CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
Dawn Opinion With Urdu Translation 08 April 2023
A work in progress
Ahmed Bilal Mehboob
The writer is president of the Pakistan Institute of
Legislative Development And Transparency.
DURING the past 50 years, the 1973 Constitution
of Pakistan has been amended 23 times — an
amendment every two years on average. This is
no surprise as the constitution of any country is a
dynamic document and amendments are made in
response to evolving requirements. India, which
became independent at the same time as
Pakistan, amended its constitution 105 times
since the document was framed in 1950.
However, the US made just 27 amendments in
203 years of its constitutional history.
Pakistan’s Constitution has evolved in several
significant ways during the past 50 years.
Parliament addressed the most sensitive issue of
provincial autonomy through the 18th
Amendment in 2010. It was the same issue which
had led to the dismemberment of Pakistan in
1971 and had been a source of bitterness in the
remaining four provinces ever since. The
Concurrent Legislative List was abolished through
the 18th Amendment and a number of federal
ministries were devolved to the provinces.
The Council of Common Interests and the
National Economic Council were further
strengthened as a result. One of the most
significant parts of the amendment was that, by
inserting a new clause 3-A under Article 160, the
share of the provinces in each National Finance
Commission award was made irreducible
compared to the previous award.
A system of caretaker governments was not
provided in the original Constitution. The 18th
Amendment introduced caretaker governments
during the election by adding Clause 1-A in Article
224 of the Constitution. The system was further
refined through the 20th Amendment in 2012.
Other amendments were made to the Constitution
to reform the electoral process in a significant
way. The 18th Amendment, through Article 213,
did away with the discretionary powers of the
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‫ا ﯾ ﮏ ﮐ ﺎ م ﺟﺎ ر ی ﮨ ﮯ ۔‬
‫اﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻼل ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن اﻧﺴﭩﯽ ﭨﯿﻮٹ آف ﻟﯿﺠﺴﻠﯿﭩﻮ ڈوﯾﻠﭙﻤﻨﭧ اﯾﻨﮉ‬
‫ﭨﺮاﻧﺴﭙﯿﺮﻧﺴﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺻﺪر ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﮐﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ‬1973 ‫ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ‬،‫ ﺳﺎﻟﻮں ﮐﮯ دوران‬50 ‫ﮔﺰﺷﺘﮧ‬
‫ اوﺳﻄًﺎ ﮨﺮ دو ﺳﺎل ﺑﻌﺪ اﯾﮏ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ۔ ﯾﮧ‬- ‫ ﺑﺎر ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ‬23
‫ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺎت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﺎ آﺋﯿﻦ‬
‫اﯾﮏ ﻣﺘﺤﺮک دﺳﺘﺎوﯾﺰ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ اور اس ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﭘﺬﯾﺮ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن‬،‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺟﻮاب ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ دﺳﺘﺎوﯾﺰ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬1950 ‫ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﮨﯽ آزاد ﮨﻮا‬
‫ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ‬،‫ ﺑﺎر ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﯽ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬105 ‫ﺳﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﯿﮟ۔‬27 ‫ ﺳﺎﻟﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﺮف‬203 ‫آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺳﺎﻟﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺌﯽ اﮨﻢ ﻃﺮﯾﻘﻮں ﺳﮯ‬50 ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﺎ آﺋﯿﻦ ﮔﺰﺷﺘﮧ‬
‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ‬18 ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬2010 ‫ﺗﯿﺎر ﮨﻮا ﮨﮯ۔ ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﻨﭧ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﺧﻮدﻣﺨﺘﺎری ﮐﮯ ﺣﺴﺎس ﺗﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺣﻞ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﯾﮧ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﭨﻮٹ ﮔﯿﺎ‬1971 ‫وﮨﯽ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﮧ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﺗﮭﺎ اور اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﮯ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﭼﺎروں ﺻﻮﺑﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﻠﺨﯽ ﮐﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬
‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﮐﻨﮑﺮﻧﭧ ﻟﯿﺠﺴﻠﯿﭩﻮ ﻟﺴﭧ ﮐﻮ‬18 ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ اور ﻣﺘﻌﺪد وﻓﺎﻗﯽ وزارﺗﯿﮟ ﺻﻮﺑﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺣﻮاﻟﮯ ﮐﺮ‬
‫دی ﮔﺌﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اس ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﮧ ﻣﻔﺎدات ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ اور ﻗﻮﻣﯽ‬
‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدی ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﻣﻀﺒﻮط ﮨﻮﺋﯿﮟ۔ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ اﮨﻢ ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬
‫ ڈال ﮐﺮ‬A-3 ‫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ اﯾﮏ ﻧﺌﯽ ﺷﻖ‬160 ‫ﺣﺼﮧ ﯾﮧ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﻣﺎﻟﯿﺎﺗﯽ ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ ﮐﮯ ﮨﺮ اﯾﻮارڈ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﻮﺑﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺣﺼﮯ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﭘﭽﮭﻠﮯ اﯾﻮارڈ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻼﻓﯽ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬
‫وﯾﮟ‬18 ‫اﺻﻞ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮕﺮاں ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﮐﺎ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻧﮩﯿﮟ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬
‫ ﮐﺎ اﺿﺎﻓﮧ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ‬A-1 ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﻖ‬224 ‫ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﻧﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
2012 ‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ دوران ﻧﮕﺮاں ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯿﮟ ﻣﺘﻌﺎرف ﮐﺮاﺋﯿﮟ۔‬
‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﻧﻈﺎم ﮐﻮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺑﮩﺘﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬20 ‫ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﻤﺎﯾﺎں اﺻﻼح ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ دﯾﮕﺮ ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﭼﯿﻒ‬213 ‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﻧﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬18 ‫ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﻤﺸﻨﺮ اور ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ ﻣﻤﺒﺮان ﮐﯽ ﺗﻘﺮری ﮐﮯ ﺻﺪر ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺻﻮاﺑﺪﯾﺪی اﺧﺘﯿﺎرات ﮐﻮ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ اور وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ اور ﻗﺎﺋﺪ‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023 Prepared by: Mohsin
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper WhatsApp 03410280618

president to appoint the chief election ‫ﺣﺰب اﺧﺘﻼف ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن ﻣﺸﺎورت ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ اور ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ‬
commissioner and commission members and ‫ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﺗﻘﺮرﯾﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺳﮩﻮﻟﺖ ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﯽ۔‬
provided for the appointments after consultation
between the prime minister and the leader of the
opposition and through a parliamentary
committee.

The Indian parliament had been struggling for
decades to pass a similar amendment to their
constitution but has not succeeded so far. These
provisions were further refined through the 19th
and 20th Amendments.
‫ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﺌﯽ دﮨﺎﺋﯿﻮں ﺳﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ اﺳﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮح ﮐﯽ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺟﺪوﺟﮩﺪ ﮐﺮ رﮨﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
‫وﯾﮟ اور‬19 ‫اب ﺗﮏ ﮐﺎﻣﯿﺎب ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ان دﻓﻌﺎت ﮐﻮ‬
‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺑﮩﺘﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬20

Half a century after it was passed, the 1973 ‫ ﮐﺎ آﺋﯿﻦ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮨﻮ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬1973 ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﺻﺪی ﮔﺰر ﺟﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
Constitution continues to evolve.

The provisions relating to the defection of
legislators have undergone several modifications
since the original Constitution was passed in
1973. Although the original Constitution did not
include a defection clause as such, a temporary
provision for 10 years or the holding of the
second general election, whichever occurred later,
was included in Article 96 that the vote of an
MNA, as a candidate or nominee of a political
party, cast in support of a no-confidence
resolution, would be disregarded if the majority of
the members of that political party cast their vote
against such a resolution.
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اﺻﻞ آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﮯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺳﺎزوں‬1973
‫ﮐﮯ اﻧﺤﺮاف ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ دﻓﻌﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺌﯽ ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬،‫اﮔﺮﭼﮧ اﺻﻞ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ اﻧﺤﺮاف ﮐﯽ ﺷﻖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﯽ‬
،‫ ﺳﺎل ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﺷﻖ ﯾﺎ دوﺳﺮے ﻋﺎم اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﺎ اﻧﻌﻘﺎد‬10
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ اﯾﮏ‬96 ‫ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬،‫ﺟﻮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﻮ۔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﮯ اﻣﯿﺪوار ﯾﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰد‬،‫اﯾﻢ اﯾﻦ اے ﮐﺎ ووٹ‬
‫ ﻋﺪم اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮐﯽ ﻗﺮارداد ﮐﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ڈاﻻ‬،‫اﻣﯿﺪوار ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ اﮔﺮ اس ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﮯ ارﮐﺎن ﮐﯽ اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺖ ووٹ ڈ‬،‫ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اﯾﺴﯽ ﻗﺮارداد ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ووٹ دﯾﮟ۔‬

A new Article 63-A was added to the Constitution

‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ‬14 ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬1997 ‫وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ ﻧﻮاز ﺷﺮﯾﻒ ﮐﮯ دور ﻣﯿﮟ‬
through the 14th Amendment in 1997 during
‫ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺟﺲ‬A-63 ‫ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﻧﯿﺎ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s time which
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺳﺎزوں ﮐﻮ ان ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺮﺑﺮاہ ﮐﮯ‬
contained sweeping provisions to bind legislators
‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺑﮍی ﺷﻘﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ۔ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﯽ‬
to the dictates of their parliamentary party head.
