Bachelor Thesis Sofie Liauw-A-Joe

Bachelor Thesis
Sofie Liauw-A-Joe
5512476
Utrecht University
2018
VERKLARING KENNISNEMING REGELS M.B.T. PLAGIAAT
Fraude en plagiaat Wetenschappelijke integriteit vormt de basis van het academisch bedrijf. De
Universiteit Utrecht vat iedere vorm van wetenschappelijke misleiding daarom op als een zeer ernstig
vergrijp. De Universiteit Utrecht verwacht dat elke student de normen en waarden inzake
wetenschappelijke integriteit kent en in acht neemt. De belangrijkste vormen van misleiding die deze
integriteit aantasten zijn fraude en plagiaat. Plagiaat is het overnemen van andermans werk zonder
behoorlijke verwijzing en is een vorm van fraude. Hieronder volgt nadere uitleg wat er onder fraude en
plagiaat wordt verstaan en een aantal concrete voorbeelden daarvan. Let wel: dit is geen uitputtende lijst!
Bij constatering van fraude of plagiaat kan de examencommissie van de opleiding sancties opleggen. De
sterkste sanctie die de examencommissie kan opleggen is het indienen van een verzoek aan het College
van Bestuur om een student van de opleiding te laten verwijderen. Plagiaat Plagiaat is het overnemen
van stukken, gedachten, redeneringen van anderen en deze laten doorgaan voor eigen werk. Je moet
altijd nauwkeurig aangeven aan wie ideeën en inzichten zijn ontleend, en voortdurend bedacht zijn op het
verschil tussen citeren, parafraseren en plagiëren. Niet alleen bij het gebruik van gedrukte bronnen, maar
zeker ook bij het gebruik van informatie die van het internet wordt gehaald, dien je zorgvuldig te werk te
gaan bij het vermelden van de informatiebronnen.
De volgende zaken worden in elk geval als plagiaat aangemerkt:

● het knippen en plakken van tekst van digitale bronnen zoals encyclopedieën of digitale
tijdschriften zonder aanhalingstekens en verwijzing;
● het knippen en plakken van teksten van het internet zonder aanhalingstekens en verwijzing;
● het overnemen van gedrukt materiaal zoals boeken, tijdschriften of encyclopedieën zonder
aanhalingstekens en verwijzing;
● het opnemen van een vertaling van bovengenoemde teksten zonder aanhalingstekens en
verwijzing;
● het parafraseren van bovengenoemde teksten zonder (deugdelijke) verwijzing: parafraseren
moeten als zodanig gemarkeerd zijn (door de tekst uitdrukkelijk te verbinden met de
oorspronkelijke auteur in tekst of noot), zodat niet de indruk wordt gewekt dat het gaat om eigen
gedachtengoed van de student;
● het overnemen van beeld-, geluids- of testmateriaal van anderen zonder verwijzing en zodoende
laten doorgaan voor eigen werk;
● het zonder bronvermelding opnieuw inleveren van eerder door de student gemaakt eigen werk en
dit laten doorgaan voor in het kader van de cursus vervaardigd oorspronkelijk werk, tenzij dit in
de cursus of door de docent uitdrukkelijk is toegestaan;
● het overnemen van werk van andere studenten en dit laten doorgaan voor eigen werk.
Indien dit gebeurt met toestemming van de andere student is de laatste medeplichtig aan plagiaat; ook
wanneer in een gezamenlijk werkstuk door een van de auteurs plagiaat wordt gepleegd, zijn de andere
auteurs medeplichtig aan plagiaat, indien zij hadden kunnen of moeten weten dat de ander plagiaat
pleegde; het indienen van werkstukken die verworven zijn van een commerciële instelling (zoals een
internetsite met uittreksels of papers) of die al dan niet tegen betaling door iemand anders zijn
geschreven. De plagiaatregels gelden ook voor concepten van papers of (hoofdstukken van) scripties die
voor feedback aan een docent worden toegezonden, voor zover de mogelijkheid voor het insturen van
concepten en het krijgen van feedback in de cursushandleiding of scriptieregeling is vermeld. In de
Onderwijs- en Examenregeling (artikel 5.15) is vastgelegd wat de formele gang van zaken is als er een
vermoeden van fraude/plagiaat is, en welke sancties er opgelegd kunnen worden. Onwetendheid is geen
excuus. Je bent verantwoordelijk voor je eigen gedrag. De Universiteit Utrecht gaat ervan uit dat je weet
wat fraude en plagiaat zijn. Van haar kant zorgt de Universiteit Utrecht ervoor dat je zo vroeg mogelijk in
1
je opleiding de principes van wetenschapsbeoefening bijgebracht krijgt en op de hoogte wordt gebracht
van wat de instelling als fraude en plagiaat beschouwt, zodat je weet aan welke normen je je moeten
houden.
Hierbij verklaar ik bovenstaande tekst gelezen en begrepen te hebben.

Naam: Sofie Liauw-A-Joe
Studentnummer: 5512476
Datum en handtekening: 05-07-2018
2
Newgrange in Old Irish literature and
modern archeology
Or: Determining the function of a Neolithic monument through
interdisciplinary research
Bachelor Thesis
Sofie Liauw-A-Joe
5512476
Supervisor: Dr. Nike Stam
Second reader: Dr. Aaron Griffith
Introduction 4
3
Research Question 5
Main Question 5
Sub Questions 5
Methodology, Theoretical Background 6
What is Newgrange? An introduction to archaeology 8
What is the function of Newgrange according to archeological studies? 13
Does Newgrange appear in Old Irish literature? 18

A general background of the literary sources 18
The words used to denote Newgrange and the role it fulfills 20
What is the function of Newgrange in Old Irish literature? 23
How do the functions of Newgrange in archeology and Old Irish literature compare? 29
Pronunciation Guide 32
Key 32
Works Cited 33
4
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Introduction
Newgrange is a prehistoric monument located in County Meath, Ireland, eight kilometers west of
Drogheda on the north side of the river Boyne.1 Newgrange is best known as a passage tomb
and is most famous for the winter solstice illumination of said passage and its inner chamber,
which attracts hundreds of visitors every year. While the beauty of Newgrange is hard to
dispute, one important question has raised a lot of discussion, namely: ‘what is it all for?’
Newgrange is commonly referred to as a passage tomb, which would suggest human remains
have been found therein; it is, however, uncertain to this day whether Newgrange was actually
built to function as a burial chamber. Archeological research at the site of Newgrange might
provide us with an answer as to its intended function, although that would make our research
rather one sided. Luckily, archeology is not the only source of information available concerning
this Neolithic monument. One can also discover numerous mentions regarding Newgrange in
Old Irish literature and therefore it might possibly be used to offer an alternative view of what
role the monument fulfilled before archeological research was conducted at the site. Yet, one
could ask whether comparing the archeological function of a Neolithic monument with the
function as it is set out in medieval literature is a realistic approach in unraveling the mystery
surrounding Newgrange.
The aim of this bachelor thesis is to consider how the functions of Newgrange compare in Old
Irish literature and archaeology. By combining these two disciplines, the aim is to discover the
functions attributed to Newgrange, and locating any connection between the two, while also
offering a more nuanced view than one discipline could provide.
-2-
1 O’Kelly, Michael J. Newgrange: Archeology, Art and Legend. 1982: 13.

5
Research Question
Main Question
● How do the functions of Newgrange in archeology and Old Irish literature compare?
Sub Questions
● What is Newgrange? An introduction to archeology.
○ What is its location?
○ How was it discovered?
○ Why was it excavated?
● What is the function of Newgrange according to archeological studies?
○ What archeological studies have been done at the site of Newgrange?
○ Has its function been established?
○ Does it have more than one specified function?
● Does Newgrange appear in Old Irish literature?
○ In which stories does it appear?
○ What words are used to describe or refer to Newgrange?
● What is the function of Newgrange in Old Irish literature?
○ Has its function been specified?
○ Does it have more than one specified function?
6
-3-
Methodology, Theoretical Background

