The phenomenon of bilingualism [is] something entirely relative ...
We
2 What is bilingualism 1
2.1 Some definitions of bilingualism
If you ask people in the street what 'bilingual' means, they will almost cer-
tainly reply that it is being able to speak two languages 'perfectly'. Unfor-
tunately, we cannot even describe exactly what speaking one language
perfectly involves. No one speaks the whole of the English language: for
example, do you know what 'stubs to can wall penetration welds' are? Or
what 'tort' is? Or a 'treble top'? Probably not, unless you happen to be a
welder, a lawyer or a darts player, and the chances of your being all three
II are almost non-existent. Each of us speaks part of our mother tongue. The
bilingual does, too, that is, she speaks parts of two languages, and they
very rarely coincide exactly. If she is a lawyer, for example, she may work
only in English in her office or in court, but speak French at home, with
the result that her legal English is far better (as such) than her legal French,
and her domestic French is far better (as such) than her domestic English.
How can we compare the two, then? All we can say is that they are differ-
ent tools for different purposes.
This problem, the fact that it is almost impossible to compare an indi-
v~ual'S abilities in two different languages because we are not measuring
dl same things, is central to all discussion of bilingualism, and shows
w y the person in the street's 'definition' just will not do, except in very
ra e circumstances. It also explains why so many different definitions of
bil ngualisrn exist and why, though each may be a valid statement about
one type of bilingualism, none is satisfactory or exhaustive.
Here, then, are some of the definitions which researchers and linguists
have suggested in the past. But don't be surprisedto find them contradic-
tory or too narrow.
The mas tery of two or more languages - bilingualism or multilingualism
- is a special skill. Bilingualism and multilingualism are relative terms
since individuals vary greatly in types and degrees of language pro-
ficiency. (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1965)
Bilingualism [is] native-Iike control of two languages ... Of course, one
carmot define a degree of perfection at which a good foreign speaker
becomes a bilingual: the distinction is relative.
(L. Bloomfield, 1933)
22
shall therefore consider bilingualism as the alternate use of rwo or more
languages by the same individual. (W. F. Mackey, 1962)
Bilingualism is understood ... to begin at the point where the speaker of
one language can produce complete, meaningful utterances in the other
language. (E. Haugen, 1953)
Bilingualism is an optional or obligatory means for efficient two-way
communication between rwo or more different 'worlds' using rwo dif-
ferent linguistic systems. (Van Overbeke, 1972)
Even the briefest of examinations of these quotations show s the import-
ance of distinguishing between bilingual societies and bilingual indi-
viduals. Theoretically, it is quite possible to have a bilingual society in
which all individual members speak only one language, just as it is poss-
ible to have a bilingual individual in an otherwise monolingual society.
Secondly, these quotations underline the importance of the relative nature
of bilingualism. At what point do we decide that someone is a bilingual?
The fact that we can ask this question shows that the decision is to a large
extent arb itr ary .
In this chapter, we shalllook at bilingualism from the point of view of
society at large.-The following chapter will focus on individual bilingual-
ism and the meaning of growing up bilingually.
2.2 'Elitist' bilingualism and 'folk' bilingualism
Figures for 'intermarriages' in the EEC countries are not easy to come by,
but there is no doubt that in the last rwo decades there has been a eon-
siderable increase. Such parents are faced with a long-term choice, but
there are at least rwo other categories of parents who, whilst their stay
abroad may be much shorter, feel this problem just as acutely in the short
term. These are parents who are abroad temporarily for educational or
business purposes. According to a recent report, as many as 80,000 post-
graduate and research students go abroad each year. Moreover, the rise of
the big multinationals intensifies this trend: IBM alone employs 20,000
people throughout Europe, of whom 6,000 work at least some of the time
in a foreign country.
If we have stressed the num bers of people concerned with this problem,
it is partly to show that bilingualism of this kind is in no sense rare, partly
to make the point that the parents involved are by no means all people
who can afford private nannies and governesses or the fees of public or
international schools. They are likely, it is true, to be middle-class pro-
fessionals, but this do es not mean that their problems are somehow less
23
 A suruey ot tbe iSSt4eS
real than those of, say, guest-workers' families or people living in
linguistic enclaves.
