Sunday
21 January
Dawn Opinion With Urdu Translation 21 January 2024
Security decisions
Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhry
The writer, a former foreign secretary of Pakistan, is
chairman Sanober Institute Islamabad.
NEARLY every country facing the kind of security
challenges that Pakistan confronts maintains a
national security council (NSC) as a principal
decision-making body that brings together the civil
and military leadership onto one platform. However,
in Pakistan, this idea has not been fully embraced.
Gen Ayub Khan constituted a national advisory
council to give the impression of collective decision
-making by the civil and military leadership. In 1969,
Gen Yahya Khan established an NSC for advice.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto constituted a cabinet committee
on national security in 1976. Gen Zia also created
an NSC in 1985 but abolished it the same year. In
1997, the interim government of Malik Meraj Khalid
established a council for defence and national
security to aid the government but the idea was
abandoned by the elected dispensation, which
preferred the forum of a defence committee of the
cabinet.
In October 1998, Gen Jehangir Karamat floated the
idea of an NSC for institutionalised decision-making
on national security. However, the suggestion was
resisted by the Sharif government on grounds that
it would give constitutional legitimacy to the army’s
role in political governance. Gen Musharraf revived
the idea in 2004 and set up an NSC as a statutory
body, which worked till 2008. In 2013, prime
minister Nawaz Sharif softened up to the idea but
reconstituted it as a national security committee
(not council), subservient to the cabinet.
Evidently, the idea of having an NSC could never
take root in Pakistan. The story is no different when
it comes to the office of national security adviser.
Pakistan had NSAs in 1969, 2004 to 2008, and then
2013 to 2022. Since April 2022, there has been no
NSA.
There is no consensus in Pakistan about the role of
an NSC.
Clearly, there is no consensus in Pakistan about the
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‫ﺳ ﯿ ﮑ ﯿ ﻮ ر ﭨ ﯽ ﻓ ﯿ ﺼﻠ ﮯ‬
‫اﻋﺰاز اﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﻮﮨﺪری‬
‫ ﭼﯿﺌﺮﻣﯿﻦ ﺻﻨﻮﺑﺮ‬،‫ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﯿﮑﺮﭨﺮی ﺧﺎرﺟﮧ‬،‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ‬
‫اﻧﺴﭩﯽ ﭨﯿﻮٹ اﺳﻼم آﺑﺎد ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ ﮨﺮ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﻮ اس ﻗﺴﻢ ﮐﮯ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﺰ ﮐﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻦ‬
(‫ﮐﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﻮ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ )اﯾﻦ اﯾﺲ ﺳﯽ‬
‫اﯾﮏ اﮨﻢ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﺳﺎز ادارہ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻮل اور ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﮐﻮ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ﭘﻠﯿﭧ ﻓﺎرم ﭘﺮ اﮐﭩﮭﺎ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ اس ﻧﻈﺮﯾﮯ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻗﺒﻮل ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬
‫ﺟﻨﺮل اﯾﻮب ﺧﺎن ﻧﮯ ﺳﻮل اور ﻣﻠﭩﺮی ﻗﯿﺎدت ﮐﯽ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ‬
‫ﺳﺎزی ﮐﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﻣﺸﺎورﺗﯽ ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ دی۔‬
‫ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ‬NSC ‫ﯽ ﺧﺎن ﻧﮯ ﻣﺸﻮرے ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ‬ ٰ ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﻨﺮل ﯾﺤﯿ‬1969
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﮧ‬1976 ‫ﮐﯽ۔ ذواﻟﻔﻘﺎر ﻋﻠﯽ ﺑﮭﭩﻮ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﻦ اﯾﺲ ﺳﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﯽ‬1985 ‫ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﯽ۔ ﺟﻨﺮل ﺿﯿﺎء ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﻌﺮاج ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﮐﯽ‬1997 ‫ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﺳﯽ ﺳﺎل اﺳﮯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ۔‬
‫ﻋﺒﻮری ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺪد ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺮاﺋﮯ‬
‫دﻓﺎع اور ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮐﯽ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ اس‬
‫ﺧﯿﺎل ﮐﻮ ﺗﺮک ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﮧ ﮐﯽ دﻓﺎﻋﯽ ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻓﻮرم ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺟﯿﺢ دی۔‬
‫ ﺟﻨﺮل ﺟﮩﺎﻧﮕﯿﺮ ﮐﺮاﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﭘﺮ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬1998 ‫اﮐﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬
‫ ﮐﺎ ﺧﯿﺎل ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬NSC ‫ادارہ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﺳﺎزی ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ﺷﺮﯾﻒ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ اس ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ اس ﺑﻨﯿﺎد ﭘﺮ ﮐﯽ ﮐﮧ اس‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﻮج ﮐﮯ ﮐﺮدار ﮐﻮ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺟﻮاز ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﺎ۔‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اس ﻧﻈﺮﯾﮯ ﮐﻮ زﻧﺪہ ﮐﯿﺎ اور اﯾﮏ‬2004 ‫ﺟﻨﺮل ﻣﺸﺮف ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﺗﮏ‬2008 ‫ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮐﯿﺎ‬NSC ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ ادارہ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ ﻧﻮاز ﺷﺮﯾﻒ ﻧﮯ اس ﺧﯿﺎل ﮐﻮ ﻧﺮم‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬2013 ‫ﮐﺎم ﮐﯿﺎ۔‬
‫ﮐﯿﺎ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ )ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ( ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ دوﺑﺎرہ ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ دﯾﺎ۔ ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﮧ‬
‫ رﮐﮭﻨﮯ ﮐﺎ ﺧﯿﺎل ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺒﮭﯽ ﺟﮍ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﭘﮑﮍ‬NSC ،‫ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺳﮑﺘﺎ۔ ﺟﺐ ﺑﺎت ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﮐﮯ دﻓﺘﺮ ﮐﯽ ﮨﻮ ﺗﻮ ﮐﮩﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ ﺳﮯ‬2004 ،1969 ‫ﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﭽﮫ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس‬
2022 ‫ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ اﭘﺮﯾﻞ‬NSAs ‫ ﺗﮏ‬2022 ‫ ﺳﮯ‬2013 ‫ اور ﭘﮭﺮ‬2008
‫ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔‬NSA ‫ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ‬،‫ﺳﮯ‬
‫اﯾﻦ اﯾﺲ ﺳﯽ ﮐﮯ ﮐﺮدار ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ اﺗﻔﺎق‬
‫راﺋﮯ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﮐﮯ اﺧﺘﯿﺎرات اور ﮐﺮدار ﮐﮯ‬NSC ‫ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫واﺿﺢ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
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21 January
powers and role of an NSC. Civilian rulers perceive
it as a forum to give the military a greater say in
political governance, which, they believe,
undermines the mandate of elected governments.