‫ﮨﺪاﯾﺖ ﮐﯽ ﺧﻼف ورزی ﮐﺎ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮧ اﻧﺤﺮاف ﮐﯽ ﺑﻨﯿﺎد ﭘﺮ ﻧﺎاﮨﻠﯽ ﮐﯽ‬
A violation of the party direction would result in
‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﻧﮯ ان‬18 ‫وﯾﮟ اور ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﯿﮟ‬17 ‫ﺻﻮرت ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮑﻠﮯ ﮔﺎ۔‬
disqualification on the basis of defection. The
‫دﻓﻌﺎت ﮐﻮ ﻣﺘﻮازن ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﻮ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﻻﺋﻦ ﭘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﯿﺮا ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ‬
17th, and later the 18th, Amendment balanced the
،‫ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ‬،‫ﯽ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎب‬ٰ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮری ﮐﻮ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ ﯾﺎ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻠ‬
provisions which constituted defection and ‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮐﺎ ووٹ ﯾﺎ ﻋﺪم اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی ﻟﮕﺎ ﮐﺮ اﻧﺤﺮاف اور ﻧﺎاﮨﻠﯽ‬
disqualifications by restricting the compulsion to ‫ ﯾﺎ ﻣﻨﯽ ﺑﻞ‬،‫ﮐﻮ ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﺎ ﭘﯽ اﯾﻢ ﯾﺎ ﺳﯽ اﯾﻢ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف‬
follow the party line to voting on the election of ‫ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف۔‬
the prime minister or chief minister, constitutional
amendments, vote of confidence or no-
confidence in or against the PM or CM, or a
money bill.

A significant feature of the amended 63-A was ‫ ﮐﯽ اﯾﮏ اﮨﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯿﺖ ﯾﮧ ﺗﮭﯽ ﮐﮧ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ‬A-63 ‫ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﺷﺪہ‬
that although defecting members would be ‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﺴﺎ‬،‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮف ارﮐﺎن ﮐﻮ ﻧﺎاﮨﻞ ﻗﺮار دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ‬
disqualified, there was nothing in the Constitution ‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﮧ ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﻮ ﮐﮧ ان ﮐﮯ‬
which suggested that their votes would be ‫ووﭨﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮاﻧﺪاز ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ۔ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻇﺮﯾﻔﯽ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﺌﯽ‬
disregarded. Ironically, a majority judgement of a ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎﻧﭻ رﮐﻨﯽ ﺑﯿﻨﭻ ﮐﮯ اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬2022
five-member Supreme Court bench declared in ‫ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﮩﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻣﻨﺤﺮف ارﮐﺎن ﮐﮯ ووﭨﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز‬
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CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
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May 2022 that the votes of the defecting
members would be disregarded, going back to the
temporary provision included in the original 1973
Constitution, with the ominous difference that this
time, disregarding the vote of defecting members
was not temporary. One of the dissenting judges
characterised the judgement as “rewriting of the
Constitution”.
Through several amendments, the total number
of members in the National Assembly, Senate and
provincial assemblies and representation of
women and religious minorities were also
increased. The Senate was authorised by
amending Article 73, to discuss the money bills
and send recommendations to the National
Assembly.
The addition of provisos to Articles 92 and 130
made through the 18th Amendment capped the
number of ministers and ministers of state in the
federal cabinet at 11 per cent of the total strength
of parliament. This provision reduced the average
number of cabinet members after the amendment
came into effect.
While recounting the significant ways in which the
Constitution evolved in the past, one can’t help
pointing out the critical need for some other
amendments.
There are many constitutional, electoral and local
government experts who strongly believe that
more details about the third tier of government —
the local governments — should be provided in
the Constitution. India realised the need to add
two specific chapters to its constitution; one on
the grass-roots local governments (panchayats)
and the other regarding municipal committees,
about 42 years after the document was framed
because their state governments were just not
serious about forming and sustaining local
governments. The time has come for us to do the
same with due respect to provincial autonomy.
The power of the executive to promulgate
ordinances under Articles 89 and 128 of the
Constitution needs to go as any legislation
without legislatures is simply a blot on
democracy.
The powers of the government to make
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‫ ﮐﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﺷﻖ‬1973 ‫ اور اﺻﻞ‬،‫ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ‬
‫ اس ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﻓﺮق ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﮐﮧ اس ﺑﺎر‬،‫ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف واﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ‬
‫ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔ ﻣﻨﺤﺮف ارﮐﺎن ﮐﺎ ووٹ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬،
‫اﺧﺘﻼف ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﺟﺠﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻧﮯ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﮐﻮ "آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﯽ‬
‫دوﺑﺎرہ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﺮ" ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺑﯿﺎن ﮐﯿﺎ۔‬
‫ ﺳﯿﻨﯿﭧ اور ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ‬،‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪد ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ اﺳﻤﺒﻠﯽ‬
‫اﺳﻤﺒﻠﯿﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ارﮐﺎن ﮐﯽ ﮐﻞ ﺗﻌﺪاد اور ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ اور ﻣﺬﮨﺒﯽ‬
‫اﻗﻠﯿﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ اﺿﺎﻓﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔ ﺳﯿﻨﯿﭧ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﻣﻨﯽ ﺑﻠﺰ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ اور ﺳﻔﺎرﺷﺎت‬73 ‫آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﯽ اﺳﻤﺒﻠﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺑﮭﯿﺠﻨﮯ ﮐﺎ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اﺿﺎﻓﮯ ﮐﮯ‬130 ‫ اور‬92 ‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬18
‫ﺑﻌﺪ وﻓﺎﻗﯽ ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ وزراء اور وزراﺋﮯ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﺪاد‬
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﺗﮏ ﻣﺤﺪود ﮨﻮ ﮔﺌﯽ۔ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ‬11 ‫ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻞ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻧﻔﺎذ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ اس ﺷﻖ ﻧﮯ ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﮧ ﮐﮯ ارﮐﺎن ﮐﯽ اوﺳﻂ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ۔‬
‫ﻣﺎﺿﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﻦ اﮨﻢ ﻃﺮﯾﻘﻮں ﺳﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮨﻮا ان ﮐﺎ ذﮐﺮ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﭽﮫ دﯾﮕﺮ ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﯽ اﮨﻢ ﺿﺮورت ﮐﯽ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮨﯽ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
‫ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻣﺪد ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ۔‬
‫ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ اور ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ‬،‫ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ‬
‫ﭘﺨﺘﮧ ﯾﻘﯿﻦ رﮐﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺗﯿﺴﺮے درﺟﮯ — ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ‬
‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں — ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺗﻔﺼﯿﻼت آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﯽ ﭼﺎﮨﺌﯿﮟ۔ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ آﺋﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ دو ﻣﺨﺼﻮص ﺑﺎب‬
‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮐﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮس ﮐﯿﺎ۔ اﯾﮏ ﻧﭽﻠﯽ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں )ﭘﻨﭽﺎﯾﺘﻮں( ﭘﺮ اور دوﺳﺮا ﻣﯿﻮﻧﺴﭙﻞ ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯿﻮں‬
‫ ﺳﺎل ﺑﻌﺪ‬42 ‫ دﺳﺘﺎوﯾﺰ ﮐﮯ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ ان ﮐﯽ رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯿﮟ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ‬
‫اور اﺳﮯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮار رﮐﮭﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺳﻨﺠﯿﺪہ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ۔ اب وﻗﺖ آﮔﯿﺎ‬
‫ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮨﻢ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﺧﻮدﻣﺨﺘﺎری ﮐﮯ ﺣﻮاﻟﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ اﯾﺴﺎ ﮨﯽ ﮐﺮﯾﮟ‬
‫۔‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ آرڈﯾﻨﻨﺲ ﺟﺎری ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬128 ‫ اور‬89 ‫آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮕﺰﯾﮑﭩﻮ ﮐﻮ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﮧ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺳﺎزی ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﭘﺮ اﯾﮏ دﮬﺒﮧ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﮧ ﮐﺎ ﺳﮩﺎرا ﻟﯿﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﺑﺠﭧ ﻣﯿﮟ‬84 ‫آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
modifications in the budget and authorise
expenditure from the Federal Consolidated Fund
without recourse to the legislature under Article
84 of the Constitution is simply unacceptable in a
democracy and should change.
Lastly, parliament was coerced in 2010 to water
down its role in the appointment of judges and it
had to post-haste pass the 19th Amendment.
Parliament should amend Article 175-A to assert
its rightful role in scrutinising the appointment of
judges to the superior courts.
The writer is president of the Pakistan Institute of
Legislative Development And Transparency.
president@pildat.org
Twitter: @ABMPildat
Published in Dawn, April 8th, 2023
The forgotten children
Shahab Usto
The writer is a lawyer and an academic.
WHILE the elites are locked in an internecine
power struggle, millions of flood-affected,
homeless and destitute citizens have been left to
fend for themselves. Most of these wretched
families have been practically forced to cater to
their own needs — food, shelter, health and above
all, the education of their psychologically
traumatised children.
The situation is grave in Sindh where about
20,000 public schools have been destroyed or
considerably damaged, depriving hundreds of
thousands of poor children of an education, and
that too, at the most formative stage of their lives.
Although the provincial government has since
declared an ‘educational emergency’, barring
some official meetings and pressers, nothing
much has come forth in the form of concrete
efforts on the part of the provincial or federal
government to rehabilitate these ill-fated schools.