To answer the research questions stated above, a comparative and interdisciplinary analysis of
several sources will be carried out, namely: translations of primary sources in Old Irish,
secondary sources on Old Irish literature and the archeology of Newgrange, and scientific
research based on archaeological findings.
The main source of information about Newgrange pertaining to its archaeology will be O'Kelly’s
Newgrange: Archeology, Art and Legend. O’Kelly’s excavation at Newgrange is, to this day, the
only archeological research conducted at the site and his findings, together with the analysis of
organic materials and human and animal remains carried out by other scientists, make this an
excellent source for determining the function of the monument according to archeology.
While O’Kelly’s work is extremely detailed, offering a variety of different insights as to what role
Newgrange could have played so long ago, this would offer a rather one-sided approach to the
subject and it is therefore necessary to look further. First, it needs to be determined whether
literature is a possible source of information and, if so, which stories feature Newgrange in such
a way that a comparison to the archeological material is possible.
Luckily, Newgrange has been incorporated into Irish mythology to such an extent that its name
can be found in a variety of sources, such as the Táin Bó Cúailnge2, Lebor Gabála Érenn3, and
The Metrical Dindshenchas4. However, I have chosen to use three sources in which the
mentions of Newgrange contain the most detailed information on the function of the monument:
the pseudo-historical lore of place-names, The Metrical Dindshenchas, Tochmarc Étain, “The
Wooing of Étain”5, and Aislinge Óenguso, “The Dream of Óengus”.6 In both Tochmarc Étain and
Aislinge Óenguso Newgrange seems to be a place to which the characters often return. The
Metrical Dindshenchas also offers much information as to the role Newgrange could have
played and an insight in the role the monument could have played in the pseudo-historical
genre. These sources could give a possible insight into its function in Old Irish literature.
As mentioned in the introduction, comparing literature and archeology may not offer the results
one hopes for. The analysis of archaeological data might not offer a conclusive answer as to the
function of the monument. Perhaps the extant Old Irish literature may offer a variety of
functions, none of which correspond to the function found in archeology. An alternative
viewpoint will be offered by analysing the work of Mark Williams, Ireland's Immortals: a History
of the Gods of Irish Myth. By including this work the hope is to examine the chosen subject from
a variety of approaches, disciplines and standpoints so as to offer a nuanced and well-
researched final work.
Before the research questions that have been mentioned above are discussed, an important
question must be answered: is comparing the functions of a neolithic monument in Old Irish
literature and archaeology a viable form of research? Possibly not. There are several problems
that need to be addressed concerning the difficulties that surround my sources which will impact
2 Faraday, L. Winifred. The Cattle-Raid of Cualnge (Tain Bo Cuailnge): an Old Irish Prose-Epic. 2007.
3 Macalister, Robert Alexander Stewart. Lebor Gabala Erenn: the Book of the Taking of Ireland. 1940.
4 Gwynn, Edward. The Metrical Dindshenchas. 1903.
5 Best, R. I., and Osborn Bergin. Tochmarc Étaíne. 1938.
6 Shaw, Francis. Aislinge Óenguso. 1934.
7
my research. Firstly, it is important to be aware of the fact that any and all interpretation
concerning literary and archaeological sources is bound to be influenced by my own notions and
assumption. No matter how well researched and well reasoned, the fact remains that it is not
possible to enter the minds of past peoples, neither through archaeology nor through Old Irish
literature, and therefore it becomes highly unlikely that any conclusions made below are
accurate representations of the past. Secondly, the extant manuscripts that comprise a
substantial part of the information I will rely on in my research may not be a representative
reflection of the historical reality. The countless references to lost manuscripts and tales make it
clear that the corpus of extant Old Irish literature is incomplete and therefore contributes to my
own imperfect knowledge of historical Irish tradition and culture.7 I can only assume that the
tales I will be using are representative reflections of the literary tradition of which they are a part.
Thirdly, my main archaeological source is professor O’Kelly. This means that I am wholly
dependent on his firsthand interpretation of the archaeological data. Furthermore, any
archaeological study that includes Newgrange is, at least in part, based on O’Kelly’s material
and his interpretation thereof. This makes my archaeological source highly biased. Lastly,
archaeology without contemporary written sources is always incomplete.8 It is impossible to
recreate a perfectly accurate representation of the past through archaeological means only.9
Furthermore, the amount of time that has elapsed between the years in which Newgrange was
built and its inclusion in medieval Old Irish literature may add up to as much as three and a half
millennia. During those intervening years the original function of Newgrange and its purpose
were undoubtedly changed, or worse, forgotten and reinvented. This is quite problematic for my
research as it means that, by the time Newgrange was included in those medieval texts, the
knowledge concerning the function of this neolithic monument could be corrupted by time and I
have no means of either detecting or rectifying those errors.
With this in mind, why would I even attempt such a study? My fascination with Newgrange
combined with the interest I have in both archaeology and Old Irish literature have driven me to
attempt to combine the two in my bachelor thesis. Yet that is only one part of my motivation. I
also believe that archaeology and literature can complement each other and therefore, by
combining these two disciplines, a deeper understanding of the past may arise. As a result of
that I must conclude that comparing the functions of a neolithic monument in Old Irish literature
and archaeology is a viable form of research. I don't expect to solve the mystery that surrounds
Newgrange, far from it, I just wish to analyze its function and identify any possible overlap that
may exist between two disciplines.
7 Williams 2016: xv.

8 Curta 2007: 177-8.
9 For a comprehensive study into the realm of accurate archaeological representation and an introduction into the
world of difficulties that archaeologists face, see: Pohl and Mehofer 2010: 9-24.
8
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What is Newgrange? An introduction to archaeology
Before diving into the function of Old Irish literature and archeology, one important question
needs to be answered: what is Newgrange? What follows is an introduction to the subject and a
brief foray into its history according to archeological research. This chapter will explore the
location upon which Newgrange was built, how and when Newgrange was rediscovered and,
lastly, why the monument was excavated.
Newgrange is a Late Neolithic structure, commonly referred to as a passage grave or passage

tomb, although it has not been established with any certainty whether it served that purpose.
The Neolithic, or new Stone Age, was period of human development characterised by the use of
stone tools. By using these tools people were able to cultivate the land they lived on for the first
time and, as a result of that, farming and the domestication of animals developed. The Neolithic
began in ca. 10.200 BC and lasted until somewhere between 4500 and 2000 BC.
Newgrange was constructed somewhere between 3200 BC and 2500 BC and is located in the
north-east of Ireland, some 50 kilometers north of Dublin.10
Fig.1. Late Neolithic and Beaker sites. Newgrange at red arrow. (from O'Kelly, 1982, p.32.).
Fig.2. Height plan of Newgrange’s cairn and passage. (from O’Kelly, 1982, p.15.).
10 O’Kelly 1982: 12-13.

9
Newgrange is situated on the highest point of a ridge which runs from east to west and is part of
a series of glacial hillocks rising from the floodplains of the river Boyne.11 On approach, one can
see a grass covered circular mound, partly surrounded by a wall of white quartz stones. In the
center of this wall is an opening, the famed passage through which the light of the winter
solstice sun illuminates the interior chambers of the monument.
Fig.3. Geographical map showing Newgrange in relation to the river Boyne, Knowth and Dowth. (O’Kelly, 1982, p.14).
Newgrange is not the only Neolithic structure found in the bend of the Boyne. To the north-west
of the site, the mound of Knowth, Cnuc Shide, can be found. This passage tomb contains two
inner chambers and is surrounded by a graveyard containing 17 graves. The mound of Dowth,
also containing two inner chambers and of a size with both Newgrange and Knowth, lies to the
north-east of Newgrange. Both Knowth, and Dowth are situated much like Newgrange, on the
highest point of a ridge, which means that when standing at any one mound, the other two can
also be seen.12 Scattered across the area are as much as 40 different Neolithic sites,
approximately half of them passage graves, not including the sites of which there are no traces
visible above ground.
The Newgrange tomb, as well as some of the surrounding monuments, are commonly referred
to as a megalithic passage grave. This term characterises a structure of which the passage and
chamber walls and roof are built of large slabs of stone, or megaliths which translates as large
stone, that are stacked on top of one another without the use of concrete or mortar.13 These
slabs are covered with a cairn, or mound of loose stones combined with layers of turfs, and
placed in such a way that the combined weight of the complete structure ensures every stone is
locked in place. Newgrange is built exactly according to these characterizations.The monument
is also surrounded by a circle of non-concentric standing stones, of which only 12 survive out of
a possible 38 original stones, the three largest of those are positioned opposite the tomb
entrance.14 A kerb of 97 gigantic contiguous slabs surrounds the base of the mound. Many of
11 O’Kelly 1982: 13.

12 O’Kelly 1982: 13.
13 O’Kelly 1982: 13.
14 O’Kelly 1982: 13.
10
the slabs are decorated with spiral motifs and geometric designs in characteristic Irish passage
grave style.15 On top of the kerbstones, the revetment of the tomb is built up out of white quartz
stones and granite boulders, giving the tomb its striking appearance.
Fig.4.Newgrange decorated entrance stone after restoration (O’Kelly, 1982, p.50).
The passage leading into the tomb opens on the south-east side of the mound and is roughly
18.95 meters long. The roof of the passage is covered by slabs laid transversely across the tops
of orthostats, upright slabs of stone which line the passage, or resting on corbels supported by
orthostats, rising gradually in height before leveling at 3.6 meters at the entrance of the central
chamber.16
The interior of Newgrange consists of a central chamber and three side chambers to the south-
west, north-west and north-east respectively. The south-west and north-west chamber each
contain a basin stone, and both chambers are ornamented. The north-east chamber is the
largest of the three; it contains two basin stones, one inside the other and is more richly
ornamented.17 The roof of the central chamber is a corbelled vault, reminiscent of a beehive
seen in cartoons, which narrows gradually as it rises to the central capstone at a height of 6
meters above the central chamber floor.18 The floor of the passage and inner chambers follow
the natural elevation of the ridge the tomb is built upon which translates in a difference of 2
15 For more examples of passage grave art see: O’Kelly 1982: 50, 53, 58, 154-184.
16 O’Kelly 1982: 21.
17 O’Kelly 1982: 21.
18 O’Kelly 1982: 21.
11
meters in floor levels between the entrance and the interior.19 The slab that was used to block
the entrance to the passage now stands to the right of the entrance outside the tomb.
Following the excavations at the site, about a third of Newgrange was restored to its former
glory. The team responsible for the build took extra care to make as little alteration to the
structure as possible. However, there was some resistance to the reconstruction of the
monument.20 The dilapidated mound, complete with trees growing out of it and cows grazing on
top of it, was so deeply ingrained in local memory that some were against its reconstruction.
Some feared that the fairy-like quality, which had become romanticized over time, would be lost.
The restoration of the revetment was also a matter of controversy. The position of the granite
pebbles distributed among the white quartz stones made it “look like a sort of cream cheese
cake with dried currants distributed about”.21
Fig.5.Newgrange in 1950 (O’Kelly, 1982, p.55). Fig.6.Dilapidated Newgrange (O’Kelly, 1982, p.57).
Now Newgrange is, yet again, a spectacular sight to behold and one not easily forgotten.
However, there was a time when the existence of Newgrange was lost from public record. The
cairn on top of the monument had collapsed at around 2000 BC, effectively covering the sides
and blocking the entrance, making Newgrange indistinguishable from the ridge it stood on.22
Around the time of the collapse, a Beaker culture settlement occupied the south side of the
ridge Newgrange stands on. The Beaker culture, a culture named for the distinctive drinking
vessel with the curled lip, arrived in Ireland around 2500 BC.23 The arrival of this culture brought
an end to the Neolithic Age due to technological advancement in metalworking with copper and
gold, and archery.24 There is material evidence of this settlement at Newgrange outside the
monument; however, there is no material evidence found in the monument itself. This strongly
suggests that the entrance to the monument was already covered at that time and therefore no
longer in use.25 Beside the material evidence of a Beaker culture settlement, O’Kelly found
Romano-British coins, from the early Christian period. These coins were also found outside the
mound and were absent from the interior of the monument. The only material evidence found
19 O’Kelly 1982: 21.

