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Name: Jerick R.

Soliman Date: November 06, 2022


Section: BSIT101A
Instructions:
1. Give what is asked below. Write your complete answers on the spaces
provided.

03 Readings 1: "Locating the Global South"


Summary/Explanation
Ideas
Globalization indeed provides us global interconnectedness that is
Introduction: why business grow exponentially across different countries.
The Starbucks Starbucks is known in luxuriant cities and also large towns but with
and the barren surroundings. These cafes have the same aesthetic and a
Shanty decent product, but they can be very different from the world around
them. Likewise, this type of globalization is unequal, as the economic
standards that the developed world applies to itself are never the
same as those that it imposes on the developing world.

Drawing lines between the global south and the global north, the
Conceptualizing developed and the developing first, the first and the Third World, has
and Defining a powerful political function. It makes it possible for analysts and
advocates to differentiate between the winners of unequal structures
of global influence. Previously, in their rejection of colonialisms from
both the USA and USSR, opponents of cold war-era power politics
used the word Third World or the logic of non-alignment. Changing
geopolitical conditions implies that each of these words has unique
historical complexities that we cannot neglect. For example, indeed,
Third World or nonalignment is no longer tenable given the fall of the
Soviet Bloc or the Second World. The word global south and related
categories apply to the study of globalization, if only for this reason. It
is therefore important to examine how the definition is mobilized by
actors on the ground, particularly those from the global south itself. It
should not be defined as priori, but rather formulated in the sense of
political practice’s provisional and mutable processes. Around the
same time, between the concrete facts of global inequalities and the
different emotional reactions to them, the global south can be found.
There is no universal global south, and instead of setting its
ontological limits, academic research is in a stronger place to record
its articulation.
Since the global south is a metaphor for interstate inequality, fluidity,
Colonialism, and evolution, separating the world global south from its preceding
Modernity, and forms is not so significant. Instead, our goal should be to locate the
the Creation of term in the boarder history of world politics. The global south is a
Global product of western imagination in many respects. After colonizing the
Inequality Philippine Islands in 1898, even the United States, which tried to
differentiate itself from the imperial powers in Europe, deployed a
similar argument. When the US President William McKinley
announced a benevolent assimilation program for the Philippines
colonialism with a smile, the Filipino American war began.
Colonialism was portrayed in paternalistic terms in both the French
and American cases, glossing over the colonial project’s brutality in
the process. The modernization theory of the American economist
Walt W. Rostow, which outlined historical development in terms of the
ability of a nation to create and consume material goods, became a
central foreign policy ideology of the Kennedy administration. Indeed,
the idea of growth and the rise of economic sub-disciplines designe
to counter poverty in the Third World originated from an impulse to
universalize the empirical rationality of Western social science and
capitalist doctrines such as property rights. The development has
become the grand plan to accomplish the transformation of the not-
yet-too-rational subjectivity of Latin America/Third World. In the
metaphors in which conservative political scientists and economists
interpret the tensions of globalization, the propensity to over-
determine and reify the global south can also be identified. Many
colonial myths associated with so-called primitive cultures are
rehashed by Samuel Huntington’s much debated theory of world
politics, which argues that a clash of civilizations is the key cause of
conflict in the post cold war world. As it has articulated in various
ways, the global south has been the specter and the essential
counterpoint of global modernity. If there had been no barbarians, no
growth without underdevelopment, no globalism without parochial
localism, no Lexus without the olive tree, there would have been no
civilization.
The notion of solidarity among colonized states was present from
Challenging the the beginning of anti-colonialism. Such solidarities would serve as the
Colonial Order foundation of contemporary conceptions of the global south. Benedict
Anderson has shown that in the early phase of globalization in the late
nineteenth century, opposition to Spanish colonialism in Latin
America and the Philippines benefited from the increased interaction
of political dissidents. Globalization allowed anarchist and anti-
colonial ideas to spread. Anticolonialism was also an internationalist
project, though it stressed domestic nationalism. Socialist
internationalism was reluctant to take up the cause of colonized
citizens, which would gradually rise to the forefront of anti-colonialism.
In their policies, the unification of socialist parties, which contributed