Indeed, the prospect of these forgotten children
resuming their schooling anytime soon seems
rather dim. Although the country is listed among
the climatically most vulnerable states, there
seems to be hardly any urgency or preparedness ‫ ﻣﻮﺳﻤﯽ‬،‫وﻓﺎﻗﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﮯ آﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ ﻣﺪﺗﯽ‬
on the part of provincial and federal governments
to meet the impending, let alone long-term,
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‫ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ اور وﻓﺎﻗﯽ ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﯿﮉﯾﭩﮉ ﻓﻨﮉ ﺳﮯ اﺧﺮاﺟﺎت ﮐﯽ اﺟﺎزت‬
‫دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯽ اﺧﺘﯿﺎرات ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮل ﮨﯿﮟ اور‬
‫اﺳﮯ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ۔‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﻮ ﺟﺠﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻘﺮری ﻣﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﮯ‬2010 ،‫آﺧﺮ ﮐﺎر‬
‫وﯾﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ‬19 ‫ﮐﺮدار ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﻧﯽ ﭘﮭﯿﺮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮر ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ اور اﺳﮯ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﺎزی ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﺎس ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭘﮍا۔ ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﻮ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﮐﮧ وہ‬
‫ﯽ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺠﻮں‬ ٰ ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﺮﻣﯿﻢ ﮐﺮے ﺗﺎﮐﮧ اﻋﻠ‬A-175 ‫آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺗﻘﺮری ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﭻ ﭘﮍﺗﺎل ﻣﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﺎ ﺻﺤﯿﺢ ﮐﺮدار ادا ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎ‬
‫ﺳﮑﮯ۔‬
‫ﺑ ﮭ ﻮ ﻟ ﮯ ﺑ ﮭ ﺎﻟ ﮯ ﺑ ﭽ ﮯ‬
‫ﺷﮩﺎب اﺳﺘﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺎﮨﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اور ﻣﺎﮨﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﺟﺐ ﮐﮧ اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ آﭘﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ اﻗﺘﺪار ﮐﯽ ﮐﺸﻤﮑﺶ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﮑﮍے ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
‫ ﺑﮯ ﮔﮭﺮ اور ﺑﮯ ﺳﮩﺎرا ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں‬،‫ ﻻﮐﮭﻮں ﺳﯿﻼب ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮہ‬،‫ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﻮ اﭘﻨﺎ ﭘﯿﭧ ﭘﺎﻟﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﭼﮭﻮڑ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﺗﺮ‬
،‫ ﺧﻮراک‬- ‫ﺑﺪ ﺣﺎل ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻋﻤﻠﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺿﺮورﯾﺎت‬
‫ ﺻﺤﺖ اور ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍھ ﮐﺮ اﭘﻨﮯ ﻧﻔﺴﯿﺎﺗﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺻﺪﻣﮯ‬،‫رﮨﺎﺋﺶ‬
‫ﺳﮯ دوﭼﺎر ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﻮ ﭘﻮرا ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮر ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﮨﺰار ﺳﺮﮐﺎری‬20 ‫ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﻮرﺗﺤﺎل ﺳﻨﮕﯿﻦ ﮨﮯ ﺟﮩﺎں ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﺳﮯ ﻻﮐﮭﻮں‬،‫اﺳﮑﻮل ﺗﺒﺎہ ﯾﺎ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺣﺪ ﺗﮏ ﺗﺒﺎہ ﮨﻮﭼﮑﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ اور وہ ﺑﮭﯽ اﭘﻨﯽ زﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﺑﭽﮯ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺮوم ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫اﺑﺘﺪاﺋﯽ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮯ ﭘﺮ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ 'ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﯽ‬
‫ ﮐﭽﮫ ﺳﺮﮐﺎری اﺟﻼﺳﻮں اور ﭘﺮﯾﺴﺮز‬،‫اﯾﻤﺮﺟﻨﺴﯽ' ﮐﺎ اﻋﻼن ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ان ﺑﺪﻗﺴﻤﺖ اﺳﮑﻮﻟﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﯾﺎ‬،‫ﮐﻮ ﭼﮭﻮڑ ﮐﺮ‬
‫وﻓﺎﻗﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﮯ ﭨﮭﻮس ﮐﻮﺷﺸﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺻﻮرت ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ آﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ان ﺑﮭﻮﻟﮯ ﺑﮭﺎﻟﮯ ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﮯ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ وﻗﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﮨﯽ‬،‫درﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ‬
‫دوﺑﺎرہ اﺳﮑﻮل ﺟﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ اﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎت ﻣﻌﺪوم ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ‬
‫ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﺎ ﺷﻤﺎر ﻣﻮﺳﻤﯿﺎﺗﯽ ﻟﺤﺎظ ﺳﮯ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﺧﻄﺮے ﺳﮯ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﯾﺴﺎ ﻟﮕﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ اور‬،‫دوﭼﺎر رﯾﺎﺳﺘﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﻮں ﮐﻮ ﭼﮭﻮڑﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ ﮨﯽ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻋﺠﻠﺖ ﯾﺎ ﺗﯿﺎری‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
climatic challenges. Another, possibly disastrous,
spell of monsoons is about to begin, yet the Sindh
government has neither rehabilitated the broken
irrigation infrastructure, nor restored the old
clogged up dhoras (historical spillways) to save
the cities by draining out the floodwater. Also, the
promise of reconstructing destroyed houses is
still waiting to be fulfilled.
Even otherwise, public education — particularly
among poorer sections — has hardly been a
priority with governments. Unicef reckons that
Pakistan has the world’s second-highest number
of out-of-school children. The numbers
themselves are horrifying: 22.8 million children
aged five to 16 or 44 per cent of the total
population in this age group are out of school; 5m
children drop out after the primary level; 11.4m
adolescents aged 10 to 14 don’t receive any
formal education. In Sindh, 52pc of the poorest
children (58pc of them girls) are out of school.
The other ills include: low national spending on
public education, a dilapidated educational
infrastructure, poor quality of teaching, curricula
guided by faith and ideology rather than facts and
science, and the opaque recruitment of teachers.
The prospect of flood-hit children in Sindh
resuming their schooling soon seems dim.
Given that 60pc of our population is composed of
the poor, two questions — related to the moral
and constitutional foundations of the state —
arise: could a state built on the promise of
ensuring social justice, equality before the law,
and protection of life, limb, property and the
honour of its citizens, deny for decades the right
of citizens to education and hence a decent and
productive life? And what are the options for a
dejected, destitute and betrayed citizen to enforce
his or her constitutional rights in a constantly
transgressing state?
In such a situation, the citizen has two options.
First, he could join a political party that represents
his class or at least protects his rights and
liberties. But here this option has long been
closed to him. Post-war working class
movements that were inspired by Marxist,
Leninist and Maoist ideologies, or the later left-
leaning progressive platforms, are all but extinct,
barring some existing on the fringes. But that
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‫ ﻣﻮن ﺳﻮن‬،‫ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺗﺒﺎہ ﮐﻦ‬،‫دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دے رﮨﯽ ﮨﻮ۔ اﯾﮏ اور‬
‫ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد ﺳﻨﺪھ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﮐﺎ ﺳﭙﯿﻞ ﺷﺮوع ﮨﻮﻧﮯ واﻻ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻧﮧ ﺗﻮ ﭨﻮﭨﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ آﺑﭙﺎﺷﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺑﺤﺎل ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ اور‬
‫ﻧﮧ ﮨﯽ ﭘﺮاﻧﮯ ﺑﻨﺪ دﮬﻮروں )ﺗﺎرﯾﺨﯽ ﺳﭙﻞ وﯾﺰ( ﮐﻮ ﺑﺤﺎل ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺗﺎﮐﮧ ﺳﯿﻼﺑﯽ ﭘﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻧﮑﺎل ﮐﺮ ﺷﮩﺮوں ﮐﻮ ﺑﭽﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﮯ۔ ﻧﯿﺰ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺎہ ﺷﺪہ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎت ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﻤﯿﺮ ﻧﻮ ﮐﺎ وﻋﺪہ اﺑﮭﯽ ﺗﮏ ﭘﻮرا ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ‬
‫اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬- ‫ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ‬،‫ﯾﮩﺎں ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ دوﺳﺮی ﺻﻮرت ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ ﮨﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﺮﺟﯿﺢ رﮨﯽ‬- ‫ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﻮں ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن‬
‫ﮨﻮ۔ ﯾﻮﻧﯿﺴﯿﻒ ﮐﺎ ﺧﯿﺎل ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن دﻧﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ اﺳﮑﻮل ﻧﮧ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ‬
‫واﻟﮯ ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﻣﯿﮟ دوﺳﺮے ﻧﻤﺒﺮ ﭘﺮ ﮨﮯ۔ اﻋﺪاد و ﺷﻤﺎر‬
‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻦ ﺑﭽﮯ‬22.8 ‫ ﺳﺎل ﮐﯽ ﻋﻤﺮ ﮐﮯ‬16 ‫ ﺳﮯ‬5 :‫ﺧﻮد ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ اﺳﮑﻮل ﺳﮯ ﺑﺎﮨﺮ‬44 ‫ﯾﺎ اس ﻋﻤﺮ ﮐﮯ ﮔﺮوپ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻞ آﺑﺎدی ﮐﺎ‬
10 ‫ ﻻﮐﮫ ﺑﭽﮯ ﭘﺮاﺋﻤﺮی ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﭼﮭﻮڑ دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬50 ‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮان ﮐﻮﺋﯽ رﺳﻤﯽ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ‬11.4 ‫ ﺳﺎل ﮐﯽ ﻋﻤﺮ ﮐﮯ‬14 ‫ﺳﮯ‬
58) ‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﺗﺮﯾﻦ ﺑﭽﮯ‬52 ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ۔ ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﻟﮍﮐﯿﺎں( اﺳﮑﻮل ﺳﮯ ﺑﺎﮨﺮ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ دﯾﮕﺮ ﺑﺮاﺋﯿﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ ﺧﺴﺘﮧ ﺣﺎل ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﯽ‬،‫ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ اﺧﺮاﺟﺎت‬:‫ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ اور ﺳﺎﺋﻨﺲ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻣﻌﯿﺎر‬،‫اﻧﻔﺮاﺳﭩﺮﮐﭽﺮ‬
‫ اور اﺳﺎﺗﺬہ ﮐﯽ ﻏﯿﺮ‬،‫ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ ﻋﻘﯿﺪے اور ﻧﻈﺮﯾﮯ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﻧﺼﺎب‬
‫واﺿﺢ ﺑﮭﺮﺗﯽ۔‬
‫ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﯿﻼب ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮہ ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﮯ اﺳﮑﻮل ﺟﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
‫اﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎت ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﻌﺪوم ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﻏﺮﯾﺒﻮں ﭘﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ‬60 ‫ﯾﮧ دﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮨﻤﺎری آﺑﺎدی ﮐﺎ‬
‫ دو ﺳﻮاﻻت — ﺟﻮ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﯽ اﺧﻼﻗﯽ اور آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدوں ﺳﮯ‬،‫ﮨﮯ‬
،‫ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ اﻧﺼﺎف‬:‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﮨﯿﮟ — ﭘﯿﺪا ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ اور زﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﮐﻮ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ ﺑﺮاﺑﺮی‬
‫ ﺟﺎﺋﯿﺪاد اور اﭘﻨﮯ ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں‬،‫وﻋﺪے ﭘﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ؟ اﻋﻀﺎء‬
‫ ﮐﺌﯽ دﮨﺎﺋﯿﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ﺣﻖ ﺳﮯ اﻧﮑﺎری‬،‫ﮐﯽ ﻋﺰت‬
‫ﮨﯿﮟ اور اس ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻣﮩﺬب اور ﭘﯿﺪاواری زﻧﺪﮔﯽ؟ اور اﯾﮏ‬
‫ ﺑﮯ ﺳﮩﺎرا اور دﮬﻮﮐﮧ دﮨﯽ ﮐﺎ ﺷﮑﺎر ﺷﮩﺮی ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس اﭘﻨﮯ‬،‫ﻣﺎﯾﻮس‬
‫آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﻮ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺧﻼف ورزی ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ آﭘﺸﻦ ﮨﯿﮟ؟‬
‫اﯾﺴﯽ ﺻﻮرت ﺣﺎل ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﮩﺮی ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس دو راﺳﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ وہ اﯾﺴﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ‬
‫ﺟﻮ اس ﮐﮯ ﻃﺒﻘﮯ ﮐﯽ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﻮ ﯾﺎ ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ اس ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮق اور آزادﯾﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﻮ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﮩﺎں ﯾﮧ آﭘﺸﻦ اس‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﻋﺮﺻﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﮐﺶ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﻨﻨﺴﭧ اور ﻣﺎؤﺳﭧ ﻧﻈﺮﯾﺎت‬،‫ﻃﺒﻘﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮑﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺎرﮐﺴﺴﭧ‬
‫ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﻃﺮف ﺟﮭﮑﺎؤ رﮐﮭﻨﮯ واﻟﮯ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﭘﻠﯿﭧ‬،
‫ ﺟﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﭽﮫ‬،‫ ﺳﺒﮭﯽ ﻧﺎﭘﯿﺪ ﮨﻮ ﭼﮑﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬،‫ﻓﺎرﻣﺰ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ‬
‫ اس ﮐﻮ ﭼﮭﻮڑ ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس ﮐﺎ ﯾﮧ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ‬،‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﮨﯿﮟ‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
doesn’t mean that progressive or class-based
politics is passé. On the contrary, leftist
governments or at least left-oriented social
agendas continue to shape much of the world,
including Latin America, Europe and even Modi’s
India.