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‫ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ اﺗﻔﺎق راﺋﮯ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺳﻮﯾﻠﯿﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺮان اﺳﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮز ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﻮج ﮐﻮ زﯾﺎدہ اﮨﻤﯿﺖ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻓﻮرم ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ان ﮐﮯ ﺧﯿﺎل ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻣﯿﻨﮉﯾﭧ ﮐﻮ ﻧﻘﺼﺎن ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬

A counter argument is given that since an NSC is

chaired by the prime minister and includes several
leading cabinet members, involving the military
leadership in decision-making on critical issues of
national security could strengthen, rather than
weaken, the hands of the civilian government.
Further, given our ground realities, a high-level civil-
‫ﯽ ﺳﻄﺤﯽ ﺳﻮل ﻣﻠﭩﺮی ﻓﻮرم ان ﻏﻠﻂ ﻓﮩﻤﯿﻮں‬
military forum for collective decision-making could
address misunderstandings before these morph
into military interventions.
‫اﯾﮏ ﺟﻮاﺑﯽ دﻟﯿﻞ ﯾﮧ دی ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﭼﻮﻧﮑﮧ اﯾﻦ اﯾﺲ ﺳﯽ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮاﮨﯽ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ اور اس ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﮧ ﮐﮯ ﮐﺌﯽ ﺳﺮﮐﺮدہ‬
‫ اس ﻟﯿﮯ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ اﮨﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﭘﺮ‬،‫ارﮐﺎن ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﺳﺎزی ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﮐﻮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺳﻮﯾﻠﯿﻦ‬
‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﮯ ﮨﺎﺗﮫ ﮐﻤﺰور ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ ﻣﻀﺒﻮط ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ‬،‫ ﮨﻤﺎرے زﻣﯿﻨﯽ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ‬،‫ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﯾﮧ ﮐﮧ‬
ٰ ‫ﺳﺎزی ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ اﻋﻠ‬
‫ اس ﺳﮯ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﮐﮧ وہ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﻣﺪاﺧﻠﺘﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﮐﻮ دور ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺋﯿﮟ۔‬

Given the enormous geostrategic changes

underway globally and regionally, and instability on
our borders with Iran, Afghanistan and India,
Pakistan needs an NSC to address security
challenges. It is worth noting that national security
is now defined more comprehensively as a tripod of
traditional security, economic security and human
security. Given the interconnected and wider
spectrum of threats to national security — external,
internal and non-traditional — a whole-of-the-nation
approach is needed.
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﯽ اور ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺮ ﺟﺎری زﺑﺮدﺳﺖ ﺟﯿﻮﺳﭩﺮﯾﭩﯿﺠﮏ‬
‫ اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن اور ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﮨﻤﺎری‬،‫ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯿﻮں اور اﯾﺮان‬
‫ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﻮ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ‬،‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪوں ﭘﺮ ﻋﺪم اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺑﺎت‬NSC ‫ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﻮں ﺳﮯ ﻧﻤﭩﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدی‬،‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻏﻮر ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮ اب رواﯾﺘﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ اور اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺗﭙﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻃﻮر‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﺑﯿﺎن ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮ درﭘﯿﺶ ﺧﻄﺮات ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ اﻧﺪروﻧﯽ اور‬،‫ ﺑﯿﺮوﻧﯽ‬- ‫دوﺳﺮے ﺳﮯ ﺟﮍے ﮨﻮﺋﮯ اور وﺳﯿﻊ ﭘﯿﻤﺎﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻮرے ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﮯ ﻧﻘﻄﮧ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت‬- ‫ﻏﯿﺮ رواﯾﺘﯽ‬
‫ﮨﮯ۔‬

It would also be relevant to look at how the rest of
the world is managing decision-making on issues of
national security. In the US, the NSC was created in
1947 as the president’s principal forum for
considering national security and foreign policy
matters. It is chaired by the president and its
regular attendees include the vice president,
secretaries of defence, state, treasury and
homeland, chairman joint chiefs of staff and
director of national intelligence. It has become the
president’s principal arm for coordinating between
domestic and foreign policies and across federal
agencies. Time has shown that this forum has
enabled the president to make informed policy
decisions.
‫ﯾﮧ دﯾﮑﮭﻨﺎ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﮧ ﮨﻮ ﮔﺎ ﮐﮧ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ دﻧﯿﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﭘﺮ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﺳﺎزی ﮐﺎ اﻧﺘﻈﺎم ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﺮ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ اور ﺧﺎرﺟﮧ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ ﮐﮯ‬1947 ‫ ﮐﻮ‬NSC ،
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﭘﺮ ﻏﻮر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺻﺪر ﮐﮯ ﭘﺮﻧﺴﭙﻞ ﻓﻮرم ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اس ﮐﯽ ﺻﺪارت ﺻﺪر ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ اور اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎﻗﺎﻋﺪہ‬
‫ ﺧﺰاﻧﮧ اور ﮨﻮم ﻟﯿﻨﮉ‬،‫ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ‬،‫ ﺳﯿﮑﺮﭨﺮی دﻓﺎع‬،‫ﺷﺮﮐﺎء ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺻﺪر‬
‫ ﭼﯿﺌﺮﻣﯿﻦ ﺟﻮاﺋﻨﭧ ﭼﯿﻔﺲ آف اﺳﭩﺎف اور ڈاﺋﺮﯾﮑﭩﺮ ﻧﯿﺸﻨﻞ اﻧﭩﯿﻠﯽ‬،
‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮧ ﻣﻠﮑﯽ اور ﺧﺎرﺟﮧ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﻮں اور وﻓﺎﻗﯽ‬
‫اﯾﺠﻨﺴﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن ﮨﻢ آﮨﻨﮕﯽ ﭘﯿﺪا ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺻﺪر ﮐﺎ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی‬
‫ﺑﺎزو ﺑﻦ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ وﻗﺖ ﻧﮯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اس ﻓﻮرم ﻧﮯ ﺻﺪر ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬

In our own neighbourhood, India’s prime minister

Vajpayee established an NSC in November 1998,
six months after the South Asia nuclear tests, and
one month after Gen Karamat had proposed the
idea in Pakistan. Since then, India’s NSC has
functioned regularly on all matters relating to the
external and internal security of India, with key
‫ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ واﺟﭙﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﮨﻤﺎرے اﭘﻨﮯ ﭘﮍوس ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ اﯾﺸﯿﺎ ﮐﮯ ﺟﻮﮨﺮی ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﭼﮫ ﻣﺎہ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬1998 ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺒﺮ‬
‫ اور ﺟﻨﺮل ﮐﺮاﻣﺖ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ اس ﺧﯿﺎل ﮐﯽ ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ‬،‫ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﮯ‬NSC ‫اﯾﮏ ﻣﺎہ ﺑﻌﺪ اﯾﮏ‬
‫اﯾﻦ اﯾﺲ ﺳﯽ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺑﯿﺮوﻧﯽ اور داﺧﻠﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ اﮨﻢ‬،‫ﺗﻤﺎم ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼت ﭘﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﺎﻋﺪﮔﯽ ﺳﮯ ﮐﺎم ﮐﺮﺗﯽ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ )ﺗﯿﻦ‬NSAs ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰی وزراء اور ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﯾﻦ ﻧﮯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﯽ۔ ﭘﺎﻧﭻ‬

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 Sunday
21 January
union ministers and military leaders in attendance.