20 For an excavation critique see: https://www.knowth.com/excavation.htm
21 Giot 1983: 149-150.
22 O’Kelly 1982: 24.
23 Needham 1969: 21–140.
24 Fokkens 2012: 82.
25 O’Kelly 1982: 25.
12
inside the mound has been dated to the time before the cairn collapse. The lack of material
evidence of other cultures inside the mound, be it Beaker culture, Romano-Celtic or
Scandinavian, suggests that Newgrange had been closed off for a significant period of time.26
Many years later, when a farmer that now owned the land needed stones to build a wall,
Newgrange was rediscovered, the year was 1699.27
Following its rediscovery, Newgrange was visited by a host of scholars who analysed the
materials found both inside the monument and in the cairn slib, the material which slid down
from the cairn and surrounded the monument. Over the years the monument began to attract
visitors who would carve their names in the stones and destroy the original artwork already
present. The deterioration due to the attention of these visitors was the reason that Newgrange
was eventually placed in state care in 1890 and became the responsibility of the Office of Public
Works, OPW.28 Some conservation work was undertaken and the entrance to the passage was
barred by a gate after which the monument was generally left alone.
Fig.7. A profile of the cairn slib covering the sides of Newgrange since the cairn collapse (O’Kelly, 1982, p.69).
We fast forward to 1962 when the OPW, fearing the attentions of tourists and animals, was less
than pleased by the state of Newgrange and developed a program of restoration, headed by
professor Michael O’Kelly, who was in charge of restoring the monument to its original shape,
before the cairn collapse.29 To this day O’Kelly’s restoration and large scale excavation at the
site and his subsequent report, Newgrange: Archaeology, Art and Legend, remain the only
comprehensive and interdisciplinary source of information regarding Newgrange. The task the
OPW set his was to restore the facade of the monument and he has done so. O’Kelly was not
asked to organise a full restoration. This explains why 2/3rds of the monument is still covered
underneath the cairn slib and will remain there until a new generation of archaeologists is asked
to undertake a full restoration.
-5-
26 O’Kelly 1982: 25.

27 O’Kelly 1982: 24.
28 O’Kelly 1982: 38.
29 Marshall www.knowth.com/excavation.htm.
13
What is the function of Newgrange according to archeological studies?
As mentioned above, the OPW had some concerns about the deteriorating state of Newgrange
and devised a plan of partial restoration. What follows here is, firstly, an overview of previous
archaeological work to provide as complete an overview as possible of the known history of the
monument. Secondly, it will be discussed whether or not the function of Newgrange has been
established. Lastly, I will explore whether Newgrange has more than one specified function. The
question that will be answered here is as follows: “What is the function of Newgrange according
to archaeological studies?”
Ever since the discovery in 1699 of the ‘cave’ that later turned out to be Newgrange, the site has
seen a variety of interested parties: tourists, farmers looking for stones, and learned men who
thought they could discover the hidden histories of the place. The studies of this latter group are
summarised first. It is important to add that none of the studies mentioned below were as
extensive or thorough as the excavation and restoration by O’Kelly. His predecessors were men
that came to study Newgrange out of personal interest and these first visitors did not visit the
site under any instruction of organizations such as the OPW.30 It is also important to note that
the file pertaining to the work carried out by the OPW when Newgrange came into state care in
the 1880’s is lost.31 This makes the work of the first researchers, between 1699 and 1880,
extremely valuable, as their work represents the only recorded data on the state of Newgrange
and the first speculations on what its function could have been. These records provided O’Kelly
with a solid basis of research before he started his own project.
The first scholar to visit Newgrange shortly after the ‘cave’ was opened in 1699 was a Welsh
antiquary and scholar, Edward Lhwyd. He was making a tour of Ireland and he was told of this
discovery. Lhwyd was able to gather first-hand accounts of the discovery and take careful note
of everything he heard and saw. He documented his findings in four letters he wrote to a friend,
Sir Thomas Molyneux, and thankfully these letters have been carefully preserved.32 Lhwyd was
one of the first people to enter Newgrange in possibly as much as 2500 years. He describes his
crawl through the passage before entering the main chamber of the ‘cave’. He takes note of the
three smaller chambers and the basinstones therein. He also makes records a large quantity of
bones, either from stags of elks, and some glass beads found in the inner chamber.33 Lhwyd
also describes a pillar-stone standing on top of the monument. This stone was presumably
smaller than the stones in the great circle surrounding Newgrange, yet clearly visible from the
ground.34 None of the other scholars who later visited Newgrange made any mention of this
stone. This could mean that others thought it was not noteworthy or, possibly, that the stone
was removed. Since the stone was no longer in position when O’Kelly started his project, the
question remains whether the stone was ever there at all and, if it was, whether it had been a
part of the original construction or whether it was placed there at a later date. Lhwyd states that
the collapsed cairn and the cairn slib, which had spread out and reached the circle of the great
30 OPW stands for the Office of Public Works who commissioned O’Kelly to conduct the excavation and restoration
of the monument.
31 O’Kelly 1982: 23.
32 Lhwyd 1700.
33 O’Kelly 1982: 23.
34 O’Kelly 1982: 26.
14
stones, was the original shape of the monument and estimated the height of the ‘cave’ to be
around 20 ft. This translates to roughly 6 metres. He makes no further observation regarding the
state of the monument or its outward appearance.
The second scholar to visit Newgrange was Sir Thomas Molyneux, a ‘Professor of Physick in
the University of Dublin’ and the same friend that Lhwyd wrote to.35 In A Discourse Concerning
the Danish Mounts, Forts and Towers in Ireland, Molyneux describes that “when first the cave
was opened, the bones of two dead bodies entire, not burnt, were found upon the floor, in
likelyhood the reliques of a husband and his wife, whose conjugal affection joyn’d them in the
grave, as in their bed.”36 Molyneux attributed these remains to the barbarous Danes who he
held responsible for building Newgrange. The presence of these two skeletons was not noted by
Lhwyd, who also visited the inner chamber; however, the partial remains of two people were
present when the floor of the chamber was excavated in 1967.37
Of course, a lot of time has passed between Molyneux’s visit and the excavation in 1967. During
that time Newgrange was open to the general public for most of that time and therefore, the
archaeological data has been severely disturbed. There is no mention made of the state in
which the remains were kept during that time. Were they reburied of just pushed aside to make
room for the general public? Neither Molyneux or O’Kelly make mention of this. It is also
important to note that the remains were not dated when O’Kelly’s book went into print. The only
material that was dated were samples of turves, charcoal taken from firepits and some
vegetation.38 This means that it cannot be stated with any certainty that the human remains
found in the tomb are actually Neolithic. Therefore, their presence in the monument does not
immediately confirm that Newgrange was built to function as a passage grave. The assertion
that Molyneux makes that these are the remains of a husband and his wife can surely be
discounted as a flight of fancy since, at that time, it was virtually impossible to determine the
gender of a skeleton with any certainty. Apart from the skeletons, Molyneux made no further
description of what he saw inside the mound and turned his attention to the outside of the
structure. Much like Lhwyd, Molyneux was under the impression that the cairn slib was part of
the original structure and his estimate of the height of the monument is influenced by this
assumption. He estimated the height to be 150 ft., which translates to 45 metres.39
The next antiquarian to visit the site, in 1769, was Sir Thomas Pownall. He also misinterpreted
the general lay-out of the site in failing to realise that the collapsed cairn and cairn slib were not
part of the original construction. Yet Pownall’s surveyor, a Samuel Bouie, was the first visitor to
make a distinction between the collapsed mound, which reached to the circle of great stones,
and the shape of the original structure. Bouie measured the height from the entrance rather than
from the stone circle as his predecessors had done. His measurement came out at 42 ft, 12
metres, which is very close to the measurement carried out as part of a survey in 1962, which
measured 10 metres.40 Pownall disagreed and maintained that the original shape of the
monument closely resembled a pyramid and that, over the course of many years, the top part of
35 O’Kelly 1982: 27.