Regrettably, here, state-sponsored feudal,
conservative and populist leaderships have
crowded out, rather crushed, the left and working
class politics. All three fountainheads of
progressive politics — peasant movements,
labour unions and student bodies — have been
virtually stamped out. Instead, private property
and capital have become deified in the name of
political stability, economic growth and national
security. Labour laws stand drastically rigged in
favour of the employer; land reforms lie buried in
the cloak of ‘Islamisation’; and the coercive
apparatus, armed with a brutal antiterrorism code,
remains ever ready to smother the voices of
dissent.
The other option for a wronged citizen is to knock
on the door of the court under Article 199, or
sparingly, Article 184(3) of the Constitution. In
fact, judicial recourse has become the most
popular remedy, thanks to an increasingly
inefficient and dysfunctional state machinery. But
this path is littered with many a pitfall: the courts
are overburdened; litigation is lengthy and
expensive; ‘policy’ issues are beyond their scope;
the government employs the ‘face-value’ of
renowned lawyers; and often it takes a second
round of litigation to get a judicial order
implemented. In these circumstances, a man of
small means, and usually living in a suburban or
feudal-tribal milieu, will rarely venture out to
enforce his fundamental rights by suing the public
authorities.
As a result, perhaps the sole option left to a poor
man (or woman) is either to resign himself to his
(ill) fate, or ‘surrender’ his civil and political rights
to a powerful local honcho or the so-called
‘electable’. But ironically, even this surrender
won’t fetch him transactional benefits unless he
really adds to the electoral success or societal
power of his putative benefactor.
It’s a pity that the current ‘democratic’
dispensation in Sindh, if not in much of the
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‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﯾﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮ ﭼﮑﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺑﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﺑﺎزو ﮐﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯿﮟ ﯾﺎ ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ ﺑﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﺑﺎزو ﭘﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﯽ‬،‫ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ‬
‫ ﯾﻮرپ اور ﯾﮩﺎں ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ ﻣﻮدی‬،‫ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ اﯾﺠﻨﮉے ﻻﻃﯿﻨﯽ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﺳﻤﯿﺖ دﻧﯿﺎ ﮐﮯ ﺑﯿﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺼﻮں ﮐﻮ ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ دﯾﺘﮯ‬
‫رﮨﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﻗﺪاﻣﺖ‬،‫اﻓﺴﻮس ﮐﮧ ﯾﮩﺎں رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺎﮔﯿﺮداراﻧﮧ‬
‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪ اور ﭘﺎﭘﻮﻟﺴﭧ ﻗﯿﺎدﺗﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺑﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﺑﺎزو اور ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﮐﺶ ﻃﺒﻘﮯ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻮ ﮨﺠﻮم ﺑﻠﮑﮧ ﮐﭽﻞ دﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﺰدور ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻨﯿﮟ اور ﻃﻠﺒﮧ‬،‫ﺗﯿﻨﻮں ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﮯ — ﮐﺴﺎن ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮑﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻤﯿﮟ — ﻋﻤﻠﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮ ﭼﮑﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﯽ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ اور ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎم ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم‬
‫ﻧﺠﯽ اﻣﻼک اور ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﮧ ﻣﻌﺒﻮد ﺑﻦ ﭼﮑﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻟﯿﺒﺮ ﻗﻮاﻧﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫آﺟﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﯿﮟ زﺑﺮدﺳﺖ دﮬﺎﻧﺪﻟﯽ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ زﻣﯿﻨﯽ اﺻﻼ‬
‫ﺣﺎت ’اﺳﻼﻣﺎﺋﺰﯾﺸﻦ‘ ﮐﮯ ﻟﺒﺎدے ﻣﯿﮟ دﻓﻦ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اور اﯾﮏ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﮧ‬
‫ اﺧﺘﻼف ﮐﯽ‬،‫اﻧﺴﺪاد دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی ﮐﻮڈ ﺳﮯ ﻟﯿﺲ ﺟﺒﺮ ﮐﺎ آﻟﮧ‬
‫آوازوں ﮐﻮ دﺑﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮨﻤﯿﺸﮧ ﺗﯿﺎر رﮨﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮐﺴﯽ ﻣﻈﻠﻮم ﺷﮩﺮی ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ دوﺳﺮا آﭘﺸﻦ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ وہ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﮐﺎ دروازہ ﮐﮭﭩﮑﮭﭩﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﯾﺎ ﭘﮭﺮ آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ‬199
‫ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ ﺳﮩﺎرا ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ‬،‫( ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ۔ درﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ‬3)184 ‫آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ ﻣﺸﯿﻨﺮی ﺗﯿﺰی‬،‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮل ﻋﻼج ﺑﻦ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﻧﺎﮐﺎرہ اور ﻏﯿﺮ ﻓﻌﺎل ﮨﻮﺗﯽ ﺟﺎ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﮧ راﺳﺘﮧ ﺑﮩﺖ‬
‫ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﻮں ﭘﺮ ﺑﻮﺟﮫ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ‬:‫ﺳﮯ ﺧﺮاﺑﯿﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﺮا ﮨﻮا ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﭼﺎرہ ﺟﻮﺋﯽ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ اور ﻣﮩﻨﮕﯽ ﮨﮯ؛ 'ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ' ﮐﮯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ان ﮐﮯ‬
'‫داﺋﺮہ ﮐﺎر ﺳﮯ ﺑﺎﮨﺮ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺮوف وﮐﻼء ﮐﯽ 'ﻓﯿﺲ وﯾﻠﯿﻮ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﻣﻼزﻣﺖ دﯾﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اور اﮐﺜﺮ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ ﺣﮑﻢ ﮐﻮ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
،‫ﻟﯿﮯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ ﭼﺎرہ ﺟﻮﺋﯽ ﮐﺎ دوﺳﺮا دور ﻟﮕﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ان ﺣﺎﻻت ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ اور ﻋﺎم ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﯾﮏ ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎﺗﯽ ﯾﺎ‬،‫اﯾﮏ ﭼﮭﻮﭨﺎ ﺳﺎ آدﻣﯽ‬
‫ ﺷﺎذ و ﻧﺎدر ﮨﯽ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ‬،‫ﺟﺎﮔﯿﺮداراﻧﮧ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻠﯽ ﻣﺎﺣﻮل ﻣﯿﮟ رﮨﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺣﮑﺎم ﭘﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮧ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﮯ ﻧﻔﺎذ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻧﮑﻠﮯ ﮔﺎ‬
‫۔‬
‫ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ اﯾﮏ ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﻣﺮد )ﯾﺎ ﻋﻮرت( ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس‬،‫اس ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫واﺣﺪ آﭘﺸﻦ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ وہ ﯾﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮد ﮐﻮ اﭘﻨﯽ )ﺑﯿﻤﺎر( ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﯾﺎ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺷﮩﺮی اور ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﻮ ﮐﺴﯽ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻮر‬،‫ﺣﻮاﻟﮯ ﮐﺮ دے‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ ﮨﻨﭽﻮ ﯾﺎ ﻧﺎم ﻧﮩﺎد 'اﻟﯿﮑﭧ اﯾﺒﻞ' ﮐﮯ ﺣﻮاﻟﮯ ﮐﺮ دے۔ ' ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺘﻢ ﻇﺮﯾﻔﯽ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اس ﮨﺘﮭﯿﺎر ڈاﻟﻨﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ اﺳﮯ ﻟﯿﻦ دﯾﻦ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻓﻮاﺋﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮں ﮔﮯ ﺟﺐ ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ وہ واﻗﻌﯽ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ‬
‫ﮐﺎﻣﯿﺎﺑﯽ ﯾﺎ اس ﮐﮯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﯿﺮ ﺧﻮاہ ﮐﯽ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫اﺿﺎﻓﮧ ﻧﮧ ﮐﺮے۔‬
،‫ﯾﮧ اﻓﺴﻮس ﮐﯽ ﺑﺎت ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدہ 'ﺟﻤﮩﻮری' ﻧﻈﺎم‬
‫ ﺗﻮ اس ﻧﻘﺼﺎن دہ 'ﭘﺮﻧﺴﭙﻞ‬،‫اﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﮯ ﺑﯿﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺼﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
country, is rooted in this pernicious ‘principal-
client’ relationship. The hapless poor must give up
on their political freedom to get some ‘crumbs’ for
their family.