Five NSAs (three with diplomacy and two with
intelligence background) have served the country.
The NSC has a three-tiered structure, comprising a
strategic policy group, an advisory board, and a joint
intelligence committee.
Pakistan can learn from these and several other
examples where national security interests have
been better served by institutionalised decision-
making. Given that we have border security issues
with our neighbours to the east and west, and with
the forces of terrorism raising their head again, the
next elected government needs to consider setting
up a fully empowered NSC, chaired by the prime
minister, and also appoint an NSA, so that serious
challenges to Pakistan’s national security can be
addressed collectively and more effectively.
The writer, a former foreign secretary of Pakistan, is
chairman Sanober Institute Islamabad.
Published in Dawn, January 21st, 2024
Beyond headlines
Muna Khan
The writer is an instructor in journalism.
YOU can’t get all your news from headlines. I was
reminded of this last month in the US, when reading
stories about Harvard president Claudine Gay’s
resignation following allegations of plagiarism. In
reality, her resignation was the result of a well-
coordinated campaign which had to do more with
race and misogyny than upholding academic
principles. But you wouldn’t think so reading the
headlines.
This campaign to oust the first Black president at
Harvard was led by conservative activist
Christopher Rufo, who is against DEI (diversity
equity inclusion initiatives) and Bill Ackman,
Harvard alum and hedge fund billionaire. They were
then joined by donors and Republican Elise
Stefanik, who headed a Congressional committee
looking into accusations of antisemitism on elite
campuses. Essentially, they were enraged by Gay’s
“failure” to condemn antisemitism; ie, pro-
Palestinian student demonstrations on Harvard.
“Does calling for the genocide of Jews violate
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‫ﺳﻔﺎرت ﮐﺎری ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ اور دو اﻧﭩﯿﻠﯽ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ( ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ‬،‫ ﮐﺎ ﺗﯿﻦ ﺳﻄﺤﯽ ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮧ ﮨﮯ‬NSC ‫ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﯽ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺸﺎورﺗﯽ ﺑﻮرڈ اور اﯾﮏ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﺳﭩﺮﯾﭩﺠﮏ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ ﮔﺮوپ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﮧ اﻧﭩﯿﻠﯽ ﺟﻨﺲ ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ان اور ﮐﺌﯽ دﯾﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺳﯿﮑﮫ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﮩﺎں ادارہ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﺳﺎزی ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻔﺎدات ﮐﻮ ﺑﮩﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ دﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﻣﺸﺮق اور‬
‫ اور‬،‫ﻣﻐﺮب ﮐﮯ ﭘﮍوﺳﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺳﺮﺣﺪی ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ اﮔﻠﯽ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬،‫دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی ﮐﯽ ﻗﻮﺗﯿﮟ دوﺑﺎرہ ﺳﺮ اﭨﮭﺎ رﮨﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﻗﯿﺎم ﭘﺮ ﻏﻮر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ‬NSC ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﻮ اﯾﮏ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺑﺎاﺧﺘﯿﺎر‬
،NSA ‫ اﯾﮏ‬،‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﺑﺮاﮨﯽ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ ﮐﺮے ﮔﯽ‬،‫ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺗﺎﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮ درﭘﯿﺶ ﺳﻨﮕﯿﻦ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﻮں ﺳﮯ‬
‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ اور زﯾﺎدہ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻃﺮﯾﻘﮯ ﺳﮯ ﻧﻤﭩﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﮯ۔‬
‫ﺳ ﺮ ﺧ ﯿ ﻮ ں ﺳ ﮯ آﮔ ﮯ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﺧﺎن‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ اﻧﺴﭩﺮﮐﭩﺮ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫آپ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺗﻤﺎم ﺧﺒﺮﯾﮟ ﺳﺮﺧﯿﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ۔ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﺐ ﺳﺮﻗﮧ ﮐﮯ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت‬،‫ﯾﮧ ﺑﺎت ﭘﭽﮭﻠﮯ ﻣﮩﯿﻨﮯ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﺎد آﺋﯽ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ‬ ٰ ‫ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﮐﮯ ﺻﺪر ﮐﻼڈﯾﻦ ﮔﯽ ﮐﮯ اﺳﺘﻌﻔ‬
‫ﯽ اﯾﮏ اﭼﮭﯽ ﻃﺮح‬ ٰ ‫ اس ﮐﺎ اﺳﺘﻌﻔ‬،‫ﮐﮩﺎﻧﯿﺎں ﭘﮍﮬﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ۔ درﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮط ﻣﮩﻢ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮧ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ اﺻﻮﻟﻮں ﮐﻮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮار‬
‫رﮐﮭﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ ﻧﺴﻞ اور ﺑﺪدﯾﺎﻧﺘﯽ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﮐﺎم ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
‫آپ ﺳﺮﺧﯿﻮں ﮐﻮ ﭘﮍھ ﮐﺮ اﯾﺴﺎ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺳﻮﭼﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ۔‬
‫ﮨﺎرورڈ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﺳﯿﺎہ ﻓﺎم ﺻﺪر ﮐﻮ ﻣﻌﺰول ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اس ﻣﮩﻢ ﮐﯽ‬
DEI ‫ ﺟﻮ‬،‫ﻗﯿﺎدت ﻗﺪاﻣﺖ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﮐﺎرﮐﻦ ﮐﺮﺳﭩﻮﻓﺮ روﻓﻮ ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﮐﮯ‬،‫)ڈاﺋﯿﻮرﺳﭩﯽ اﯾﮑﻮﯾﭩﯽ اﻧﮑﻠﻮژن اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت( اور ﺑﻞ اﯾﮑﻤﯿﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اور ﮨﯿﺞ ﻓﻨﮉ ﮐﮯ ارب ﭘﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ان ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ‬،‫ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻋﻄﯿﮧ دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن اور رﯾﭙﺒﻠﮑﻦ اﯾﻠﯿﺲ اﺳﭩﯿﻔﺎﻧﮏ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
‫اﯾﻠﯿﭧ ﮐﯿﻤﭙﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺎم دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﮯ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت ﮐﯽ ﺗﺤﻘﯿﻘﺎت ﮐﺮﻧﮯ و‬
‫ وہ ﺳﺎم‬،‫اﻟﯽ ﮐﺎﻧﮕﺮﯾﺲ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺮﺑﺮاہ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ "ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﯽ" ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺘﻌﻞ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﯾﻌﻨﯽ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﭘﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯽ ﻃﻠﺒﮧ ﮐﮯ ﺣﺎﻣﯽ ﻣﻈﺎﮨﺮے۔‬
‫"ﮐﯿﺎ ﯾﮩﻮدﯾﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﺸﯽ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﮐﮯ ﻏﻨﮉہ ﮔﺮدی‬
 Sunday
21 January
Harvard’s rules of bullying and harassment?” asked
Stefanik, who herself is a Harvard alum and was
removed from an advisory board after she said the
2020 election was stolen from Donald Trump.