36 Molyneux 1725: 204.
37 O’Kelly 1982: 27.
38 O’Kelly 1982: 230.
39 O’Kelly 1982: 33.
40 O’Kelly 1982: 33.
15
the pyramid had been dismantled, leaving Newgrange a ruin.41 The notion that Newgrange was
originally higher and had a pyramid-like top is a misconception that remained common up to
O’Kelly’s archaeological excavation in the 1960’s. It should be made clear that, to date, there is
no archaeological basis for this misinterpretation of the original structure.
After Pownall’s visit, many other antiquarians and scholars visited Newgrange, among them
Thomas Wright (1748), General Sir Charles Vallencey (1786), Edward Ledwich (1804), George
Petrie (1833), James Fergusson (1872) and George Coffey (1892-6 and 1912).42 Most of their
observations were heavily influenced by the work of the first three visitors discussed above.
Molyneux’s account became very popular; his observation concerning the two skeletons in
particular was expounded upon and embellished without any concern for the lack of
archaeological evidence.43 These same scholars also indulged in a great deal of speculation as
to the people responsible for building Newgrange. In most cases the Danes were held
responsible for building Newgrange but it was said they were influenced by the Phoenicians, the
Egyptians, and Ethiopians.44 None of these early visitors, with the exception of Lhwyd, were
able ascertain who was actually responsible for building Newgrange. Lhwyd succeeded where
other had failed because the find of a Roman coin convinced him that the monument was older
than any invasion of the Ostmans or Danes and must hail from a barbarous culture.45 Lhwyd
was largely ignored by his contemporaries until George Petrie placed Newgrange in its proper
historical context. He castigated his predecessors for their unwillingness to give the ancient Irish
credit for building such an amazing structure. Petrie was also the first to re-establish the link
between Newgrange and Old Irish literature. He connected Newgrange with references to a
place called Brúg na Bóinne, thereby initiating a new approach to the monument and its ancient
history.46
In the 1880’s, Newgrange, along with Knowth and Dowth, were taken into state care under the
Ancient Monuments Protection Act of 1882, which made the OPW responsible for their
conservation.47 In 1890, some repairs were carried out. However, in the absence of the actual
OPW files detailing the work that had been done, the only repairs there is any knowledge of are
those that are visible on the surface or the outside of the monument. An iron gate was placed at
the entrance to deter evil-minded visitors who were obliterating the ancient carvings with rude
inscriptions. The engraved entrance stone was fully uncovered, and the place was tidied further.
R.A.S Macalister, Irish archaeologist and professor of Irish archaeology at University College
Dublin, explains the process as follows:
“When the Government took this and other monuments of antiquity into public guardianship, the
then Inspector of Ancient Monuments made it all tidy again, not by endeavoring to
reconstitute the pavement, but by digging an oubliette in front of the entrance, and
bundling all the debris unceremoniously into it.”48
41 O’Kelly 1982: 33.

42 O’Kelly 1982: 34.
43 O’Kelly 1982: 35.
44 O’Kelly 1982: 35.
45 O’Kelly 1982: 35.
46 O’Kelly 1982: 35.
47 O’Kelly 1982: 38.
48 Macalister 1949: 74.
16
By doing this, the Inspector of Ancient Monuments was, however unwittingly, responsible for the
irrevocable destruction of valuable archaeological material.
Determining the specific function Newgrange had seems a very difficult task and O’Kelly is the
only scholar who has had sufficient resources, both literary and archaeological, to hazard a well-
educated guess. He proposed that the monument was used as a place of ritual; however, often
the term ritual is applied quite liberally and indiscriminately in archaeology. When a find is
exceptionally rare, without context or out of place in its context, it is often labeled as an artefact
with ‘ritual’ purpose.49 This purpose is not explained or expounded upon, it simply is. In his
discussion regarding the function of Newgrange, O’Kelly initially seems to make this same
mistake. He connects Newgrange to the cult of the dead: a religion that centers on the
veneration of the dead. O’Kelly was aware that ‘ritual’ was a much-abused word and he
considers his case carefully. His reasoning is that by 3000 bc, when farming had developed at
such a rate that the population settled, there was time to look beyond the everyday struggle for
survival and to adopt this spreading cult.50 O’Kelly states that Newgrange was built as a place
where the cult could commemorate the dead. The monument would have been closed up with
the entrance stone and the roof-box, the opening through which the winter solstice sun shines,
would have enabled anyone to place offerings inside. Yet O’Kelly himself mentions that there is
no evidence of grave goods that support this statement.51 Nevertheless, he adds that the signs
of scratch marks on the roof-box must mean that there was at least a periodical return to the
entrance “for some purpose or other.”52
At the time, the fact that the interior of the monument was illuminated by the winter solstice sun
was unknown to O’Kelly and company. Through visitors from neighbouring villages who visited
the site, O’Kelly learned that it was a common local belief that the sun would shine through the
passage. He investigated this claim and found it to be correct.53 Was this the sole purpose of
Newgrange? O’Kelly makes no statements to either dispute or confirm this and, instead,
focuses on the cult of the dead.
During the excavations at the site, the remains of 5 people were found inside the monument.
This would mean Newgrange functioned as a tomb.54 O’Kelly states that, though the number of
workers who constructed the tomb must have been substantial, they are not buried in the
vicinity of the monument. The remains found therein cannot be identified as belonging to people
of royalty or a priestly order due to the fact that the common grave goods for this particular class
of people, a wealth of jewelry, pottery and additional sacrifices, are absent. Yet, O’Kelly states
that they must have been special in some way. He further states that, due to the way in which
Newgrange was built, it was more than a tomb alone. The outward slope of the inner chamber,
the cutting of water-grooves on the roof slabs and the caulking of the roof joints all ensure that
the interior is kept dry and, astonishingly, at a temperate 10 oC.55 According to O’Kelly,
49 O’Kelly 1982: 123.

50 O’Kelly 1982: 122.
51 O’Kelly 1982: 123.
52 O’Kelly 1982: 123.
53 O’Kelly 1982: 123-4.
54 O’Kelly 1982: 126.
55 O’Kelly 1982: 126.
17
Newgrange functioned as a House of the Dead; a ritual place of burial that would last through
the ages, where the spirits of the deceased could live in comfort.56
Yet, there is still the unsolved question of the winter solstice illumination. The fact that the light
illuminates the interior of the monument must have been intentional. However, O’Kelly makes
no claims to understand the meaning behind it. So it would seem that only part of the function of
Newgrange can be discovered through archaeological study. According to O’Kelly, Newgrange
functioned as a tomb, which means the term passage grave is applied correctly in this case,
and, secondly, as a House of the Dead. Perhaps, by combining the knowledge obtained through
archaeological data with information concerning Newgrange in Old Irish literature, a complete
picture of the function of the monument can be created. It is even possible that the mystery of
the winter solstice illumination might be solved.
56 O’Kelly 1982: 126.

18
-6-
Does Newgrange appear in Old Irish literature?
Before plunging into Old Irish literature to examine what role Newgrange fulfills therein, we must
first determine whether there is any mention at all of the Neolithic monument in the literature.
The research below will be focused around and divided into, three questions to aid in answering
the main question of this chapter: “Does Newgrange appear in Old Irish literature?”
First, some background will be given on the tales in which Newgrange is most prominently
featured after which the words that are used to describe of refer to Newgrange will be
examined. Lastly, it will be determined whether Newgrange fulfills a specific role in Old Irish
literature.
A general background of the literary sources

Newgrange appears in quite a number of Old Irish stories, most notably Tochmarc Étain, “The
Wooing of Étain”57, and Aislinge Óenguso, “The Dream of Óengus”.58 These stories both feature
Óengus, a character who is said to have used Newgrange as his home. Because of this strong
connection, Newgrange is embedded in the tales and not just mentioned in passing, as happens
in, for example, The Annals of the Four Masters.59 A third source of information concerning
Newgrange is the pseudo-historical The Metrical Dindshenchas.
Tochmarc Étain is found in two manuscripts. Firstly, it is partially preserved in Lebor na hUidre,
“The Book of the Dun Cow”, a badly damaged manuscript from the 12th century. Only 67 pages
of the manuscript remain and many of the stories, including Tochmarc Étain, are incomplete.
Lebor na hUidre is said to be the oldest extant manuscript written completely in Irish.60
Secondly, the complete tale is found in Leabhar Buidhe Leacáin, “The Yellow Book of Lecan”, a
manuscript from the early 15th century.61 However, the language in which the text is written is
believed to date back to the 8th or 9th century.62 Since the tale contains a reference to a lost
manuscript from the 8th century, Cín Dromma Snechtai “The Book of Dromma Snechta”, it has
been suggested that an earlier version of the tale was part of this manuscript.63 Aislinge
Óenguso survives in just a single manuscript, Edgerton 1782. This manuscript is part of the
Edgerton Collection of the British Library and was compiled somewhere between 1516 and
1518.64 Both stories are part of the Mythological Cycle; a collection of pre-Christian tales and
57 Best and Bergin 1938.

58 Shaw 1934.
59 Across the six volumes of The Annals of the Four Masters Newgrange is only mentioned once. See O'Donovan
Vol.1. Annal M656.2: 268.
60 Best 2017.
61 Gantz 1988: 37-59.
62 Mackillop 2017: 359-361.
63 Koch 2006: 1674.
64 Wight 2005. https://www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/record.asp?
MSID=6670&CollID=28&NStart=1782
19
pseudo-histories, in prose and verse, concerning Ireland’s history and the god-like characters
that played a part in it.
The Metrical Dindshenchas can be translated as the ‘lore of places’, dind meaning ‘a notable
place’; senchas meaning ‘old tales, ancient history’ or ‘tradition’.65 The Dindshenchas is an Old
Irish onomastic text that explains the origins of place names, the traditions surrounding those
places and the people associated with them. The text has survived in two recensions, the first of
which can be found in 13 different manuscripts from the 14th and 15th centuries. The second
recension is found in Lebor na Nuachongbála or ‘The Book of Leinster’, a manuscript that was
compiled in the 12th century. The manner in which the text is written suggests that the
knowledge contained therein was originally meant to be transferred orally, from one generation
to the next. Mnemonic devices would be used as an aid in remembering almost 200 poems.
Two of these poems are called Brug Na Bóinde. They are both attributed to Cineád Ua
hArtacáin (d. 975 A.D.) and will be our main source of information about the function of
Newgrange in the Dindshenchas.66
Tochmarc Étain and Aislinge Óenguso may need a short summary for anyone who is not
familiar with the material. Tochmarc Étain is a story consisting of three parts. Part one concerns
the Dagda, a member of the Tuath Dé, who bids Elcmar of the Brú to leave home for a day. The
Dagda enchants the sun, so that a single day for Elcmar actually lasts nine months. While
Elcmar is away, the Dagda has a son with Elcmar’s wife. The son is Óengus Mac ind Óc, who is
the main protagonist in Aislinge Óenguso.67 Years later, Óengus must perform great feats in
order to woo a beautiful woman on behalf of his foster father, Midir. This woman is Étain
Echraide, the daughter of king Ailill.68 In part two, Étain is the wife of Eochaid Airem, the king of
Tara. However, Ailill, the brother of the king and Étain’s father in the first part of the tale, falls in
love with her. In part three, Eochaid and Midir play a boardgame called fidchell. The winner of
this game shall get Étain. Midir wins the game, after which he and Étain transform into swans
and fly to the Síd, the elf mound.69
Aislinge Óenguso relates the story of Óengus, who dreams of the most beautiful girl in all of
Ireland every night, for a year. He wastes away with longing for her. Luckily, the Dagda and
Bóand, the goddess of the river Boyne and also a member of the Tuath Dé, help Óengus.
Messages are sent to find out who this mysterious girl could be. It is discovered that she lives in
Caer Ibormeith in Connacht and, in order to bring her to Óengus, the help of Queen Medb and
King Ailill is required. With their help the lovers are finally united.70 Aislinge Óenguso is seen as
one of the remscéla, fore-tales, of the greatest Irish epic, Táin Bó Cuailnge, “The Cattle Raid of
Cooley”. The reason behind this being that Medb and Ailill are owed a debt of gratitude for their
help in saving Óengus’s life. This means that, when called upon, Óengus and his warriors ride
with the warriors of Táin Bó Cuailnge.71
65 Dictionary of the Irish Language 2007: 215, 537.