And this immoral and unconstitutional
relationship couldn’t have survived without the
facilitation of the state. Resultantly, there has
developed a permanent nexus between the
disempowerment of the common man and the
despoliation of national wealth, power and
resources. The powerful ‘handlers’ of the state, ie,
a coterie of the military, bureaucratic, judicial,
business, landed and political elites, continue to
thrive while the lot of the poor and powerless
worsens.
Mercifully, the status quo is now under attack.
The principal power centre, Punjab, is politically
sweltering; Balochistan and KP are facing armed
insurgencies; and Sindh is seething with
discontent. In these cataclysmic times, ignoring
the education of millions of poor children is like
preparing the country to become a wasteland in a
world run by cutting-edge technology and super-
human resources.
The writer is a lawyer and an academic.
shahabusto@hotmail.com
Published in Dawn, April 8th, 2023
World then & now
Arif Hasan
The writer is an architect and urban planner.
WHEN I began working in low-income settlements
in the late 1970s and early 1980s, there was no
such thing as NGOs and civil society. Activists in
low-income settlements usually formed an
association which they got registered under the
Societies Act. The activists of the association
invited politicians or bureaucrats to their
settlement, arranged a meeting for them with tea
and samosas, garlanded them, prepared a
sipaasnama in their honour (which was read out
on the occasion), and put forward their demands,
promising to vote for their guests’ party in the
forthcoming elections.
The demands were usually related to water,
‫ﭨﺮاﻧﺴﭙﻮرٹ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ اﮔﺮ ﯾﮧ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ﭘﻮرے ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ﯾﺎ‬
sewage, access to roads and transport. If these
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‫ﮐﻼﺋﻨﭧ' ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﮍا ﮨﻮا ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﮯ ﺑﺲ ﻏﺮﯾﺒﻮں ﮐﻮ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪان‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﭽﮫ ’ﭨﮑﺮے‘ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ آزادی ﺳﮯ‬
‫دﺳﺘﺒﺮدار ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ۔‬
‫اور ﯾﮧ ﻏﯿﺮ اﺧﻼﻗﯽ اور ﻏﯿﺮ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ رﺷﺘﮧ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﯽ ﺳﮩﻮﻟﺖ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﻋﺎم آدﻣﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺑﮯ اﺧﺘﯿﺎری‬،‫ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ رہ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﺘًﺎ‬
‫ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ اور وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺮﺑﺎدی ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن اﯾﮏ‬،‫اور ﻗﻮﻣﯽ دوﻟﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﮔﭩﮫ ﺟﻮڑ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮨﻮ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ‬
،‫ ﮐﺎروﺑﺎری‬،‫ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ‬،‫ اﻓﺴﺮ ﺷﺎﮨﯽ‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻮر ’ﮨﯿﻨﮉﻟﺮز‘ ﯾﻌﻨﯽ ﻓﻮج‬
‫ﺟﺎﮔﯿﺮدار اور ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ ﮔﺮوہ ﭘﮭﻠﺘﺎ ﭘﮭﻮﻟﺘﺎ رﮨﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺟﺐ ﮐﮧ ﻏﺮﯾﺐ اور ﺑﮯ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺣﺎل ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺧﺮاب ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﺟﺎ‬
‫رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ اب ﺟﻤﻮد ﭘﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﮧ ﮨﻮ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻣﺮﮐﺰی ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﺎ‬،‫ﻣﮩﺮﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﮨﻠﭽﻞ ﻣﭽﺎ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن اور‬،‫ ﭘﻨﺠﺎب‬،‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﭘﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺷﻮرﺷﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اور ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﺎﯾﻮﺳﯽ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻟﭙﯿﭧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﺗﺒﺎہ ﮐﻦ دور ﻣﯿﮟ ﻻﮐﮭﻮں ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﻮ ﺟﺪﯾﺪ ﭨﯿﮑﻨﺎﻟﻮﺟﯽ اور اﻧﺘﮩﺎﺋﯽ‬
‫اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﮯ ﭼﻠﻨﮯ واﻟﯽ دﻧﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﺑﻨﺠﺮ زﻣﯿﻦ ﺑﻨﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻟﯿﮯ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺘﺮادف ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫د ﻧﯿﺎ ﺗ ﺐ ا و ر اب‬
‫ﻋﺎرف ﺣﺴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺎﮨﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﯿﺮات اور ﺷﮩﺮی ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮧ ﺳﺎز ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﮐﯽ دﮨﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ‬1980 ‫ ﮐﯽ دﮨﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ آﺧﺮ اور‬1970 ‫ﺟﺐ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮯ‬
‫اواﺋﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻢ آﻣﺪﻧﯽ واﻟﯽ ﺑﺴﺘﯿﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺎم ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﺷﺮوع ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﻮ‬
‫وﮨﺎں اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز اور ﺳﻮل ﺳﻮﺳﺎﺋﭩﯽ ﻧﺎم ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﭼﯿﺰ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ﮐﻢ آﻣﺪﻧﯽ واﻟﯽ ﺑﺴﺘﯿﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺮﮔﺮم ﮐﺎرﮐﻨﻮں ﻧﮯ ﻋﺎم ﻃﻮر‬
‫ﭘﺮ اﯾﮏ اﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﯽ ﺟﺴﮯ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺳﻮﺳﺎﺋﭩﯿﺰ اﯾﮑﭧ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫رﺟﺴﭩﺮ ﮐﺮاﯾﺎ۔ اﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﮐﮯ ﮐﺎرﮐﻨﺎن ﻧﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ داﻧﻮں ﯾﺎ‬
‫ ان ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﭼﺎﺋﮯ اور‬،‫ﺑﯿﻮروﮐﺮﯾﭩﺲ ﮐﻮ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺑﺴﺘﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ ﮐﯿﺎ‬
‫ ان ﮐﮯ اﻋﺰاز‬،‫ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﺎر ﭘﮩﻨﺎﺋﮯ‬،‫ﺳﻤﻮﺳﻮں ﺳﮯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎت ﮐﺎ اﮨﺘﻤﺎم ﮐﯿﺎ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﺳﯿﭙﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﮧ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ )ﺟﻮ اس ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮ ﭘﮍھ ﮐﺮ ﺳﻨﺎﯾﺎ‬
‫ اور اﭘﻨﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ وﻋﺪہ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ آﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ‬،(‫ﮔﯿﺎ‬
‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﮯ ﻣﮩﻤﺎﻧﻮں ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﻮ ووٹ دﯾﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺳﮍﮐﻮں ﺗﮏ رﺳﺎﺋﯽ اور‬،‫ ﺳﯿﻮرﯾﺞ‬،‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ﻋﺎم ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﻧﯽ‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
demands were fulfilled or promised to be fulfilled,
the settlement was named after the politician or
bureaucrat who helped fulfil them. If the demands
were not fulfilled or were ignored, there would be
demonstrations, sometimes violent, before the
offices of the relevant authority.
For water, communities often got together and
tapped the existing water lines ‘illegally’, and
connected their self-help sewage lines to the
nearest natural outfall such as a nullah.
Sometimes, the association also hired a journalist
to report on the terrible physical and social
conditions in the settlement. Meanwhile, through
this process, the authorities were forced to hold
negotiations with the associations. Much of
Karachi has developed piecemeal in this manner.
Things began to change with globalisation and
the concepts of neoliberalism and safety nets for
the poor. The donors felt that the funds provided
for safety nets should be managed by NGOs to
prevent corruption and mismanagement, and
many of these NGOs became subservient to
donor policies and programmes. It was also felt
that, individually, these NGOs did not have much
power in determining policies and pressurising
governments. As a result, the concept of civil
society as a conglomerate of NGOs was
promoted.
Earlier, community organisations were part of the
development debate.
However, up to the 1990s, community
organisations and their leaders were made a part
of the debate on development. They participated
in the workshops that were held, they gave their
opinions which were incorporated in reports and
background policy papers (such as for sanitation
and housing), but this process slowly came to an
end. New policies, such as the social and
rehabilitation policy or the Sindh High Density
Board Act, do not have background papers, and
there was no participation of community
organisations or even their leaders in their
formulation.