to the increase of left-wing hegemony in European politics during the
early twentieth century, did not emphasize the struggle of colonized
populations. Lenin argued that the strength of capitalism was focused
on the development of new markets through imperialism. This
research would prove crucial not only because it helped the Comin to
connect the fate of its revolution to the colonized world, but also
because the views of Lenin paved the way for theories that in views
of the exploitative relations between core and peripheral economies,
questioned the world economic system. In the 20th century, Lenin,
who was both a theorist and a political leader, presented concepts
that many activists and academics would use to address the
underdevelopment of the Third World. Lenin’s international is more
tolerant of colonized cultures than its predecessor. The USSR started
to concrete more heavily on winning allies in Central and East Asia in
1920, with expectations of Bolshevik-type revolutions in Western
Europe waning. Lenin urged the communists at that conference to
forge relations with nationalist elites and radical peasants in their
battle against colonialism. Nevertheless, it paved the way for
prolonged partnerships between anti-colonial nationalists and
Western Communist. The culmination of the Second World War was
the high point of decolonization. It was through the UN that
international law stopped formally dividing the world into civilized and
uncivilized countries. Within the context of international law,
postcolonial nationalisms could justify their causes by enshrining the
notion of self-determination. The Cold War loomed over the post war
reconfiguration of world affairs as more nations decolonized. It was
during this time that the aforementioned three worlds interpretation of
global politics emerged.
Greece is proving to be the hardest affected by the global financial
Conclusion: crisis that started in 2008, along with other European economies.
The Global Prostitution and heroin abuse in Greece were on the rise in March of
South as New 2014 as the government slashed hospital budgets by 40%. The ills of
Internationalism the Global South are being globalized, and our problems seem to be
shared by the Greeks. Increasingly, people have become more aware
of the deleterious consequences of neo-liberalism in Greece. When
its citizens continue to protest against the implementation of belt-
tightening on them, they can understand how close their issues are to
those of the peoples of the global south. The global south has
routinely provided the world with models of resistance, and it
continues to do so. The guerrilla movements of the colonized world
served as inspiration for the Western Left. Gandhi's non-violence,
targeted at India's colonial authority originally, is now part of the ethos
of global dissent. And the views and writings of thinkers and activists
from the global south have gained from criticism of international
financial institutions. The most extreme ideas of climate justice are
being expressed in the global south in the face of the existential
challenge of climate change. To facilitate quick and decisive action
against global warming, the governments of the global north have
proved themselves to be beholden polluters. Governments and
organizations from the global south have
beenarticulatingblueprintsforenvironmentallysustainabledevelopment
in this sense. For example, it was the government of Bolivia under
Evo Morales that criticized the failure of western states during
negotiations in Copenhagen to create a genuinely effective substitute
for the Kyoto Protocol. Their endorsement of the 'freedom of mother
earth' is allowing for a radical rethinking of global environmentalism
beyond economistic models that simply aim to manage an
environmental catastrophe. When global issues escalate, it becomes
more and more important to support alternatives from the south for
people in the north. Though rooted in particular regional imaginaries,
the global south embodies new modes of radical cosmopolitanism. In
the colonies, nationalism allowed Western supremacy to be
challenged and formal colonialism to crumble. The anti-globalization
movement or environmental movements anchored on the interests of
developing countries can be similarly observed. Again, while not all of
these struggles can be reduced to state operations, it is important to
remember how many global movements are seeking to address
interstate injustice. For instance, the transnational anti-globalization
movement still seeks to give more control over its domestic
economies to southern states. Walden Bello, for example,
demonstrates that strong domestic, state-based solutions are
prerequisites for global food security in the South. De-emphasizing
territorial and state-based politics means abstracting the global South
from immediate struggles. Nonetheless, they emerge from the
subjective perceptions and needs of those who from the ground up
create and rebuild the global south. Depending on the contours of
global conflicts, the global South, which unfolds relative to struggles
on the ground, reconfigures itself. The global south is not
fundamentalist, nor is the fight for global justice centered on shared
identities or cultures. Solidarities are focused on common, changing
causes in the global south.