66 The date of Cineád Ua hArtacáin’s birth is unknown, however, in O'Reilly and O'Neil 1820: lxii-lxiii his death is
recorded, which, at least, indicates the century he lived in.
67 Koch 2006: 1674.
68 Koch 2006: 1675.
69 Koch 2006: 1675.
70 Koch 2006: 1389.
71 Koch 2006: 1389.
20
The words used to denote Newgrange and the role it fulfills
However, the name Newgrange does not appear in the stories mentioned above, as the
monument was not always known under that name. For something as old as Newgrange to be
called ‘new’ is, in itself, quite ironic, yet it can easily be explained. When a Cistercian Abbey was
founded in 1142 in Mellifont, a place not very far from Newgrange, the order acquired the land
around the monument and dubbed it a ‘grange’.72 The historical meaning of a ‘grange’ denotes a
farm building with tithe barns which belong to a monastery or a feudal lord.73 The monastery
would take one tenth of the produce or earnings of the tithe barns belonging to their order as a
means of supporting themselves. While Newgrange is not mentioned in any charters of the
order, it is mentioned in an inspection report, carried out by the order of Edward III. Here, a
Nova Grangia is referred to as belonging to the Mellifont abbey.74 The English translation of
Nova Grangia is Newgrange. This name is still used to denote the Neolithic monument today.
The Irish name for Newgrange is Síde an Brogha, which translates as Fairymound of the Brú.75
Yet this name is not used in full to refer to Newgrange in the stories mentioned above.
Throughout Tochmarc Étain and Aislinge Óenguso, Newgrange is referred to as bruig, or a
variation thereof, most commonly brug. Bruig is best translated as an abode or hall, yet it is also
used to denote a mansion, a castle or early monumental sites.76 In Tochmarc Étain, “An Brud fri
Boind atuaid”, ‘to the Brug, north of the Boyne’, is used. Here Newgrange is mentioned in
relation to its location for the first time. In Aislinge Óenguso, Newgrange is also referred to as
“Bruig Mac ind Óicc”, which means ‘place of the young son’.77 Mac ind Óicc, ‘the young son’,
refers to Óengus Mac ind Óicc, a character featured in both tales.
Óengus is a member of the Tuath Dé, a pre-Christian supernatural tribe and son of the Dagda
and Bóand. In Tochmarc Étain it is stated that Óengus is called ‘the young son’ because his
mother said: “Young is the son who was begotten at the break of day and born betwixt it and
evening.”78 Óengus is a common Irish name and cognates are found in Old Welsh, ‘Unust’, and
variations thereof, for example ‘Unuist’, on the Pictish king-list. ‘Unuist’ reflects the Proto-Celtic
‘Oino-gustus’, which can be translated as ‘Chosen one’.79 It has also been suggested that Mac
ind Óicc is derived from the same Proto-Celtic god as the Welsh ‘Mabon’ and the Gallo-Brittonic
‘Maponos’, from the Proto-Celtic root “makwo-”80 Maponos is said to be the god of youth and is
often equated with the Greek god Apollo.81 If Mac ind Óicc is, in fact, derived from Maponos,
Óengus Mac ind Óicc could possibly be the Irish equivalent of Apollo.
72 See: World Heritage Ireland www.worldheritageireland.ie/bru-na-boinne/myth-and-folklore/.

73 See “Grange | Definition of Grange in English by Oxford Dictionaries.”
https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/grange
74 “An Important Mellifont Document.” 1957: 1-13.
75 Tochmarc Étaíne Version 1, § 9: 147.
76 For a specified meaning and translation see: dil.ie/7102 or, Dictionary of the Irish Language 2007: 212.
77 Shaw 1934: 55.
78 The Wooing of Étaín Version 1:144.
79 Koch 2006: 1389.
80 Matasović 2009: 253.
81 Koch 2006: 1259.
21
In the Middle Irish version of this same tale, Newgrange is referred to by a different name, “Brú
na Bóinne”, ‘hall of the Boyne’.82 This different name is only used where, in the Old Irish text,
Newgrange is referred to as “Bruig Mac ind Óicc”. This is the only name used to denote
Newgrange. It is quite possible that the use of Brú na Bóinne is a Middle Irish innovation as it is
never mentioned in either Tochmarc Étain or Aislinge Óenguso. Brú na Bóinne is still used
today to denote the entire complex, of which Knowth, and Dowth are also a part.
Not every mention of Newgrange is incorporated in a tale that is permeated with supernatural
beings and shrouded in myth: some sources contain an allegedly historical basis. An example of
this is “The Annals of Ulster”. The entries in this text span over a thousand years, from 431 to
1540 A.D. In these annals, important events are documented, such as the births and deaths of
the kings of Tara or important clergymen and bishops, and raids by Vikings. Entries up to ca.
550 A.D. are retrospective, their information drawn mostly from older historical texts. Later
entries are based on contemporary oral recollection.83 In “The Annals of Ulster”, the Brú is
named as the burial place of the ancient kings of Tara, a notion that still holds today. One of
these ancient kings was said to have married one of the Tuath Dé and asked to be buried in her
ancestral home, Newgrange. The descendants of this king continued to use the Brú as their
family tomb thereafter. This story was spread by the Uí Néill clan who ruled at Tara for a time. In
an effort to solidify their rule and right to the throne, a connection was made between the clan
and the Tuath Dé. Through this link, the Uí Néill strengthened their right to the throne.84
However, I have chosen not to use “The Annals of Ulster” as one of my main sources of
information on the function of Newgrange. It is mentioned here only to provide some context to
the poems attributed to the poet Cineád Ua hArtacáin and to serve as a warning that, as is often
the case with pseudo-historical texts, there is always a hidden agenda. This means that the
poems in The Metrical Dindshenchas should not be treated as absolute truth. Instead, they
should be regarded with a healthy pinch of salt. However, the sole subject of the poems is
Newgrange and the men who were buried there and thus they contain all the information that is
needed in one convenient, ready to use, package. In the poems, aptly named Brug Na Bóinde I
and Brug Na Bóinde II, Newgrange is only referred to by two names; as either Bruig mic ind Óc,
‘the hall’ or ‘abode of the young son’, or Tech mic ind Óc, ‘the house of the young son’. As
discussed above, bruig can be translated as ‘hall’ or ‘abode’ and mic ind Óc refers to Óengus
Mac ind Óicc. Tech, however, is a new word. Luckily, confusion and an overload of new
information can be avoided, as tech is rather similar in meaning to bruig and translates to
‘house’ or ‘dwelling’.
In sum, it appears that the main question of this chapter has been answered; Newgrange does
appear in Old Irish literature, namely, The Metrical Dindshenchas, Tochmarc Étain, “The
Wooing of Étain”, and Aislinge Óenguso, “The Dream of Óengus”. In the context of the stories,
Newgrange seems to fulfill the role of an abode or hall due to the translation of the words that
are used to refer to the monument. A variety of words are used to refer to the Neolithic
monument, the most common of which are brug or bruig, Bruig Mac ind Óicc and brú. This will
be important to remember as, in the next chapter, various mentions of Newgrange and the
words used to refer to it are further examined.
82 See §9 and §14 of: http://iso.ucc.ie/Aislinge-oenguso/Aislinge-oenguso-text.html.