The Karachi Diagnostic Workshop was put
together by the World Bank to determine a vision
for Karachi. However, it consisted almost entirely
of NGOs, many of which did not have the relevant
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‫ﭘﻮرا ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ وﻋﺪہ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﻮ اس ﺑﺴﺘﯽ ﮐﻮ اس ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺘﺪان ﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺑﯿﻮروﮐﺮﯾﭧ ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎم ﺳﮯ ﻣﻨﺴﻮب ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ ان ﮐﻮ ﭘﻮرا ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺪد ﮐﯽ۔ اﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ﭘﻮرے ﻧﮧ ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ﯾﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﯿﮯ‬
‫ﮔﺌﮯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﮧ اﺗﮭﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ دﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ ﻣﻈﺎﮨﺮے ﮐﯿﮯ ﺟﺎﺋﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺑﻌﺾ اوﻗﺎت ﭘﺮﺗﺸﺪد ﺑﮭﯽ۔‬،‫ﮔﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ اﮐﺜﺮ اﮐﭩﮭﮯ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ اور ﻣﻮﺟﻮدہ‬،‫ﭘﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ اور اﭘﻨﯽ‬،‫ﭘﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻻﺋﻨﻮں ﮐﻮ 'ﻏﯿﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ' ﭨﯿﭗ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻣﺪد آپ ﮐﮯ ﺳﯿﻮرﯾﺞ ﻻﺋﻨﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻗﺮﯾﺒﯽ ﻗﺪرﺗﯽ آﺑﺸﺎر ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﻧﺎﻟﮯ‬
‫ اﯾﺴﻮﺳﯽ اﯾﺸﻦ ﻧﮯ ﺑﺴﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺳﮯ ﺟﻮڑ دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺑﻌﺾ اوﻗﺎت‬
‫ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﯽ اور ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ ﺣﺎﻻت ﮐﯽ رﭘﻮرﭨﻨﮓ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ اس ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺻﺤﺎﻓﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﺑﮭﯽ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﮟ۔ درﯾﮟ اﺛﻨﺎ‬
‫ ﺣﮑﺎم ﮐﻮ اﯾﺴﻮﺳﯽ اﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻣﺬاﮐﺮات ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ‬،‫ذرﯾﻌﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﺮاﭼﯽ ﮐﺎ ﺑﯿﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺼﮧ اس ﻃﺮح ﺳﮯ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬.‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮر ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ﮐﺮ ﭼﮑﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﮕﯿﺮﯾﺖ اور ﻧﻮ ﻟﺒﺮل ازم ﮐﮯ ﺗﺼﻮرات اور ﻏﺮﯾﺒﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﯽ ﺟﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﭼﯿﺰﯾﮟ ﺑﺪﻟﻨﺎ ﺷﺮوع ﮨﻮﺋﯿﮟ۔ ﻋﻄﯿﮧ‬
‫دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن ﻧﮯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮس ﮐﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﯽ ﺟﺎﻟﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﺮدہ‬
‫ﻓﻨﮉز ﮐﺎ اﻧﺘﻈﺎم اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﺗﺎﮐﮧ‬
‫ اور ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮩﺖ‬،‫ﺑﺪﻋﻨﻮاﻧﯽ اور ﺑﺪاﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﻮ روﮐﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﮯ‬
‫ﺳﯽ اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز ﻋﻄﯿﮧ دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﻮں اور ﭘﺮوﮔﺮاﻣﻮں ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﮨﻮ ﮔﺌﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻣﺤﺴﻮس ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ اﻧﻔﺮادی ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ان‬
‫اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز ﮐﻮ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺗﻌﯿﻦ اور ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﭘﺮ دﺑﺎؤ ڈاﻟﻨﮯ‬
‫ اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ زﯾﺎدہ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫اﯾﮏ ﮔﺮوپ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﻮل ﺳﻮﺳﺎﺋﭩﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺼﻮر ﮐﻮ ﻓﺮوغ ﻣﻼ۔‬
‫اس ﺳﮯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯽ ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻤﯿﮟ ﺗﺮﻗﯿﺎﺗﯽ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮐﺎ ﺣﺼﮧ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯽ ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻤﻮں اور ان ﮐﮯ‬،‫ ﮐﯽ دﮨﺎﺋﯽ ﺗﮏ‬1990 ،‫ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫رﮨﻨﻤﺎؤں ﮐﻮ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮐﺎ ﺣﺼﮧ ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺟﻮ‬
‫ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ راﺋﮯ‬،‫ورﮐﺸﺎﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯿﮟ ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﺼﮧ ﻟﯿﺎ‬
‫دی ﺟﻮ رﭘﻮرﭨﺲ اور ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ ﭘﯿﭙﺮز ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﮧ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﮧ‬،(‫ﮔﺌﯽ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ )ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺻﻔﺎﺋﯽ اور رﮨﺎﺋﺶ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﮧ‬،‫آﮨﺴﺘﮧ آﮨﺴﺘﮧ اﭘﻨﮯ اﺧﺘﺘﺎم ﮐﻮ ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎ۔ ﻧﺌﯽ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﺎں‬
‫ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ اور ﺑﺤﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ ﯾﺎ ﺳﻨﺪھ ﮨﺎﺋﯽ ڈﯾﻨﺴﭩﯽ ﺑﻮرڈ‬
‫ اور ان ﮐﯽ ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﮐﮯ ﮐﺎﻏﺬات ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﯿﮟ‬،‫اﯾﮑﭧ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﮧ ان ﮐﮯ رﮨﻨﻤﺎؤں ﮐﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ‬ ٰ ‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯽ ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻤﻮں ﯾﺎ ﺣﺘ‬
‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬
‫ﮐﺮاﭼﯽ ڈاﺋﯿﮕﻨﺎﺳﭩﮏ ورﮐﺸﺎپ ﮐﻮ ورﻟﮉ ﺑﯿﻨﮏ ﻧﮯ ﮐﺮاﭼﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﯾﮧ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ‬،‫اﯾﮏ وژن ﮐﺎ ﺗﻌﯿﻦ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﮐﭩﮭﺎ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ ﺟﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﮐﺜﺮ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز ﭘﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
involvement in the issues discussed. The
diagnostic was prepared in 2017, and to date very
little has materialised out of it.
Development-related literature and reporting has
also changed. Up till the decade of 2010, people’s
concerns and the conditions in their settlements
were reported in considerable detail, and
community leaders were invited to voice their
opinions. However, with the passage of time,
writings and reporting have increasingly consisted
of opinions and articles by ‘experts’, who talk in
terms of statistics and their larger context — in
which communities and specific settlements do
not exist, except as case studies. Much of this is
also because in academia, greater emphasis is
now placed on theorisation and on natural
phenomena (such as climate change and
pandemics) and their repercussions, rather than
on communities.
NGOs have now become the spokespeople for
communities, and in the process, many
communities have lost the initiative that they
once had. Also, the role of community activists in
the development process has decreased.
Although NGO representatives probably present
the case of the communities better than the
activists, they often come under the pressure of
donors and the larger NGOs to whom they are
subservient.
It also happens often that for some reason, the
donors stop funding the NGOs, as a result of
which their programmes come to a standstill.
Pakistan is full of such cases, which have left
communities in the lurch. Many internationally
funded programmes require community
dialogues, but many of them in my experience are
more a dialogue between the educated elite of the
area and the project staff.
It is becoming increasingly necessary that the
community leadership takes over their original
role and becomes the direct spokesperson of
their people in all negotiations with social- and
physical-related development. And the role of
NGOs should be to support the creation of such a
leadership and walk away. The NRSP and SRSO
programmes in Sindh are examples of how this
can be done.
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‫زﯾﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﮧ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﯿﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯽ۔ ﺗﺸﺨﯿﺺ‬
‫ اور آج ﺗﮏ اس ﺳﮯ ﺑﮩﺖ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺎم ﮨﻮا‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬2017
‫ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ادب اور رﭘﻮرﭨﻨﮓ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺧﺪﺷﺎت اور ان ﮐﯽ ﺑﺴﺘﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ‬،‫ ﮐﯽ دﮨﺎﺋﯽ ﺗﮏ‬2010
‫ اور ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯽ‬،‫ﺣﺎﻻت ﮐﻮ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺗﻔﺼﯿﻞ ﺳﮯ رﭘﻮرٹ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ وﻗﺖ‬،‫رﮨﻨﻤﺎؤں ﮐﻮ اﭘﻨﯽ راﺋﮯ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﺮوں اور رﭘﻮرﭨﻨﮓ ﻣﯿﮟ 'ﻣﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ' ﮐﯽ آراء اور‬،‫ﮔﺰرﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ اﻋﺪاد و ﺷﻤﺎر اور ان ﮐﮯ ﺑﮍے‬،‫ﻣﻀﺎﻣﯿﻦ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﮯ ﭼﻠﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ‬- ‫ﺳﯿﺎق و ﺳﺒﺎق ﮐﮯ ﺣﻮاﻟﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺑﺎت ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺳﻮاﺋﮯ ﮐﯿﺲ اﺳﭩﮉﯾﺰ ﮐﮯ‬،‫اور ﻣﺨﺼﻮص ﺑﺴﺘﯿﺎں ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ اب‬،‫۔ اس ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﺗﺮ اس ﻟﯿﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﮐﯿﮉﻣﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ ﻧﻈﺮﯾﮧ ﺳﺎزی اور ﻗﺪرﺗﯽ ﻣﻈﺎﮨﺮ )ﺟﯿﺴﮯ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺳﻤﯿﺎﺗﯽ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯽ اور وﺑﺎﺋﯽ اﻣﺮاض( اور ان ﮐﮯ اﺛﺮات ﭘﺮ زﯾﺎدہ‬
‫زور دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ اور اس ﻋﻤﻞ‬،‫اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز اب ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎن ﺑﻦ ﮔﺌﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﯽ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ اس ﭘﮩﻞ ﮐﻮ ﮐﮭﻮ ﭼﮑﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ ان ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺗﺮﻗﯿﺎﺗﯽ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯽ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﭘﺎس ﮐﺒﮭﯽ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼوہ‬
‫ﮐﺎرﮐﻨﻮں ﮐﮯ ﮐﺮدار ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ او ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻨﺪے ﺷﺎﯾﺪ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﮧ ﮐﺎرﮐﻨﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺑﮩﺘﺮ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ وہ اﮐﺜﺮ ﻋﻄﯿﮧ دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن اور ﺑﮍی اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ‬،‫ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫اوز ﮐﮯ دﺑﺎؤ ﻣﯿﮟ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻦ ﮐﮯ وہ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﮐﺜﺮ اﯾﺴﺎ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮐﺴﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ ﻋﻄﯿﮧ دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن اﯾﻦ‬
‫ﺟﯽ اوز ﮐﻮ ﻓﻨﮉ دﯾﻨﺎ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ ان ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﭘﺮوﮔﺮام ﭨﮭﭗ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن اﯾﺴﮯ ﮐﯿﺴﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﺮا ﭘﮍا‬
‫ ﺟﻨﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ ﮐﻮ ﺟﮭﻨﺠﮭﻮڑ ﮐﺮ رﮐﮫ دﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ‬،‫ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺑﯿﻦ اﻻﻗﻮاﻣﯽ ﻣﺎﻟﯿﺎﺗﯽ ﭘﺮوﮔﺮاﻣﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯽ ڈاﺋﯿﻼگ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻣﯿﺮے ﺗﺠﺮﺑﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ‬،‫ﺿﺮورت ﮨﻮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﯾﺎﻓﺘﮧ اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ اور ﭘﺮوﺟﯿﮑﭧ ﮐﮯ ﻋﻤﻠﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
‫درﻣﯿﺎن زﯾﺎدہ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ ﺗﯿﺰی ﺳﮯ ﺿﺮوری ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﺟﺎ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت اﭘﻨﺎ‬
‫اﺻﻞ ﮐﺮدار ﺳﻨﺒﮭﺎﻟﮯ اور ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ اور ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎم ﮔﻔﺖ و ﺷﻨﯿﺪ ﻣﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺑﺮاہ راﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎن ﺑﻨﮯ۔‬
‫اور اﯾﻦ ﺟﯽ اوز ﮐﺎ ﮐﺮدار ﯾﮧ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﮐﮧ وہ اﯾﺴﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺗﺨﻠﯿﻖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺪد ﮐﺮﯾﮟ اور اس ﺳﮯ دور ﭼﻠﯿﮟ۔ ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﭘﺮوﮔﺮام اس ﮐﯽ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﯿﮟ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ‬SRSO ‫ اور‬NRSP
‫ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
The writer is an architect and urban planner.
