landed the greater part of the force and proceeded
southward, keeping close to the shore, while Juan de
Grijalva conducted the fleet to Rio Panuco. For
two or three days they floundered through a swampy
41
country, and crossing a wide stream in some shaky
canoes, they reached a recently deserted village,
wherein an abundance of provisions rewarded the
toilers. Some Indians who had been at the Spanish
settlements were brought in, and conciliated with
presents to advance and reassure the natives. On
reaching the next village, however, the soldiers began
to pillage, regardless of appeals from the leader.
Either intimidated or naturally mild, the natives re
mained to serve the army and to assist it onward.
The route proved so bad that a number of horses

Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. v. A letter from Bono de Quejo, insti
37

gated no doubt by Cortes, assisted not a little to frighten the adelantado.

88
The present Rio la Marina, or Santander. On the map of Fernando
Colon, 1527, Las Palmas; Ribero, 1529, R. de Palmas; Munich Atlas, 1535,
palmas; Agnese, 1540, palmas; Vaz Dourado, 1571, Ro de Palmas; Hood,
1592, R. de Palmas; Ogilby, 1671, R. Escondido, marked near the head waters,
Culms Vachus Grracos S lohn Emla; Laet, 1033, R. de Palmas, and south,
R. de Montanhas; Jefferys, 1776, Rio de las Palmas, at the mouth Esmotes L. t
tributary Rio de las fiasas; Kiepert, 1852, Rio Rapido, or lyksias. Cartog. Pac.
It must not be confounded with Rio de la Fauna in
1
( od*t, MS., i. 602-3.

southern Vera Cruz, as a careless writer appears to do in Soc. MCJC. Geoy.,

Boletin, 2da p., i. 474.
a9
A relative, says Gomara.
40
A declaration in Provision,
ubi sup., 103, states that several persons
wished him to but he refused.
settle there, There is no doubt that the
soldiers objected to remain in a region devoid both of gold and superior
culture, so that G-aray had to yield. Eernal Diaz places here the creation of
a municipality, and the renewal of allegiance.
41
Named Montalto from its source in the high mountains five leagues off-
Gomara, Hist. Mex. 225. This is evidently the Montanhas of Laet s map.
 ATTITUDE OF VALLEJO. 109

perished, and the incapacity of the captains increased

the danger. At one wide stream the horses, arms,
and baggage were transferred and left almost unat
tended on one bank while the army camped on the
other for the night. A
few resolute warriors might
have killed or carried off the whole train, and on
other occasions the men were almost wholly at their
mercy.
On approaching Pdnuco, where rest and plenty had
been looked for, Garay found the villages deserted and
bare of food, due chiefly to alarm at the approaching
host of starvelings. Informed by interpreters that
the cause was Cortesian raids, he sought to win them
back by promising to avenge their wrongs, and drive
out the oppressors, as governor of that country. 42
The announcement might have be left unsaid, for
his famished soldiers were already spreading in dif
ferent directions under impulse of hunger and greed.
Little they found to appease the former, while for the
latter nothing remained after the careful gleaning of
the other party; and hearing from a deserter of the
glories at Mexico, they felt prepared for any change
that would take them nearer to the imperial city. If
there had been any real meaning in the words of
Garay, it did not take long to discover the difficulty
of enforcing it in view of the growing insubordination.
Now that the point of destination was reached, he
had no definite idea what to do with the expedition
fitted out at such trouble and expense; nor had he
the resolution to carry out any effective plan. Why
had he come?
Something must be done, however, and Ocampo
was sent to confer with Vallejo, the lieutenant at San
Estevan, and announce that Garay came provided
with a commission to settle and govern the province,
as adelantado. Vallejo received the envoy with great
courtesy, and expressed delight at the prospect of
42
The natives were urged to support Garay in driving away the retainers
of Cortes. Provision, ubi
sup., 125 et seq.
110 CORTES AND GAKAY IN PANUCO.

having so esteemed a company for neighbors. He

would willingly show them every attention, but as
for recognizing any other ruler over Pcinuco than
Cortes, that was out of the question, since the latter
had not only conquered it at great expense, but had
received the appointment of governor. Nevertheless
he would write to his chief at Mexico for instructions,
and forward Garay s letter wherein he proposed a
peaceable arrangement, to avoid losses to themselves
and the sovereign. Meanwhile he agreed to let the new
comers quarter themselves in some of the villages near
San Estevan, notably Taculula and Nachapalan, with
the injunction not to harass the natives. This order
was not respected, chiefly because of scanty supplies ;
and finding that no military precautions were observed
at the camps, the settlers at San Estevan one night
pounced upon the most disorderly, and brought two- 43
score of them as prisoners to the fort. The feat was
not dangerous, for the precaution had been taken to
extort in payment for food nearly all the ammunition
among the interlopers, and weapons and other effects
were rapidly being absorbed. Garay protested but ;

emboldened by the change of aspect, Vallejo intimated

that unless the soldiers were kept under control he
should order him to leave the country.
Meanwhile the long-delayed fleet arrived, after
having been exposed to heavy north gales, in which
four out of the eleven vessels were lost.
44
Their num
ber was increased soon after by a caraval from Cuba,
with a number of the retainers of Velazquez, who
allured by a fancied scent of spoils came to seek a
share. Learning the condition of affairs, Grijalva re
mained at anchor near the mouth of the river, despite
the appeals of Vallejo, who objected to the hostility
thereby implied, and even threatened him with the
anger of his chief.
43
Including their captain, Alvarado. Gomara, Hist. Mex. 225.
,
44
Garay s declaration, in Provision, ubi sup., 97. Yet the sentence may
be understood to say that one of the four was lost in the river. Bernal Diaz
allows only two to be wrecked.