“The rules around bullying and harassment are
quite specific,” replied Gay, “and if the context in
which that language is used amounts to bullying
and harassment, then we take — we take action
against it.”
Innocuous thinking can be framed as antisemitic in
the US.
The backlash to Gay’s response was swift and calls
for her to be removed were amplified. (Incidentally
all three universities called to the hearing were
headed by women, and only the MIT president still
has her job.)
However, there was little mention of how, in those
hearings, Stefanik was framing protest to Israel’s
occupation of Palestinian land as genocide. At one
point, Stefanik described the “call for intifada as a
call to commit genocide against the Jewish
people”. Even a basic internet search will show that
intifadas have not called for eliminating Jewish
people. But it was clear no one in the press wanted
to make this distinction, perhaps fearing it would be
seen as antisemitic. Unfortunately, the most
innocuous or seemingly obvious thinking can be
framed as antisemitic in the US.
Gay didn’t stand a chance.
When the hearings weren’t able to produce the
desired results, her detractors amplified the
accusations of plagiarism. An investigation by
Harvard into those claims found “few incidents of
inadequate citations” but no wrongdoing. In reality,
the right-wing (read rich men) cannot tolerate a
Black woman in charge of an institute whose
history is rooted in protecting white interests.
Gay resigned on Jan 2, but the trifecta of Ackman,
Rufo and Stefanik — as MSNBC’s Ali Velshi called
them — has vowed to pursue probes into “deep
institutional rot” at Harvard. I read this as protecting
elite interests, one of which they say is freedom of
speech on campuses. But whose speech do they
want to protect?
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‫اور ﮨﺮاﺳﺎں ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻗﻮاﻧﯿﻦ ﮐﯽ ﺧﻼف ورزی ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ؟" اﺳﭩﯿﻔﻨﮏ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﺧﻮد ﮨﺎرورڈ ﮐﯽ اﯾﮏ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﮨﮯ اور اﺳﮯ‬،‫ﺳﮯ ﭘﻮﭼﮭﺎ‬
2020 ‫اﯾﮉواﺋﺰری ﺑﻮرڈ ﺳﮯ اس وﻗﺖ ﮨﭩﺎ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺟﺐ اس ﻧﮯ ﮐﮩﺎ ﮐﮧ‬
‫ﮐﺎ اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ڈوﻧﻠﮉ ﭨﺮﻣﭗ ﺳﮯ ﭼﻮری ﮨﻮ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫"ﻏﻨﮉہ ﮔﺮدی اور ﮨﺮاﺳﺎں ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ اﺻﻮل ﮐﺎﻓﯽ‬
‫ "اور اﮔﺮ وہ ﺳﯿﺎق‬،‫" ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺟﻮاب دﯾﺎ‬،‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮص ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫و ﺳﺒﺎق ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ وہ زﺑﺎن اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ ﮨﮯ وہ دﮬﻮﻧﺲ اور‬
‫ ﮨﻢ اس ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف‬- ‫ ﺗﻮ ﮨﻢ ﻟﯿﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬،‫اﯾﺬا رﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺘﺮادف ﮨﮯ‬
"‫ﮐﺎررواﺋﯽ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮯ ﺿﺮر ﺳﻮچ ﮐﻮ ﺳﺎم دﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﺮار دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ ردﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺎ ردﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﯿﺰ ﺗﮭﺎ اور اﺳﮯ ﮨﭩﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ﮐﻮ ﺑﮍﮬﺎوا دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ )اﺗﻔﺎﻗﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
،‫ﺑﻼﺋﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ ﺗﯿﻨﻮں ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮرﺳﭩﯿﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﺑﺮاﮨﯽ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﺮ رﮨﯽ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ‬
(‫ ﺻﺪر ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس اب ﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﺎم ﮨﮯ۔‬MIT ‫اور ﺻﺮف‬
‫ ان ﺳﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں‬،‫ اس ﺑﺎت ﮐﺎ ﺑﮩﺖ ﮐﻢ ذﮐﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح‬،‫ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ اﺳﭩﯿﻔﺎﻧﯿﮏ اﺳﺮاﺋﯿﻞ ﮐﮯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯽ زﻣﯿﻦ ﭘﺮ ﻗﺒﻀﮯ ﮐﻮ ﻧﺴﻞ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺳﭩﯿﻔﺎﻧﯿﮏ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﮐﺸﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﺮ رﮨﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اﯾﮏ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮ‬
"‫"اﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﮧ ﮐﯽ ﮐﺎل ﮐﻮ ﯾﮩﻮدﯾﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﺸﯽ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﺎل‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺑﯿﺎن ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﯾﮩﺎں ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ اﯾﮏ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی اﻧﭩﺮﻧﯿﭧ ﺗﻼش ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮے ﮔﯽ ﮐﮧ اﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﮧ ﻧﮯ ﯾﮩﻮدﯾﻮں ﮐﻮ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﮧ واﺿﺢ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ ﭘﺮﯾﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﯾﮧ ﻓﺮق‬