arifhasan37@gmail.com
www.arifhasan.org
Published in Dawn, April 8th, 2023
A distant dream?
Arooj Waheed Dar
The writer is a lecturer of economics and
research fellow at IBA, Karachi.
ECONOMIC rejuvenation at the cost of human
development can never be sustainable. Evidence
shows that nations can never experience
sustainable progress unless there is human
capital accumulation, ie, improvement in the
quality of population. Undisputedly, health has a
major role to play in human development.
In Pakistan, health remains one of the most
neglected areas in policy matters. For FY-23, the
budget for healthcare is a mere 2.1 per cent of
GDP. This lack of attention from the government
towards healthcare has led to a deterioration in
the quality and quantity of the facilities provided.
Annual per capita spending on healthcare in
Pakistan is a mere $40, one of the lowest in the
world. Out of this, the government spends only
one-third; the remaining is covered out of pocket.
The infant mortality rate stands at 56.9 deaths per
1,000 live births, and the maternal mortality rate
at 186 per 100,000 births. Only 0.6 hospital beds
are available per 1,000 persons. Basic Health
Units and Rural Health Centres remain largely
inaccessible, understaffed and/or deserted.
Given that human capital is the foundation of
sustainable economic growth, the recent budget
cuts in social spending will worsen the condition
of the healthcare infrastructure. With the
skyrocketing cost of living, rising poverty and the
Sehat Card’s uncertain fate, it is important to talk
about healthcare in Pakistan.
Owing to the limited capacity and deplorable
conditions of government hospitals, the majority
of the population avoids going there; preferring,
instead, to visit local pirs and aamils to seek relief
from their ailments. Many even resort to applying
desitotkas (home remedies) shared on WhatsApp
groups, which often end up worsening the
condition of the patient.
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‫ا ﯾ ﮏ د و ر ﮐ ﺎ ﺧ ﻮ ا ب؟‬
‫ﻋﺮوج وﺣﯿﺪ ڈار‬
‫ ﮐﺮاﭼﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ اﮐﻨﺎﻣﮑﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﭽﺮر اور رﯾﺴﺮچ ﻓﯿﻠﻮ‬،IBA ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ‬
‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﻤﺖ ﭘﺮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدی ﺑﺤﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﺒﮭﯽ ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ۔ ﺷﻮاﮨﺪ ﺳﮯ ﭘﺘﮧ ﭼﻠﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻗﻮﻣﯿﮟ اس وﻗﺖ ﺗﮏ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﮐﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﮧ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﯿﮟ ﺟﺐ ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ وﮨﺎں اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ ﯾﻌﻨﯽ آﺑﺎدی ﮐﮯ ﻣﻌﯿﺎر ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮩﺘﺮی ﻧﮧ ﮨﻮ۔ ﺑﻼ‬،‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﮧ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﮧ ﮨﻮ‬
‫ ﺻﺤﺖ اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ اﮨﻢ ﮐﺮدار ادا ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬،‫ﺷﺒﮧ‬
‫ ﺻﺤﺖ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ‬،‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﯿﮯ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﺷﻌﺒﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﺳﺎل‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﺎ ﺑﺠﭧ ﺟﯽ ڈی ﭘﯽ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺤﺾ‬23
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل‬2.1
‫ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺗﻮﺟﮧ ﻧﮧ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ‬
‫ﺳﮩﻮﻟﯿﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻣﻌﯿﺎر اور ﻣﻘﺪار ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮕﺎڑ ﭘﯿﺪا ﮨﻮا ﮨﮯ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن‬
‫ ڈ‬40 ‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﭘﺮ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﮧ ﻓﯽ ﮐﺲ ﺧﺮچ ﺻﺮف‬
‫ ﺟﻮ دﻧﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﮐﻢ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬،‫اﻟﺮ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺻﺮف اﯾﮏ ﺗﮩﺎﺋﯽ ﺧﺮچ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﺟﯿﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﺎﮨﺮ اﺣﺎﻃﮧ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ‬
‫ زﻧﺪہ ﭘﯿﺪاﺋﺸﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬1,000 ‫ ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺷﺮح اﻣﻮات ﻓﯽ‬.‫ﮨﮯ‬
100,000 ‫ ﻓﯽ‬186 ‫ اور زﭼﮕﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺷﺮح اﻣﻮات‬،‫ اﻣﻮات‬56.9
‫ ﮨﺴﭙﺘﺎل ﮐﮯ‬0.6 ‫ اﻓﺮاد ﭘﺮ ﺻﺮف‬1,000 ‫ﭘﯿﺪاﺋﺸﻮں ﭘﺮ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻓﯽ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ دﺳﺘﯿﺎب ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﮯ ﯾﻮﻧﭧ اور دﯾﮩﯽ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﯾﺎ وﯾﺮان ﭘﮍے‬/‫ ﮐﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﮧ اور‬،‫ﻣﺮاﮐﺰ ﺑﮍی ﺣﺪ ﺗﮏ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ رﺳﺎﺋﯽ‬
‫ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ دﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮐﮧ اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﮧ ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار اﻗﺘﺼﺎدی ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ اﺧﺮاﺟﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﺑﺠﭧ ﮐﭩﻮﺗﯿﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ‬،‫ﺑﻨﯿﺎد ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺧﺮاب ﮨﻮ‬
‫ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‬،‫ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﯽ۔ زﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﯽ آﺳﻤﺎن ﭼﮭﻮﺗﯽ ﻗﯿﻤﺖ‬
‫ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن‬،‫اور ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﺎرڈ ﮐﯽ ﻏﯿﺮ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﺻﻮرت ﺣﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﺎت ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﺿﺮوری ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺳﺮﮐﺎری ﮨﺴﭙﺘﺎﻟﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻣﺤﺪود ﮔﻨﺠﺎﺋﺶ اور ﻣﺨﺪوش ﺣﺎﻻت ﮐﯽ‬
‫وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ آﺑﺎدی ﮐﯽ اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺖ وﮨﺎں ﺟﺎﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮔﺮﯾﺰ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اس‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ ﭘﯿﺮوں اور ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻮں ﺳﮯ ﻣﻠﻨﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺗﺮﺟﯿﺢ دﯾﺘﮯ‬
‫ﮨﯿﮟ ﺗﺎﮐﮧ وہ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺑﯿﻤﺎرﯾﻮں ﺳﮯ ﻧﺠﺎت ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮩﺎں‬
‫ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻟﻮگ واﭨﺲ اﯾﭗ ﮔﺮوﭘﺲ ﭘﺮ ﺷﯿﺌﺮ ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ اﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﯾﺾ‬،‫ڈﯾﺴﯿﻮﭨﮑﺎس )ﮔﮭﺮﯾﻠﻮ ﻋﻼج( ﮐﺎ ﺳﮩﺎرا ﻟﯿﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺑﮕﺎڑ دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
UHC remains a neglected area.
The only other alternative available for poorer
segments is to seek healthcare from ‘affordable’
private doctors. Contrary to expectations, this
also poses a high risk. Going by the Labour Force
Survey 2020-21, we can see that 37.2pc of
medical practitioners in Pakistan do not hold a
degree in medicine; 25pc of these do not hold a
degree in any discipline. Of traditional and
complementary medicine professionals, 69pc are
practising without any degree.
Most of these ‘medical specialists’ end up
prescribing short-term fixes to manage the
symptoms, rather than accurately diagnosing the
disease. Antibiotics are prescribed without
reason, leading to increased antibiotic resistance.
Vaccine hesitancy, lack of focus on preventive
measures, increasing population and resurgence
of Covid-19 have increased the demand for
healthcare in Pakistan, but the rising cost of living
has crippled the capacity of the poorer segments
to afford it.
Achieving universal health coverage by 2030 is a
key UN goal set in the Sustainable Development
Goals. The government’s lack of focus on the
health sector means we are lagging behind other
countries. The main issue is the lack of funding,
and the big question remains: with a meagre tax
base of only two million taxpayers, how can the
government finance UHC?
This can be done by creating opportunities for
public-private partnerships between the
government and health insurance providers.