03 Readings 2: "Globalization and the Asia Pacific and South Asia"


Summary/Explanation
Ideas
Two processes, seemingly in tension with one another are
Asia Pacific and occurring in world politics Asia Pacific and South today. The first is
South Asia and the acceleration of globalization, defined as the worldwide integration
the World of Asia and the World economic, political, social, and cultural lines.
The second is the emerging influence of Asia as a global force.
Neither of these processes is absolute, each contains elements of
variety, contingency, and uncertainty. But given these broad trends,
this essay explores the relationship between the process of
globalization and the region of the Asia Pacific and South Asia. The
essay proposes a framework along three trajectories, the region as
an object impacted by globalization, the region as a subject pushing
globalization forward, and the region as an alternative to
globalization. These three ideals are proposed acknowledging that
they are neither complete nor wholly distinct. Instead, they highlight
the different ways we might think about varying processes of
globalization from a regional perspective. The term 'Asia' itself comes
from the ancient Greeks who categorized the world into three
continents, Europe, Africa, and Asia.

One thesis about globalization in the Asia Pacific and South Asia is
An Externalist that it is an external An Externalist View of phenomenon being
View of pushed into the region by world powers, particularly the United
Globalization Globalization States and Europe. From this perspective, globalization
can be understood as a process that transforms the Asia Pacific and
South Asia. On the one hand, it can be seen as a force for good
bringing economic development, political progress, and social and
cultural diversity to the region. Others see the darker effects of
globalization including its role in economic underdevelopment and
the uprooting of local tradition and culture. One of the earliest
manifestations of this externalist discourse emerges from the
historical narratives about the Western 'arrival' to the Asia Pacific and
South Asia. According to this view, the technologically and industrially
more advanced Western powers found their way to the region and
alternatively prodded and muscled their way to political and economic
dominance. Western superiority at the time existed for a variety of
reasons, ranging from environmental and ecological advantages to
other social, political, and/or cultural characteristics.

An alternative way to see the relationship between globalization


Generating and the Asia Pacific Generating and South Asia is one where the
Globalization: region is more of an autonomous agent serving as Globalization The
The Asia Pacific engine for globalization. This view, while acknowledging the external
and South Asia impacts on the Asia Pacific and South region shows important ways
as a in which the region is also influencing and transforming the Asia
Springboard nature of globalization itself. This framework mirrors a broader
intellectual change in as a Springboard scholarship that seeks to re-
interpret the facile narrative that globalization is simply a form of
Westernization imposing itself upon Asia. Historically, for example,
many scholars now argue that for much of early modern history Asia
led the global economy only falling behind from the eighteenth
century. As Anthony Reid notes, the Europeans did not create the
spice trade. The thriving spice trade in the region and beyond is what
drew the European powers to the region.

A third and final paradigm to understanding the relationship of the


The Anti-Global Asia Pacific and The Anti-Global South Asia to globalization is as a
Impulse: regional alternative to globalization. The arguments Impulse Regional
Regional from this perspective see the region as a source of resistance to
Alternatives to globalization or to global Alternatives to or Western powers. This
Globalization section views initiatives for regionalism through this lens in part
Globalization because the rising critical discourse of globalization
resonates in much of the region and because the idea of Asian
exceptionalism has been prevalent both historically and in
contemporary times. The notion of an Asian region that serves as a
kind of opposition to globalization and western imperialism manifests
itself in different ways still today. A more recent manifestation has
been the concept of Asian values that became popular among
leaders in the region in the mid-to-late 1990s.

This chapter has been to suggest various lenses through which to


Conclusion explore the Conclusion relationship between globalization and the
region of the Asia Pacific and South Asia. It has seen globalization as
a process occurring over the longueurs, even if manifesting itself
most clearly in the past two decades. The chapter has chosen
breadth over dept hand tried to offer a variety of snapshots of the
variety of ways in which to think about globalization in the region.

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