‫ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ اس ڈر ﺳﮯ ﮐﮧ اﺳﮯ ﺳﺎم دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر‬،‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﺘﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﻣﻌﺼﻮم ﯾﺎ ﺑﻈﺎﮨﺮ‬،‫ﭘﺮ دﯾﮑﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ۔ ﺑﺪﻗﺴﻤﺘﯽ ﺳﮯ‬
‫واﺿﺢ ﺳﻮچ ﮐﻮ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺎم دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎ‬
‫ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻣﻼ۔‬
‫ﺟﺐ ﺳﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﮧ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ دے ﺳﮑﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ اس ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﯾﻦ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻗﮧ ﮐﮯ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت ﮐﻮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺑﮍﮬﺎ دﯾﺎ۔ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ان‬
"‫دﻋﻮوں ﮐﯽ ﺗﺤﻘﯿﻘﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ "ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺣﻮاﻟﮧ ﺟﺎت ﮐﮯ ﭼﻨﺪ واﻗﻌﺎت‬
‫ داﺋﯿﮟ ﺑﺎزو‬،‫ﭘﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻏﻠﻂ ﮐﺎم ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮا۔ درﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ‬
‫)اﻣﯿﺮ آدﻣﯽ ﭘﮍﮬﯿﮟ( اﯾﮏ ﺳﯿﺎہ ﻓﺎم ﻋﻮرت ﮐﻮ ﮐﺴﯽ اﯾﺴﮯ ادارے ﮐﯽ‬
‫اﻧﭽﺎرج ﺑﺮداﺷﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﺳﻔﯿﺪ ﻓﺎﻣﻮں ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻣﻔﺎدات ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﯾﮏ ﻣﯿﻦ‬،‫ﯽ دے دﯾﺎ‬
ٰ ‫ ﺟﻨﻮری ﮐﻮ اﺳﺘﻌﻔ‬2 ‫ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﻋﻠﯽ‬MSNBC ‫ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ‬- ‫ روﻓﻮ اور اﺳﭩﯿﻔﺎﻧﮏ ﮐﮯ ﭨﺮﯾﻔﯿﮑﭩﺎ‬،
‫ ﻧﮯ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﻣﯿﮟ "ﮔﮩﺮی ادارہ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ روٹ" ﮐﯽ‬- ‫وﯾﻠﺸﯽ ﻧﮯ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺑﻼﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻘﯿﻘﺎت ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻋﺰم ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮯ اﺳﮯ اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻔﺎدات ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ان ﮐﺎ ﮐﮩﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮐﯿﻤﭙﺲ‬،‫ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭘﮍﮬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺮ ﮐﯽ آزادی ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ وہ ﮐﺲ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺮ ﮐﯽ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬
 Sunday
21 January
US colleges have never been bastions of free
speech because Palestinians, and other
marginalised voices, have struggled to tell their
stories. However, this is changing as DEI initiatives
have allowed new perspectives, and younger
generations no longer accept mainstream media
narratives, especially about genocide. The
establishment continues to bully them into silence,
but I don’t know how much longer for.
Advocates of free speech are often the ones who
suppress the most marginalised voices. These are
usually the same people against DEI initiatives
which, they claim, is the only reason Gay got the
job. Men like Ackman, with access to formidable
resources, are now trying to equate DEI initiatives
as racist and/ or antisemitic. On the other side are
Palestinians and their supporters with far fewer
resources but with truth on their side.
The media’s focus on Gay’s ‘plagiarism’ should
remind us how easy it is to distract from coverage
on Palestine. I’m not here to say that Gay’s story
isn’t important, but surely there’s space in
newspapers about Israel’s war that is now starving
Palestinians. It is also a reminder of how elitist the
media is — more keen to talk about palace intrigues
at Harvard than starvation in Gaza because that’s
what its audience wants. This serves politicians like
Stefanik well because they don’t have to answer
questions about their Israel policies. The media
aids them in this.
The interest in Gay’s future or Harvard’s policies will
wane when journalists, editors and media owners
realise they can’t just serve elite interests. The tide
is turning, albeit slowly, and the resistance to this
change is immense. The Israel lobby has upped the
ante on keeping its narrative alive, but a new
audience is emerging that isn’t buying their Kool Aid
anymore. This number will grow and won’t rely on
the media for information. They’re already on
TikTok; how long before everyone else is too?
The writer is an instructor in journalism.