83 Flechner 2013: 422.
84 O'Kelly 1982: 46.
22
23
-7-
What is the function of Newgrange in Old Irish literature?
As seen in the stories above, Newgrange, or the Brú, is embedded in Old Irish literature.
Newgrange is most often referred to as Brú na Bóinne, which means ‘hall of the Boyne’, Bruig
Mac ind Óicc, ‘place’ or ‘hall of the young son’, or simply Síd, a fairy hill or mound. However, the
function it fulfills according to the tales below still needs to be determined. Therefore, this
chapter will focus on determining the function of Newgrange in Olr Irish literature. Are there
examples in which the function, or functions, of the monument are specified?
In order to better understand the characters of the tales below it is important to note that the
Dagda and his tribe of pre-Christian supernatural beings, the Tuath Dé, were said to have
inhabited Ireland before the Celts came to its shores.85 After the Celts also made their home in
Ireland, the Tuath Dé have retreated into their fairy mounds, yet were still able to accomplish
deeds beyond the power of mere mortals.86 What follows are just two of the adventures of
members of the Tuath Dé and some examples of instances in which Newgrange is mentioned in
the tales Tochmarc Étain, Aislinge Óenguso and the pseudo-historical The Metrical
Dindshenchas. These three sources were chosen due to the fact that Newgrange is
incorporated in the stories. It is not just mentioned in passing, as is often the case in other
contemporary tales, but fulfils a particular role.
Let us first examine the function of Newgrange in Aislinge Óenguso. As mentioned before, it
was commonly believed that Newgrange belonged to the Dagda, his wife Bóand, and their son
Óengus. In this story, it takes a fair while before there is any mention of Newgrange, even
though it is the family home of our main protagonist. When Óengus has finally found the girl that
has been haunting his dreams for so long, he cannot take her home with him yet. Accompanied
by the king of Femen, Bodb, Óengus returns to his territories. This is where Newgrange is first
mentioned: “Téit Bodb laiss co n-árlastar in nDagdae ocus in mBoinn oc Bruig maicc ind Óicc.”87
In translation this sentence reads as follows: “Bodb went with him to speak to the Dagdae and
the Boan at Newgrange.”88 From this alone, a few interesting things can be discerned. Firstly,
according to this sentence, the Dagda and Bóand seem to reside at Newgrange. However,
earlier in the tale89 both of Óengus’ parents were not at Newgrange and therefore knew nothing
of their son’s affliction until a messenger, who was sent to fetch them, informed them.
Secondly, Newgrange is referred to as “Bruig maicc ind Óicc”, ‘the Hall of the Young Son’. This
would explain why the Dagda and his wife had to be sent for, and it would explain why
Newgrange is referred to as ‘the Hall of the Young Son’: it does not belong to the Dagda
anymore; rather ownership of the brug has passed on to Óengus and his parents may have
chosen another síd to reside in. This is supported by the Old Irish tale found in the twelfth
century manuscript Lebar na Núachongbála, ‘The Book of Leinster’. The tale, De Gabáil in t-
Sída, ‘Concerning the Taking of the Otherworld Mound’, tells the story of how Óengus tricks his
85 Koch 2006: 553.
86 O'Kelly 1982: 45.
87 Shaw 1934: 55.
88 O'Donovan §9: 55.
89 Bóand is sent for in §3 and the Dagda is sent for in §4.
24
father into granting him the mound for a day and a night. However, when the Dagda tries to take
his home back, Óengus claims that day and night are the whole world, and this convinces the
Dagda to allow his son to remain there.90 The Dagda essentially gives up his house because
Óengus has outsmarted him.
The next mention of Newgrange occurs when Óengus and the girl from his dreams are finally
united. For a reason that is not clearly specified, the lovers turn into two white birds as they
return home: “To-comlat ass i ndeilb dá én fhind co mbátar ocin Bruig Maicc in Óicc...”91 In
translation the sentence reads: “They set off in the shape of two white birds until they were at
Newgrange…”92 Again, Newgrange is referred to as Bruig Maicc in Óicc and although its
function is not actually specified, such a referral does imply the possibility that Óengus and his
bride will reside there, which was already suggested by a previous example.
Although Newgrange is mentioned twice in Aislinge Óenguso, a definitive statement as to its
function cannot yet be made. Newgrange is mentioned more frequently in Tochmarc Étain and
thus the tale might give us a more clearly defined idea of the function it represents.
The first example that will be discussed is not the first mention of the Brú, yet, it is important.
This example is the first instance which offers up more information rather than just mentioning
the name of the monument in passing. Here Óengus, in the company of his foster father Midir,
goes to speak with Eochaid, king of all Ireland and also known as the Dagda, whom we have
already met in Aislinge Óenguso. Óengus wants his father to acknowledge him and grant him
the gift of land but, as it turns out, that is easier said than done.
‘Is fo chean dó,’ ol Eochaid, ‘is mac dam. An ferand dutracarsa dó ni folam fos.' ‘Cia
ferand sin?’ ol Midir. ‘An Brud fri Boind atuaid,’ ol Eochaid. ‘Cia fil i suidugud?’ ol Midir.
‘Ealcmar,’ ol Eochaid, ‘in fer fil and. Ni hail dam a crad ni bus mo.’93
‘He is welcome,’ said Eochaid, ‘he is my son. But the land I wish him to have is not yet
vacant.’ ‘What land is that?’ said Midir. ‘The Brug, to the north of the Boyne,’ said
Eochaid. ‘Who is there?’ said Midir. ‘Elcmar,’ said Eochaid, ‘is the man who is there. I
have no wish to annoy him further.’94
As can be seen here, Newgrange is not yet referred to as Bruig maicc ind Óicc, owing to the
fact that it is not yet in Óengus’s possession. Instead, the brug belongs to Elcmar, a great and
powerful king.95 Owing to the fact that Elcmar is such a powerful king, it would make sense for
him to reside in an equally powerful and imposing hall. Therefore, ‘The Brug, to the north of the
Boyne’ is almost certainly a reference to Newgrange, as any other structures that are contained
within that particular plot of land, most notably Knowth and Dowth, simply lack the majesty that
Newgrange does possess. However, that is what the Dagda intends to arrange. Another
interesting fact is that Newgrange is not directly referred to here. Rather, An Brud is used to
refer to the land Newgrange sits on. The following example contains a more direct reference.
In order for Óengus to gain possession of Newgrange he must enter it on All Hallow’s Eve
because Elcmar will not be there. Elcmar will then grant Óengus Newgrange for a day and a
90 Koch 2006: 1389.

91 Shaw 1934: 63.
92 O'Donovan §14: 63.
93 Tochmarc Étaíne §5: 145.
94 The Wooing of Étaín §5: 145.
25
night. 'Tiad dia Samna isin mBruig, & tuicead gaisgead fair.(....)& bied Ealcmar a Cnuc Shide an
Broga.’96 In English this sentence reads: “'On the day of Samain let him go into the Brug, and let
him go armed’....’And Elcmar will be in Cnoc Síde in Borga.’”97 The use of the preposition of í-,
which means ‘in/into’, combined with the definite article, in, translates as ‘in/into the’.98
Therefore, isin makes it clear that an actual structure, which can be entered, is referred to here,
not just the land as a whole, as was the case in the previous example. As discussed above, the
translation for bruig is ‘hall’ and, in this case, Óengus must enter the hall of Newgrange. A
second point of interest in the example above is the mention of a mound that is part of the same
complex as Newgrange, Knowth, Cnuc Shide. By specifically referring to it here, it is made clear
that the brug Óengus must enter is actually Newgrange, not just the land of which it is a part or
another, unspecified mound.
The next sentence is another example of a direct referral: “& bad sí riar Aengusa rigi laí co n-
aidchi isin Bruigh, & ní leicisiu a ferand do Ealcmar co targha mo reirsea…”99 In translation:
“‘And let this be the will of Aengus [Óengus], that he be king for a day and a night in the Brug;
and see that thou not yield the land to Elcmar till he submit himself to my decision’” 100 Again, the
use of isin implies that the brug is a structure that can be entered and that a king might live
there. An ferand ‘the land’ is used to distinguish between the brug as a structure and the actual
plot of land it is a part of. This could mean that, in the example above, Bruigh can be directly
translated as ‘hall’, and not as the land as a whole seeing as that is already covered by an
ferand.
In the following example, the Dagda has convinced Elcmar to vacate the brug in exchange for
other profitable lands. This means that Óengus now owns the land and is free to take up
residence in Newgrange. “...& anais an Mac Óc isin Bruig ina ferand.”101 And in English: “...and
the Mac Óc abode in the Brug in his land.”102 Here there is a clear distinction between the brug
and the land it stands on. Where before the word brug was used to denote a patch of land, in
this example the use of ina ferand, ‘in his land’, shows that the brug as a structure, and the land
it sits upon, are seen separately. This distinction is further strengthened by the use of isin, the
meaning of which has been discussed in a previous example.
Another important thing to note is that, in the example above, Óengus is not referred to directly.
Instead he is mentioned as Mac Óc and is said to abide in the brug. This is a direct mention of
the function of Newgrange as an abode for Óengus. The examples that follow will specify the
function of Newgrange further.
Further on in the story Óengus has purchased Étain from king Ailill and has brought her to Midir.
Naturally, Midir was very pleased with his foster son and “After that he abode a full year in the
Brug with Aengus.”103 Or in Irish: “Anais iarum bliadain lain isin Bruig a fail Aengusa.”104 The Irish
use of isin, preposotion i, ‘in/into’, combined with the definite article, again makes clear that

98 For common combinations of prepositions and the definite article see: Vries 2013: 21 and dil.ie/26891.
26
Newgrange is a structure that can be entered. This example also clearly shows that it is
possible for Óengus and his guests to reside there for an extended period of time; it functions as
a house or a hall for a king.
This last example contains the most clearly defined function of Newgrange: “‘Ata Etain isin
Bruigh ocom thighse o cíanaib...’”105 “‘Étaín has been at my house in the Brug since a little
while...’”106 As we have seen before, the use of isin denotes that it is possible to enter the brug.
However, the function of Newgrange is more clearly defined by the use of ocom thighse, which
translates as ‘at my house’. This last example makes it clear that, in Tochmarc Étain,
Newgrange functions as the house of Óengus Mac ind Óc.
The primary role Newgrange seems to fulfill in the stories mentioned above is as the abode of
Óengus Mac ind Óc.107 However, there is one literary source that has not been discussed yet,
the pseudo-historical Metrical Dindshenchas.
In The Metrical Dindshenchas Newgrange is, yet again, mentioned in relation to Óengus Mac
ind Óc. At this point, that in itself may not be all that surprising. However, the way in which it is
referred to is new, which is reason enough to discuss it here: “Tech mic ind Óc ós do dind.”108 Or
in English: “The house of Mac ind Óc above thy stead.”109 In the examples above, Newgrange is
most often referred to as bruig or Bruig maicc ind Óicc, which translates as ‘abode’ or ‘hall of the
young son’. These translations lend an air of grandeur to Newgrange and can be interpreted in
a variety of different ways. This is not entirely the case with tech. Rather than emphasizing the
elevated status of the monument, tech instead draws focus to its mundane functionality by
referring to Newgrange simply as a ‘house’ or ‘dwelling’.110 From this alone, it would seem as
though Newgrange serves the same function in The Metrical Dindshenchas as it did in
Tochmarc Étain, namely, as the house of Óengus Mac ind Óc. However, it seems that the Brú
has also acquired a new function, particularly as the burial place of the ancient kings of Tara, a
notion that still holds today. One of these ancient kings was said to have married one of the
Tuath Dé and asked to be buried in her ancestral home, Newgrange. The descendants of this
king continued to use the Brú as their family tomb thereafter. One of the earliest mentions in
“The Metrical Dindshenchas” of Brú na Bóinne as a place in which the pagan kings of Ireland
were buried comes from two poems, named Brug Na Bóinde I and II, both attributed to Cineád
Ua hArtacáin. The poems list the supernatural history of the site and all the kinsmen who have
been buried there. The first stanza of the first poem already defines the function of Newgrange:
“Cináed Ua Hartacán cecinit. / Án-sin a maig mic ind Óc, / fairsing do rót, rethaib cét: /
forolgais mór flathe fír / d' aicme cech ríg immotrét.”111 The part that concerns us are the
last two lines: “forolgais mór....ríg immotrét.”