We feel that this needs to be emphasised, because the sort of bilingual-
ism we are discussing is often referred to as 'elitist' bilingualism which
makes it sound as though those concerned were both smali in number and
rich. We ourselves, in discussions with colleagues have often been given
the impression that they thought we were wasting our time on the imagin-
ary troubles of a pampered minority . As we hope we have shown, nothing
could be further from the truth: the teachers, soldiers, secretaries, busi-
ness people, translators, technicians and so on who are now criss-crossing
Europe are certainly relatively privileged when compared with most
migrant communities, but to talk about them as if they were rich, with the
implication that their riches can automatically solve their linguistic prob-
lems, is neither helpful nor accurate.
Nonetheless, the distinction encapsulated in the 'elitist' / 'folk' oppo-
sition is a real one. Elitist bilingualism has been described as:
The privilege of middle-class, well-educated members of most societies.
II (Paulston, 1975)
Folk bilingualism results from:
The conditions of ethnic groups within a single state who have to become
bilingual involuntarily, in order to survive. (Tosi, 1982)
Tosi comments:
The distinction is a crucial one, as it shows that whilst the first group
uses the education system which they control to seek bilingualism, the
second group has bilingualism foisted upon it by an education system
which is controlled by others. Research findings are also consistent in
showing that privileged children from the dominant group do well
academically whether they are educated in their mother tongue or in a
second language.
Whilst the 'elitist' / 'folk' opposition is a true distinction, the idea that
middle-class foreigners somehow manipulate the educational system of
the host country to their own advantage is rather a simplistic one. Indeed,
our own experiences in dealing with the French and English systems
showed us just how helpless the individual is when dealing with mono-
lithic institutions.
Most families who face the problem are in fact left to their own devices,
and find themselves faced with a number of problems:
The management of 'elitist bilingualism' in bilingual ho mes is not as
easy as it looks and no sources of advice are available. We keep meeting
a great variety of couples who would certainly be labelled 'middle-
24
Whal IS 'lIlmgualis"tr
class' in socioluW".,t surveys but who are at a cornplete loss as to how
to go about maintaining rwo languages in their family.
In a number of cases, the language concerned is not a 'high status
foreign language' which means that even if the family in question were
well-off they would still not be able to shift the responsibility for main-
taining that language to a private institution, such as an international
school, since such schools naturally concentrate on 'majority'
languages.
Most such families will, therefore, sen d their children to the local state
schools. In many cases, they find that the modern language curriculum
II is inadequate for their children's needs. For instance, in Great Britain,
a French / English bilingual family will discover to their amazement
that it is almost impossible to find a state secondary school that offers
anything but French as a first foreign language for an eleven-year-old.
Their chiid, perfectly fluent in French, will be refused the opportunity
of learning any other foreign language in the first form and will have to
attend French classes with children who are absolute beginners in that
language.
This polarisation between the privileged ones and the rest hides a real
problem, and one that is common to both groups: if bilingualism is not
maintained, it means that somewhere along the line, someone willlose
their linguistic identity - and it is usually the mother.
A bilingual upbringing and education can be highly successful and it is not
dangerous in itself. But many parents, faced with problems like those
mentioned above, influenced by ill-founded advice, and in the absence of
any source of encouragement or practical instructions, simply give up.
This often results in a deep sense of loss for one of the parents, and has
unfortunate social and practical repercussions, such as the children's
being unable to communicate with their grandparents. We believe that
this is a pity. There can obviously be no question of forcing bilingualism
on people who do not want it, but at least parents should be helped to
make an informed choice, for or against; and if they choose for, straight-
forward advice should be given.
2.3 Different kinds ot bilingual societies
In this bo ok we concentrate on bilingual individuals and not bilingual
societies, so this section will be kept as short as possible. It is important,
though, to have some idea as to the reasons why whole societies can be bi-
or multilingual, since individual bilingualism is usually the result of the
same sort of pressures, only on a much smaller scale.
Bilingual societies often develop when different language groups come
25