X: @LedeingLady
Published in Dawn, January 21st, 2024
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‫ﭼﺎﮨﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ؟‬
‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﯽ ﮐﺎﻟﺞ ﮐﺒﮭﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ آزادی اﻇﮩﺎر ﮐﮯ ﮔﮍھ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ رﮨﮯ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯿﻮں اور دﯾﮕﺮ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪہ آوازوں ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ ﮐﮩﺎﻧﯿﺎں ﺳﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ‬DEI ‫ ﯾﮧ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮨﻮ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ‬،‫ﻟﯿﮯ ﺟﺪوﺟﮩﺪ ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ اور ﻧﻮﺟﻮان ﻧﺴﻠﯿﮟ اب‬،‫اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت ﻧﮯ ﻧﺌﮯ ﺗﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﮐﯽ اﺟﺎزت دی ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺧﺎص‬،‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰی دﮬﺎرے ﮐﮯ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﮐﮯ ﺑﯿﺎﻧﯿﮯ ﮐﻮ ﻗﺒﻮل ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﺸﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ۔ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ان ﭘﺮ ﻏﻨﮉہ ﮔﺮدی‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﮐﮧ‬،‫ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﮐﺮ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﺘﻨﯽ دﯾﺮ ﺗﮏ۔‬
‫آزادی اﻇﮩﺎر ﮐﮯ ﺣﺎﻣﯽ اﮐﺜﺮ وہ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪہ آوازوں ﮐﻮ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت ﮐﮯ‬DEI ‫دﺑﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮧ ﻋﺎم ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ وﮨﯽ ﻟﻮگ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ‬
‫ی ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺻﺮف اﺳﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ٰ ‫ﺧﻼف ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻦ ﮐﺎ دﻋﻮ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺪر‬،‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻧﻮﮐﺮی ﻣﻠﯽ۔ اﯾﮏ ﻣﯿﻦ ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﻣﺮد‬
‫ ﮐﮯ اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت ﮐﻮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬DEI ‫ اب‬،‫وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﮏ رﺳﺎﺋﯽ رﮐﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﯾﺎ ﺳﺎم دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺘﺮادف ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬/‫اور‬
‫دوﺳﺮی ﻃﺮف ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯽ اور ان ﮐﮯ ﺣﺎﻣﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻦ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس وﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺑﮩﺖ ﮐﻢ ﮨﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ان ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﭽﺎﺋﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻮﺟﮧ ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ 'ﺳﺮﻗﮧ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﯽ' ﭘﺮ ﮨﻤﯿﮟ ﯾﺎد‬
‫دﻻﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻦ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻮرﯾﺞ ﺳﮯ ﺗﻮﺟﮧ ﮨﭩﺎﻧﺎ ﮐﺘﻨﺎ آﺳﺎن ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﮩﺎں ﯾﮧ ﮐﮩﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﺧﺒﺎرات ﻣﯿﮟ اﺳﺮاﺋﯿﻞ ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﮐﮩﺎﻧﯽ اﮨﻢ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﮕﮧ ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ اب ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯿﻮں ﮐﻮ ﺑﮭﻮک‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﻣﺮ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ اس ﺑﺎت ﮐﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﯾﺎد دﮨﺎﻧﯽ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﮐﺘﻨﺎ‬
‫ ﻏﺰہ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﻮک ﺳﮯ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺤﻼﺗﯽ ﺳﺎزﺷﻮں ﮐﮯ‬- ‫اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﺎت ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ زﯾﺎدہ ﺷﻮﻗﯿﻦ ﮨﮯ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ اس ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﻣﻌﯿﻦ‬
‫ﯾﮩﯽ ﭼﺎﮨﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺳﭩﯿﻔﺎﻧﯿﮏ ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺘﺪاﻧﻮں ﮐﯽ اﭼﮭﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮح ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﯽ اﺳﺮاﺋﯿﻞ ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻮاﻻت ﮐﮯ ﺟﻮاﺑﺎت دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ‬
‫اس ﻣﯿﮟ ان ﮐﯽ ﻣﺪد ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﯾﺎ ﮨﺎرورڈ ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ اﯾﮉﯾﭩﺮز اور‬،‫دﻟﭽﺴﭙﯽ اس وﻗﺖ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﯽ ﺟﺐ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﯿﻮں‬
‫ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﺎن ﮐﻮ ﯾﮧ اﺣﺴﺎس ﮨﻮ ﮔﺎ ﮐﮧ وہ ﺻﺮف اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻔﺎدات‬
،‫ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ آﮨﺴﺘﮧ آﮨﺴﺘﮧ‬،‫ﮐﻮ ﭘﻮرا ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ۔ ﻟﮩﺮ ﮐﺎ رخ ﻣﻮڑ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫اور اس ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﻣﺰاﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﮩﺖ زﯾﺎدہ ﮨﮯ۔ اﺳﺮاﺋﯿﻞ ﻻﺑﯽ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﯾﮏ ﻧﯿﺎ‬،‫اﭘﻨﮯ ﺑﯿﺎﻧﯿﮯ ﮐﻮ زﻧﺪہ رﮐﮭﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ آﮔﮯ ﺑﮍﮬﺎ دﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﻌﯿﻦ اﺑﮭﺮ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ اب ان ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮل اﯾﮉ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺧﺮﯾﺪ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪاد ﺑﮍﮬﮯ ﮔﯽ اور ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﭘﺮ اﻧﺤﺼﺎر ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮے‬
‫ ﭘﺮ ﮨﯿﮟ؛ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﺳﺐ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﺘﻨﯽ دﯾﺮ‬TikTok ‫ﮔﯽ۔ وہ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮨﯽ‬
‫ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ؟‬
 Sunday
21 January
Missiles no threat to polls, but...
Abbas Nasir
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
IRAN and Pakistan exchanged missiles, presumably
fired by drones, aimed at Baloch ‘camps’ either side
of the border this week, before quickly signalling de-
escalation and returning to talk of ‘brotherly
relations’.
As bizarre and pointless as the exchange initiated
by Iran appeared, the rapidity of the de-escalation
appeared equally inexplicable, as diplomats quickly
took over the discourse from the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Pakistani
military, both of whom held centre stage briefly and
spoke through their weapons.
A whole piece would be needed to explore Iran’s
rationale for its missile attack, targeting a camp of
the militant group Jaish al-Adl which is said to be
engaged in an armed conflict with the Iranian state.
IRGC operations have much to do with asserting its
status as the top military force in Iran. Once its
attack happened, a Pakistani response in kind was
always on the cards.
There were many compulsions, and the first
obvious, official one was that the country’s
territorial integrity and sovereignty had been
breached and violated violently. Therefore, a
response had to come to tell one and all the
consequences of attacking Pakistan.
With elections round the corner, which party’s
manifesto has inspired confidence?
If one were to look at other factors that weren’t
being mentioned by the country’s media, the
foremost appeared to be the need to spotlight the
defence forces’ capacity to respond to any threat
posed by external powers against the backdrop of
criticism of the security establishment for its
political engineering.