107 Koch 2006: 218.
108 The Metrical Dindshenchas §3: 10.
109 Gwynn 1903 vol.2. §3: 11.
110 Dictionary of the Irish Language 2007: 581 or dil.ie/40265.
27
“Cináed Ua Hartacán sang / Bright is it here, O plain of Mac ind Oc! / wide is thy road
with traffic of hundreds; / thou hast covered many a true prince / of the race of every king
that has possessed thee.”112
Here, the plain of the young son seems to have covered princes. This might sound quite
strange, yet, there is a logic to it. Throughout history, there have been various dynasties that
claimed the title of High King of Ireland. These High Kings were said to rule from Tara and, as
mentioned above, were said to be buried at Newgrange. This is what ‘thou hast covered many a
true prince’ refers to.
The poem goes on to list the people who have been ‘covered’ by Newgrange. Firstly, there is
mention of a couple with whom we ought to be familiar at this point: the Dagda and his wife.
“Lánamain contuiled sund / iar cath Maige Tuired thall: / in ben mór, in Dagda donn: / ní
duaichnid a n adba ann.”113
“Here slept a married pair / after the battle of Mag Tuired yonder, / the great lady and the
swart Dagda: / not obscure is their dwelling there.”114
The use the imperfect tense in contuiled, of con-tuili meaning ‘to sleep’, implies a continuing
state of sleep, in the context of this stanza it could mean the sleep without end, or death.115 The
dwelling that is not obscure is a possible reference to Newgrange for a number of reasons.
Firstly, Newgrange is the centerpiece of the Boyne complex, placed of a ridge, as was explained
above, in order to be seen from a great distance. Secondly, because it is the centerpiece of the
complex, Newgrange is also the largest structure. It is surrounded by satellite structures of
varying smaller sizes. Lastly, the example holds a clear reference to the Dagda and his wife,
Bóand, who used to reside in Newgrange.
However, there are also a few problems with this example that cannot be overlooked. Firstly,
Newgrange is not explicitly mentioned. While this in itself is not a major concern, it does make
the connection quite tenuous. Secondly, the Dagda was quite soundly tricked out of his house
by his son, Óengus. That being the case, it would seem quite illogical for the Dagda and his wife
to be buried there despite that. It is possible the the Dagda, the most powerful god of the Irish
pantheon, would be allowed the honour of being buried in the greatest monument of Ireland, yet
this is no certainty.
The poem goes on and quite a number of kings are listed as having been buried at Newgrange,
although not all the names listed are buried there. What follows are but a few of these
examples. The first example concerns Cormac mac Airt, a forefather of the Uí Néill dynasty: “Ní
thoracht Art, aidble uird: / immanaigtís luirg ar leirg: / rogab lige n-uachail n-ard / arg na láech i
Luachair Deirg.”116 It is said that when mac Airt was carried to Newgrange to be buried, the river
Boyne rose up so that the bearers could not pass as it was against mac Airt’s wish to be buried
there, as told in this stanza: “There came not Art, highest in rank, / round whom rode troops on
the battlefield; / he found a grave proud and lofty, / the champion of the heroes, in Luachair
Derg.”117
112 Gwynn 1903 vol.2. §1: 11.

114 Gwynn 1903 vol.2. §1: 12.
115 Dictionary of the Irish Language 2007: 150.
117 Gwynn 1903 vol.2. §1: 15.
28
The next example lists the kings who were buried there after mac Airt “found repose above the
limpid Boyne / on the shore of Rasnaree”118: “Cairpre Lifechair fort lár: / Fiachu Sraptine rán
réil: / Muiredach Tírech din Brí: / in rí Eochu athair Néil”. All these High Kings seem to have
been buried at Newgrange: “Cairpre Lifechair lies on thy soil, / Fiachu Sraptine noble and
famous, / Muiredach Tírech from the Hill, / the king Eochu father of Niall.
These stanzas would make it seem that Newgrange was not only the home of Óengus Mac ind
Óc, but also a pagan burial place of the early High Kings of Ireland. However, the notion that
Newgrange was used in this manner first occurs in works that were composed by a poet who
worked for the Uí Néill clan. At this time, an Uí Néill ruler was solidifying his rule of Tara while,
around him, other kings were also creating royal burial sites.119 By claiming the right to bury their
kings at Newgrange, the Uí Néill sought to establish themselves as a strong royal line with
connections to the supernatural beings of old that once claimed Newgrange as their own. This
association with the supposed former inhabitants of the monument would provide the Uí Néill
line with prestige and power. As this is an obvious propaganda strategy, it is highly unlikely that
Newgrange was ever in truth the royal burial site of the kings of the Uí Néill. Therefore, it would
seem that the material concerning Newgrange in The Metrical Dindshenchas is something that
should be taken with a healthy pinch of salt.

119 Swift 2003: 54.
29
-8-
How do the functions of Newgrange in archeology and Old Irish literature

compare?
As can be seen above, the functions of Newgrange in archaeology and Old Irish literature seem
to be very dissimilar. On the one hand, according to the archaeological research discussed
above, George Petrie initiated a new approach to the monument and its ancient history by
connecting Newgrange to a place called Brúg na Bóinne.120 When Newgrange was placed under
the care of the OPW O’Kelly was tasked with the partial restoration of the monument. After
having analysed and interpreted a vast amount of raw, archaeological data, O’Kelly came to the
conclusion that Newgrange functioned as a tomb, the abode of the Tuath Dé and a House of the
Dead: a ritual place of burial where the spirits of the deceased could live.121 He reasoned that
farming had developed at such a rate that the population settled by 3000 BC. At such a point
the population would have found time to look beyond the everyday struggle for survival and
would have adopted this spreading cult.122 Being dubbed thusly, Newgrange does appear to fit
into the mold ascribed to the ‘run of the mill’ passage grave. O’Kelly adds that the roof-box
would have enabled anyone to place offerings inside the monument.
Yet, I must make note of a few discrepancies in O’Kelly’s conclusion. Firstly, despite the signs of
scratch marks on the roof-box that might signal a periodical return and the placement of grave
goods, no evidence of such a practice was found123 Another point that must be made is that the
remains of the five people found within Newgrange have not been dated and therefore cannot
be proven to be contemporary nor, indeed, can it be proven whether Newgrange was built with
the express purpose of offering those bodies a final resting place. In addition to that, the
remains of those five people could not be identified as belonging to a special class or order who
could warrant something as extravagant as the build of such a spectacular tomb. Lastly, O’Kelly
makes no claims to understand the meaning of the winter solstice illumination. He argues that
the placement of the roof-box, and the illumination of the interior that is a result of that, must
have been intentional. Yet he does not offer any theories that might explain the deeper meaning
behind it, if indeed there is one. And so only part of the function of Newgrange can be
discovered through archaeological means.
On the other hand, according to the Old Irish literature discussed above, Newgrange was not a
tomb. In Tochmarc Étain and Aislinge Óenguso, Newgrange functioned as the home of the
father of the Irish pantheon, the Dagda. However, the Dagda was tricked out of his home by his
son, Óengus Mac ind Óicc. This is what the literature, especially Tochmarc Étain, of which more
material has survived, reflects. Bruig maicc ind Óicc is used most often to refer to Newgrange
and therefore, it can be said with some certainty that, according to the literature, Newgrange
was the abode of Óengus Mac ind Óicc.
120 O’Kelly 1982: 35.