Mandatory health insurance for all can be a great
leap towards achieving UHC. A ‘health tax’ can be
imposed under which unhealthy items such as
tobacco can be taxed, and the revenue collected
can be diverted towards healthcare. Digital health
platforms should be made ubiquitous, allowing
women and children to access good quality and
affordable healthcare from the
comfort of their homes. Some external borrowing
can also be directed towards the health sector. In
this regard, the $300m allocated to the
development of National Health Support
Prog ramme by the World Bank is a step in the
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‫ﯾﻮ اﯾﭻ ﺳﯽ اﯾﮏ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﺷﺪہ ﻋﻼﻗﮧ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ دﺳﺘﯿﺎب واﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﺒﺎدل 'ﺳﺴﺘﯽ' ﻧﺠﯽ‬
‫ڈاﮐﭩﺮوں ﺳﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎت ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﯾﮧ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺑﮩﺖ زﯾﺎدہ ﺧﻄﺮہ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟﯿﺒﺮ ﻓﻮرس ﺳﺮوے‬،‫ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ‬
‫ ﮨﻢ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬21-2020
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﮑﻞ ﭘﺮﯾﮑﭩﯿﺸﻨﺮز ﻃﺐ ﻣﯿﮟ ڈﮔﺮی ﻧﮩﯿﮟ رﮐﮭﺘﮯ۔‬37.2
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺷﻌﺒﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ڈﮔﺮی ﻧﮩﯿﮟ رﮐﮭﺘﮯ۔‬25 ‫ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬
69 ‫رواﯾﺘﯽ اور ﺗﮑﻤﯿﻠﯽ ادوﯾﺎت ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﺸﮧ ور اﻓﺮاد ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﮐﺴﯽ ڈﮔﺮی ﮐﮯ ﻣﺸﻖ ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﺗﺮ 'ﻃﺒﯽ ﻣﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ' ﺑﯿﻤﺎری ﮐﯽ درﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﯿﺺ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﮐﻮ ﺳﻨﺒﮭﺎﻟﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻗﻠﯿﻞ ﻣﺪﺗﯽ اﺻﻼ‬
‫ﺣﺎت ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﯾﻨﭩﯽ ﺑﺎﺋﯿﻮﭨﮑﺲ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﮐﺴﯽ وﺟﮧ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﺳﮯ اﯾﻨﭩﯽ ﺑﺎﺋﯿﻮﭨﮏ ﻣﺰاﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ اﺣﺘﯿﺎﻃﯽ ﺗﺪاﺑﯿﺮ ﭘﺮ‬،‫اﺿﺎﻓﮧ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ وﯾﮑﺴﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﭽﮑﭽﺎﮨﭧ‬
‫ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﯽ ﻧﮯ‬19-‫ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ آﺑﺎدی اور ﮐﻮوڈ‬،‫ﺗﻮﺟﮧ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻤﯽ‬
‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﯽ ﻣﺎﻧﮓ ﻣﯿﮟ اﺿﺎﻓﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ زﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﻻﮔﺖ ﻧﮯ ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﺎت ﮐﯽ‬،
‫ﺑﺮداﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ ﮐﻮ ﮐﻤﺰور ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﺗﮏ ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮرﺳﻞ ﮨﯿﻠﺘﮫ ﮐﻮرﯾﺞ ﮐﺎ ﺣﺼﻮل ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﮐﮯ‬2030
‫اﮨﺪاف ﻣﯿﮟ اﻗﻮام ﻣﺘﺤﺪہ ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ اﮨﻢ ﮨﺪف ﮨﮯ۔ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺷﻌﺒﮯ‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻮﺟﮧ ﻧﮧ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮨﻢ دوﺳﺮے ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ‬
‫ اور ﺑﮍا ﺳﻮال‬،‫ﺳﮯ ﭘﯿﭽﮭﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﮧ ﻓﻨﮉﻧﮓ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻤﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﻻﮐﮫ ﭨﯿﮑﺲ دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﭨﯿﮑﺲ ﺑﯿﺲ‬20 ‫ ﺻﺮف‬:‫ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﯾﻮ اﯾﭻ ی ﮐﻮ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﻓﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ؟‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬
‫ﯾﮧ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ اور ﮨﯿﻠﺘﮫ اﻧﺸﻮرﻧﺲ ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﻮں ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن‬
‫ﭘﺒﻠﮏ ﭘﺮاﺋﯿﻮﯾﭧ ﭘﺎرﭨﻨﺮﺷﭗ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ ﭘﯿﺪا ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺳﺐ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻻزﻣﯽ ﮨﯿﻠﺘﮫ اﻧﺸﻮرﻧﺲ ﯾﻮ اﯾﭻ ﺳﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺣﺼﻮل ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮف اﯾﮏ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺑﮍی ﭼﮭﻼﻧﮓ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اﯾﮏ ’ﮨﯿﻠﺘﮫ‬
‫ﭨﯿﮑﺲ‘ ﻟﮕﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺲ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻤﺒﺎﮐﻮ ﺟﯿﺴﯽ ﻏﯿﺮ‬
‫ اور ﺟﻤﻊ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ و‬،‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ اﺷﯿﺎء ﭘﺮ ﭨﯿﮑﺲ ﻟﮕﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫اﻟﯽ آﻣﺪﻧﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﻣﻮڑا ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ‬،‫۔ ڈﯾﺠﯿﭩﻞ ﮨﯿﻠﺘﮫ ﭘﻠﯿﭧ ﻓﺎرﻣﺰ ﮐﻮ ﮨﺮ ﺟﮕﮧ ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ اور ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﻮ اﭼﮭﮯ ﻣﻌﯿﺎر اور ﺳﺴﺘﯽ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ‬
‫دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﺗﮏ رﺳﺎﺋﯽ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﮯ۔‬
‫ان ﮐﮯ ﮔﮭﺮوں ﮐﺎ آرام ﮐﭽﮫ ﺑﯿﺮوﻧﯽ ﻗﺮﺿﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺷﻌﺒﮯ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮف ﺑﮭﯽ ﻟﮯ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اس ﺳﻠﺴﻠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ورﻟﮉ ﺑﯿﻨﮏ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﮯ ﻧﯿﺸﻨﻞ ﮨﯿﻠﺘﮫ ﺳﭙﻮرٹ ﭘﺮوﮔﺮام ﮐﯽ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻦ درﺳﺖ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﻗﺪم ﮨﮯ۔ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ‬300$ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬
‫دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺷﻌﺒﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ زﯾﺎدہ اﻋﺘﺪال ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ۔‬
CSS Books, Notes, Past Paper Saturday, 08 April 2023
National Magazine, Daily Mcqs Dawn HD Newspaper
right direction. There is also a need for greater
moderation in the healthcare sector. Stringent
conditions must be met by all applicants before
licences to practise medicine are issued.
However, it is not just a money problem. As a
nation, there is a need for a cultural change where
there is greater focus on preventive steps. This
will help improve efficiency in the healthcare
sector by reallocating resources to their most
productive use. In Pakistan, 20m infants remain
unvaccinated; 200m women lack access to family
planning services. Although such preventive
measures — vaccines and family planning
services — have very insignificant costs, the
government has failed to ensure adherence due
to demand-side constraints.
Recent policy measures, such as the Sehat Card,
cover the healthcare expenses of patients
admitted in hospitals. By and large, the greatest
fraction of healthcare expenses is accounted for
by visits to OPDs and the purchase of medicines,
both of which remain uncovered under the
programme.
The writer is a lecturer of economics and
research fellow at IBA, Karachi.
Published in Dawn, April 8th, 2023
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‫ادوﯾﺎت ﮐﯽ ﻣﺸﻖ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻻﺋﺴﻨﺲ ﺟﺎری ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﺗﻤﺎم‬
‫درﺧﻮاﺳﺖ دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن ﮐﻮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺮاﺋﻂ ﭘﻮری ﮐﺮﻧﯽ ﮨﻮں ﮔﯽ۔‬
‫ ﺑﺤﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﻗﻮم ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﯽ‬.‫ ﯾﮧ ﺻﺮف ﭘﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﮧ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ ﺟﮩﺎں اﺣﺘﯿﺎﻃﯽ ﺗﺪاﺑﯿﺮ ﭘﺮ زﯾﺎدہ ﺗﻮﺟﮧ دی‬
‫ﺟﺎﺋﮯ۔ اس ﺳﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺷﻌﺒﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ان ﮐﮯ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﭘﯿﺪاواری اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ دوﺑﺎرہ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬
،‫ﮐﺮﮐﮯ ﮐﺎرﮐﺮدﮔﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺑﮩﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺪد ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﯽ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬
200 ‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻦ ﺷﯿﺮ ﺧﻮار ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﻮ وﯾﮑﺴﯿﻦ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ دی ﮔﺌﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬20
‫ﻣﻠﯿﻦ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﯽ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮧ ﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﯽ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﺗﮏ رﺳﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺮوم ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﯽ اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت – وﯾﮑﺴﯿﻦ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﺑﮩﺖ ﮨﯽ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ‬- ‫اور ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﯽ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮧ ﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﯽ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت‬
‫ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ رﮐﺎوﭨﻮں ﮐﯽ‬،‫اﺧﺮاﺟﺎت ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ اس ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﻮ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﺎﮐﺎم رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﮨﺴﭙﺘﺎﻟﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﺎرڈ‬،‫ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت‬
‫داﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﯾﻀﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﮯ اﺧﺮاﺟﺎت ﮐﻮ ﭘﻮرا‬
‫ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫اﺧﺮاﺟﺎت ﮐﺎ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍا ﺣﺼﮧ او ﭘﯽ ڈی ﮐﮯ دوروں اور‬
‫ ﯾﮧ دوﻧﻮں ﭘﺮوﮔﺮام ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬،‫دواﺋﯿﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺧﺮﯾﺪاری ﺳﮯ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺑﮯ ﻧﻘﺎب رﮨﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