In brief, the domestic factor was not an
insignificant one, particularly with social media
accounts belonging to one particular political party,
whose turn it is to be on the receiving end of the
wrath of the powers that be, mocking their nemesis
and questioning the latter’s ability to respond
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...‫ﻣﯿﺰاﺋﻠﻮں ﺳﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﻮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺧﻄﺮہ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎس ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ ڈان ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ اﯾﮉﯾﭩﺮ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫اﯾﺮان اور ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﺰاﺋﻠﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺗﺒﺎدﻟﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ اس ﮨﻔﺘﮯ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﮐﮯ دوﻧﻮں‬،‫ڈروﻧﺰ ﺳﮯ ﻓﺎﺋﺮ ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ‬
‫ اس ﺳﮯ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺗﯿﺰی ﺳﮯ‬،‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻠﻮچ 'ﮐﯿﻤﭙﻮں' ﮐﻮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮧ ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬
‫ﮐﺸﯿﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯽ ﮐﺎ اﺷﺎرہ دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ اور 'ﺑﺮادراﻧﮧ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎت' ﭘﺮ ﺑﺎت‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ۔‬
‫ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ اﯾﺮان ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﺷﺮوع ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﺒﺎدﻟﮧ ﺟﺘﻨﺎ ﻋﺠﯿﺐ اور‬
،‫ ﺗﻨﺎؤ ﮐﯽ رﻓﺘﺎر اﺗﻨﯽ ﮨﯽ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﮩﻢ دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دی‬،‫ﺑﮯ ﻣﻌﻨﯽ ﻧﻈﺮ آﯾﺎ‬
‫ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ ﺳﻔﺎرت ﮐﺎروں ﻧﮯ ﻓﻮری ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﺳﻼﻣﯽ اﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽ ﮔﺎرڈ ﮐﻮر‬
،‫( اور ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﻓﻮج ﺳﮯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﯽ ذﻣﮧ داری ﺳﻨﺒﮭﺎل ﻟﯽ‬IRGC)
‫ﺟﻮ دوﻧﻮں ﻣﺮﮐﺰی ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺮ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮًا اور اﭘﻨﮯ ﮨﺘﮭﯿﺎروں ﮐﮯ‬
‫ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﺑﺎت ﮐﯽ۔‬
‫ﻋﺴﮑﺮﯾﺖ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﮔﺮوپ ﺟﯿﺶ اﻟﻌﺪل ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ ﮐﯿﻤﭗ ﮐﻮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮧ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﮩﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﯾﺮاﻧﯽ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬،‫ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
‫ اس ﮐﮯ ﻣﯿﺰاﺋﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﺮان‬،‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺗﺼﺎدم ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺼﺮوف ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﮯ اﺳﺘﺪﻻل ﮐﻮ ﺗﻼش ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﭨﮑﮍے ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت‬
‫ﯽ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﻗﻮت ﮐﮯ‬ ٰ ‫ ﮐﯽ ﮐﺎررواﺋﯿﻮں ﮐﺎ اﯾﺮان ﻣﯿﮟ اﻋﻠ‬IRGC ‫ﮨﻮﮔﯽ۔‬
‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﮐﻮ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﮩﺖ ﮐﭽﮫ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫اﯾﮏ ﺑﺎر ﺟﺐ اس ﮐﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﮧ ﮨﻮا ﺗﻮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ ردﻋﻤﻞ ﮨﻤﯿﺸﮧ ﮐﺎرڈ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ ﺳﺮﮐﺎری اﯾﮏ ﯾﮧ ﺗﮭﯽ‬،‫ اور ﭘﮩﻠﯽ واﺿﺢ‬،‫ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﯽ ﻣﺠﺒﻮرﯾﺎں ﺗﮭﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﮧ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﯽ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﯿﺖ اور ﺧﻮدﻣﺨﺘﺎری ﮐﻮ ﭘﺎﻣﺎل ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫اور ﭘﺮﺗﺸﺪد ﻃﺮﯾﻘﮯ ﺳﮯ ﭘﺎﻣﺎل ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﻟٰﮩﺬا ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﭘﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﮧ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺗﻤﺎم ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﺘﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺟﻮاب آﻧﺎ ﭘﮍا۔‬
‫ ﮐﺲ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻨﺸﻮر ﻧﮯ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﭘﯿﺪا ﮐﯿﺎ‬،‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻗﺮﯾﺐ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯽ‬
‫ﮨﮯ؟‬
‫اﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﯽ دوﺳﺮے ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ڈاﻟﯽ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﺟﻦ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻠﮑﯽ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ‬
‫ ﺗﻮ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ اﮨﻢ ﺑﺎت ﯾﮧ دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دﯾﺘﯽ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ذﮐﺮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎ رﮨﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻨﻘﯿﺪ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯿﺮوﻧﯽ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﻻﺣﻖ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺧﻄﺮے ﮐﺎ ﺟﻮاب دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ دﻓﺎﻋﯽ‬
‫اﻓﻮاج ﮐﯽ ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ ﭘﺮ روﺷﻨﯽ ڈاﻟﯽ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ۔ اس ﮐﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫اﻧﺠﯿﻨﺌﺮﻧﮓ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻗﯿﺎم۔‬
‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر‬،‫ ﮔﮭﺮﯾﻠﻮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﺑﺎت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﯽ‬،‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮًا‬
‫ﭘﺮ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺨﺼﻮص ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﮯ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ رﮐﮭﻨﮯ واﻟﮯ ﺳﻮﺷﻞ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺎری ان ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻏﻀﺐ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ اﮐﺎؤﻧﭩﺲ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬
‫ ان ﮐﯽ دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺬاق اڑاﻧﺎ اور ﻣﺆﺧﺮ اﻟﺬﮐﺮ‬،‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮯ ﭘﺮ آن ﭘﮍی ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﺳﻮال اﭨﮭﺎﻧﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﺟﻮاب دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ۔‬
 Sunday
21 January
militarily.
Little wonder Pakistan’s response was egged on
and supported by several TV personalities known to
have close ties with the establishment. One can
safely say their tone and tenor would have been
much different had the decision been not to
retaliate, for example. In any case, some credit was
earned by the military leadership, as even their
usual detractors conceded the development as
having had a positive impact on their ‘popularity’
ratings.
That Pakistan remains a complex story to tell for
journalists like me was demonstrated by some
other media personalities who appeared ecstatic
that the missile attack would potentially derail
elections, as ‘this national security challenge’
needed to be addressed urgently, setting aside all
other national priorities. Whose view were they
articulating? The caretakers?
However, the speed of de-escalation, which started
with a conciliatory statement by the foreign ministry
in Tehran and followed through by diplomats
meeting and exchanging direct messages, poured
cold water over the dreams of the ‘election
postponement’ camp.
This camp’s wishful thinking was strange anyway
after the Supreme Court endorsed the ECP decision
to deprive the PTI of its electoral symbol, while
overturning the Peshawar High Court verdict on the
matter. It should have been clear to all that one of
the last obstacles to an establishment-controlled
‘reset to 2016’ election had been removed.
That decision seems to have convinced the political
parties, most notably the PML-N, that elections will
indeed be held in under three weeks’ time and that,
in turn, they needed to gear up their mass contact
campaigns to win, even if their main opponent was
fighting with their hands tied.
Despite recent doubts, mainly on account of the
‘democratic’ Western nations’ response to the Gaza
genocide, I have long believed that even a watered-
down democratic order is better than autocratic
rule, as the former affords some openness and a
semblance at least of basic rights. Call me naïve, if
you will.