121 O’Kelly 1982: 126.
122 O’Kelly 1982: 122.
123 O’Kelly 1982: 123.
30
When looking at the information as is, it would seem there is not much of a connecting factor
between the functions ascribed to Newgrange by archaeology and Old Irish literature. They
seem utterly incomparable. Yet, upon closer inspection some similarities may be discerned. The
only source that has not been discussed yet is The Metrical Dindshenchas. The two poems that
concern Newgrange, aptly named Brug Na Bóinde I and II offer up a connection between
archaeology and Old Irish literature. The poems name the kings of Tara who were allegedly
buried there. As it happens, there is a small graveyard present on the Brug Na Bóinne complex.
Is it possible that the kings mentioned in the poems are buried there? This is highly unlikely as
there are only 17 graves accounted for and they appear to be satellites around Knowth and not
around Newgrange itself.124 Or were the kings buried within Newgrange itself and are the
remains of the five humans found therein the only trace that is left of them? Since a king would
certainly be buried with a variety of grave goods that would highlight his status, the absence of
any grave goods in Newgrange seems quite contradictory. It must also be mentioned that it
would have been impossible for these kings to be buried within Newgrange itself as, since the
cairn collapse of approximately 2000 BC, the monument has been hermetically sealed.125 The
collapse would have rendered Newgrange indistinguishable from the ridge it stands upon
therefore, the location of the monument may have remained unknown for centuries.
Yet, Newgrange did not fade from the collective memories of the people as it is clear, from the
Old Irish literature discussed above, that the monument still lived in people's imaginations. Tales
of gods and kings were connected to it, enhancing its significance, even though, by the time
those tales were written down, Newgrange had been in disuse for almost three millenia. How is
this possible? According to Mark Williams the connection between Newgrange and the Tuath
Dé is a relatively modern phenomenon and should not be connected to the original builders of
the monument. He claims that O’Kelly is wrong in proposing that Newgrange was built with the
express purpose of worshipping the gods of the Tuath Dé.126 Instead he suggests that, owing to
the presence of Romano-British coins found outside the monument, the cult of the dead and its
association with Óengus should be placed within a European religious tradition which developed
under Roman influence. The coins would signify a re-use of ancient mounds, such as
Newgrange, in a burst of retro-paganism. This only helps to strengthen and reinforce my belief
that Newgrange did no disappear from the collective memories of the people, even though it
might have been indistinguishable from the rest of the countryside. Williams interprets the coins
as votive deposits left by Romano-British traders or emissaries, who worshiped a cult of the
dead, to a cognate of Óengus, such as Maponos or Apollo.127 Thus, while Williams disputes
O’Kelly’s attempt to connect Newgrange, and the reason it was built, to the Tuath Dé, Williams
does agree with O’Kelly on the notion that a cult of the dead was worshipped there. While this is
a likely explanation for the presence of Roman coins on the slopes of an ancient Irish passage
grave and the existence of a cult which worshiped either the dead or the gods, Williams also
notes that there is no evidence which supports this theory.128
However, there is still the mystery of why the interior of the passage grave is illuminated.
Neither archaeology nor literature offer any explanation as to its function. Is it possible to find an
124 O’Kelly 1982: 13.
125 O’Kelly 1982: 24.
126 Williams 2016: 37.
127 Williams 2016:35-8. For more information on this also see: Swift, 2002: 56-60.
128 Williams 2016: 37.
31
element in that mystery that could connect the two disciplines and the functions both attribute to
Newgrange? Be warned that anything from this point on is pure conjecture which stems from a
personal curiosity and a desire to unravel the enigma that is Newgrange.
As mentioned before, the intentional and well thought out placement of the roof-box allows for
the light to penetrate the inner chambers of the monument on certain days of the year. This care
not only highlights the importance of Newgrange but also suggests that the builders had a
special veneration for the sun. Is it possible that Newgrange also functioned as a place of
worship for a deity connected to the sun?
As it happens, the Irish pantheon includes a god that is often associated with the sun, namely
Lugh. Lugh is seen as the epitome of a young warrior who is extremely beautiful, skillful and
immensely strong.129 There is a slight possibility that Newgrange not only functioned as a House
of the Dead, as O’Kelly suggests, but also functioned as a place of worship for a God with a
similar profile to Lugh. However, can any of this be connected to the Old Irish literature?
In the sixth chapter of this thesis, Óengus Mac ind Óicc was associated with the Greek sun god
Apollo. According to the literature, Mac ind Óicc was the primary occupant of Newgrange and
through his connection with Apollo, however tenuous, Newgrange could be a place where the
sun is worshiped. Would that not automatically mean that Newgrange was also a place where
Lugh was worshiped?130 Or could it be that, in the oral tradition, it was common knowledge that
Lugh and Mac ind Óicc were one and the same person?131 Now, again, this is purely conjecture.
Yet, it would be interesting to research this further in the future.
In sum, the functions of Newgrange according to archaeology and Old Irish literature do seem to
be very dissimilar and the connection they do share seems rather tenuous. According to the
archaeological study by O’Kelly, Newgrange functioned as a House of the Dead. According to
the literature, Newgrange was the home of Óengus Mac ind Óicc. The only connecting factor
both disciplines share is that Newgrange might be a burial place for the kings of Tara. However,
it is highly unlikely that Newgrange was built with the express purpose to serve as a place of
commemoration and burial for kings who supposedly lived millennia after it was built. Yet, on an
abstract level, archaeology and literature seem to be in accord, as both disciplines connect
Newgrange with burial practices and the dead. Added to that is the fact that both O’Kelly and
the tales make Newgrange the abode of the Dagda and Óengus Mac ind Óicc, members of the
Tuath Dé.
It would seem that my quest to find out ‘what’s it all for’ proves to be difficult to solve, although
comparing two different disciplines and the functions each ascribes to an ancient mystery was
rather fun and instructional. There does appear to be some overlap regarding the functions both
disciplines attribute to Newgrange, yet this study does not offer up a conclusive answer. For
now, it might be enough to be aware of the functions of Newgrange according to two very
different disciplines and further research into which elements could possibly connect the two will
have to wait for another day.
129 Koch 2006: 1201.

130 Swift 2002: 57.
131 See Swift 2002: 57 for more theories regarding Lugh’s connection to Newgrange.
32
Pronunciation Guide
For a large number of people the Modern Irish language as a whole can be quite baffling. This is
even more true when dealing with Old Irish. For the sake of clarity and in an attempt to make
reading this thesis just slightly more manageable, I have included a guide on how to pronounce
the Old Irish names and titles that are mentioned above.
Key
● ə the ‘uh’ sound in father,
● ɣ a throaty gh similar to loch but further back in the throat,
● kh pronounced as the -ch in loch,
● ð a th- sound as in those, this and than,
● y
indication of a consonant with y-glide, as the c- in cute or the m- in mew.132
Aisling(e) ASH-ling, ASH-ling-ə
Bóand BOW-ən (BOW- rhymes with ‘show’)
Bruig na Bóinne BROO(ɣ) nə BOW-nyə (BOW- rhymes with ‘show’)
Dagda DAɣ-ðə
dindshenchas DIN-HEN-khəss
Elcmar ELK-vər
Eochaid YOKH-ee
Étain AY-dine (-dine rhymes with ‘fine’)
Lebor Gabála LyEVər GAVAL-ə
Lebor na hUidre LyOWER (rhymes with ‘flower) nə HIR-ə
Óengus OIN-ɣəss
Táin Bó Cúailnge TOINy BOW (as in ‘bow and arrow’) KOOL-ngyə
Tochmarc TOKH-vərk
Túath Dé TOO-əth DAY
Uí Néill EE NyALE
132 Williams 2016: xxiii.

33
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Bachelor Thesis

De volgende zaken worden in elk geval als plagiaat aangemerkt:

Hierbij verklaar ik bovenstaande tekst gelezen en begrepen te hebben.

Methodology, Theoretical Background 6

What is Newgrange? An introduction to archaeology 8

What is the function of Newgrange according to archeological studies? 13

Does Newgrange appear in Old Irish literature? 18

What is the function of Newgrange in Old Irish literature? 23

1 O’Kelly, Michael J. Newgrange: Archeology, Art and Legend. 1982: 13.

Methodology, Theoretical Background

7 Williams 2016: xv.

What is Newgrange? An introduction to archaeology

Newgrange is a Late Neolithic structure, commonly referred to as a passage grave or passage

10 O’Kelly 1982: 12-13.

11 O’Kelly 1982: 13.

Fig.4.Newgrange decorated entrance stone after restoration (O’Kelly, 1982, p.50).

19 O’Kelly 1982: 21.

26 O’Kelly 1982: 25.

35 O’Kelly 1982: 27.

41 O’Kelly 1982: 33.

49 O’Kelly 1982: 123.

56 O’Kelly 1982: 126.

Does Newgrange appear in Old Irish literature?

A general background of the literary sources

57 Best and Bergin 1938.

65 Dictionary of the Irish Language 2007: 215, 537.

72 See: World Heritage Ireland www.worldheritageireland.ie/bru-na-boinne/myth-and-folklore/.

82 See §9 and §14 of: http://iso.ucc.ie/Aislinge-oenguso/Aislinge-oenguso-text.html.

What is the function of Newgrange in Old Irish literature?

90 Koch 2006: 1389.

96 Tochmarc Étaíne §6: 146.

105 Tochmarc Étaíne §24: 159.

112 Gwynn 1903 vol.2. §1: 11.

118 The Metrical Dindshenchas §15: 15.

How do the functions of Newgrange in archeology and Old Irish literature

120 O’Kelly 1982: 35.

129 Koch 2006: 1201.

Aisling(e) ASH-ling, ASH-ling-ə

Bóand BOW-ən (BOW- rhymes with ‘show’)

Bruig na Bóinne BROO(ɣ) nə BOW-nyə (BOW- rhymes with ‘show’)

Étain AY-dine (-dine rhymes with ‘fine’)

Lebor Gabála LyEVər GAVAL-ə

Lebor na hUidre LyOWER (rhymes with ‘flower) nə HIR-ə

Táin Bó Cúailnge TOINy BOW (as in ‘bow and arrow’) KOOL-ngyə

Túath Dé TOO-əth DAY

132 Williams 2016: xxiii.

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Boate, Gerald, and Thomas Molyneux, A Natural History of Ireland (1725).

(1969) 22–29, doi:10.1017/s0003581500032534.

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of the Bell Beaker Complex (2012).

Gantz, Jeffrey, Early Irish Myths and Sagas. (1988).

1983) 149–150, doi:10.1017/s0003598x00055411.

“Grange | Definition of Grange in English by Oxford Dictionaries.” Oxford Dictionaries | English,

Oxford Dictionaries, en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/grange.

Gwynn, Edward, The Metrical Dindshenchas. (1903).

Koch, John T., Celtic Culture: a Historical Encyclopedia. (Oxford 2006).

Lhwyd, E., Two letters to Dr. T. Molyneux (unpublished) (1700).

Macalister, R. A. S., The Archaeology of Ireland. (London 1949).

Society 14/1 (1957).

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Matasović Ranko, Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. (2009).

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