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‫اس ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺎت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﮯ‬
‫اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻗﺮﯾﺒﯽ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎت رﮐﮭﻨﮯ واﻟﯽ ﮐﺌﯽ ﭨﯽ وی‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﯿﺎت ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ اس ﮐﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ۔ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ ﻃﺮﯾﻘﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮐﮩﮧ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﮔﺮ ﺟﻮاﺑﯽ ﮐﺎررواﺋﯽ ﻧﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬
‫ﮐﺎ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﺗﻮ ان ﮐﺎ ﻟﮩﺠﮧ اور اﻧﺪاز ﺑﮩﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ۔ ﮐﺴﯽ‬
‫ ﯾﮩﺎں‬،‫ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﻧﮯ ﮐﭽﮫ ﮐﺮﯾﮉٹ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﺎ‬،‫ﺑﮭﯽ ﺻﻮرت ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ ان ﮐﮯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮل ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﯾﻦ ﻧﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ اس ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ‬
‫ان ﮐﯽ 'ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﯿﺖ' ﮐﯽ درﺟﮧ ﺑﻨﺪی ﭘﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ اﺛﺮ ﭘﮍا ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ ﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﺮے ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺳﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ اس ﮐﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﮨﺮہ ﮐﭽﮫ دﯾﮕﺮ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ‬،‫ﭘﯿﭽﯿﺪہ ﮐﮩﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻨﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﯿﺎت ﻧﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﻮ ﭘﺮﺟﻮش دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دﯾﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﯿﺰاﺋﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﮧ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ‬
‫ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ 'اس ﻗﻮﻣﯽ‬،‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﻮ ﭘﭩﮍی ﺳﮯ اﺗﺎر دے ﮔﺎ‬
،‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ' ﮐﻮ ﻓﻮری ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺣﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ‬
‫ وہ ﮐﺲ‬. ‫دﯾﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎم ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺗﺮﺟﯿﺤﺎت ﮐﻮ اﯾﮏ ﻃﺮف رﮐﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
‫ﮐﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﯾﮧ ﺑﯿﺎن ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ؟ ﻧﮕﺮاں؟‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﺎ آﻏﺎز ﺗﮩﺮان ﻣﯿﮟ وزارت‬،‫ ﮐﺸﯿﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯽ ﮐﯽ رﻓﺘﺎر‬،‫ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ﺧﺎرﺟﮧ ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻣﻔﺎﮨﻤﺘﯽ ﺑﯿﺎن ﺳﮯ ﮨﻮا اور اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻔﺎرت‬
‫ﮐﺎروں ﮐﯽ ﻣﯿﭩﻨﮓ اور ﺑﺮاہ راﺳﺖ ﭘﯿﻐﺎﻣﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺗﺒﺎدﻟﮯ ﻧﮯ 'اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻠﺘﻮی' ﮐﯿﻤﭗ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻮاﺑﻮں ﭘﺮ ﭨﮭﻨﮉا ﭘﺎﻧﯽ ڈال دﯾﺎ۔‬
‫اس ﮐﯿﻤﭗ ﮐﯽ ﺧﻮاﮨﺶ ﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﻮچ وﯾﺴﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻋﺠﯿﺐ ﺗﮭﯽ ﺟﺐ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﻧﮯ اس ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﮯ ﭘﺮ ﭘﺸﺎور ﮨﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻮرٹ ﮐﮯ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﮐﺎﻟﻌﺪم ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ اس ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻧﺸﺎن ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺮوم‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ای ﺳﯽ ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻮﺛﯿﻖ ﮐﯽ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺳﺐ ﭘﺮ واﺿﺢ‬
‫ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﮯ زﯾﺮ ﮐﻨﭩﺮول ’ری ﺳﯿﭧ ﭨﻮ‬
‫‘ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﯽ راہ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﺎﺋﻞ آﺧﺮی رﮐﺎوﭨﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬2016
‫اﯾﮏ ﮐﻮ ﮨﭩﺎ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫اﯾﺴﺎ ﻟﮕﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اس ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﻧﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن( ﮐﻮ اس ﺑﺎت ﭘﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت واﻗﻌﯽ‬
،‫ﺗﯿﻦ ﮨﻔﺘﻮں ﺳﮯ ﮐﻢ وﻗﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻮں ﮔﮯ اور اس ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺟﯿﺘﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ راﺑﻄﮧ ﻣﮩﻢ ﮐﻮ ﺗﯿﺰ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﭼﺎﮨﮯ ان ﮐﯽ اﮨﻢ ﺣﺮﯾﻒ ﮨﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﺎﻧﺪھ ﮐﺮ ﻟﮍ رﮨﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ۔‬،‫ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻏﺰہ ﮐﯽ ﻧﺴﻞ‬،‫ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﺷﮑﻮک و ﺷﺒﮩﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد‬
‫ﮐﺸﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ 'ﺟﻤﮩﻮری' ﻣﻐﺮﺑﯽ اﻗﻮام ﮐﮯ ردﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ ﻋﺮﺻﮯ ﺳﮯ ﯾﮧ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎ رﮨﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﺮا ﮨﻮا‬،
‫ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬،‫ﺟﻤﮩﻮری ﻧﻈﺎم ﺑﮭﯽ آﻣﺮاﻧﮧ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮩﺘﺮ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﭽﮫ ﮐﮭﻠﮯ ﭘﻦ اور ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ اﯾﮏ ﺟﮭﻠﮏ ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی‬
‫ اﮔﺮ آپ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﺑﻮﻟﻮ۔‬.‫ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﯽ‬
 Sunday
21 January
In Pakistan, all political parties without exception
have justifiably blamed the establishment for
interfering in the decision-making process and
eventually ending up undermining the very order
that, in instances, it helped put in place. They also
need to do some serious soul-searching.
With elections round the corner, which party’s
manifesto has inspired confidence in you? That is, if
you have been fortunate enough to have seen one. I
haven’t. The main contender to the Islamabad and
Lahore thrones says its manifesto will likely be
made public on Jan 27. Yes, the PML-N will make
public its pledges to the people a mere 13 days
before the polling day.
Earlier this month, the PPP came up with a 10-point
programme that can best be called a wish list, with
no costing as to how it will ‘double’ salaries, build
three million homes, give free up to 300 electricity
units to the poor, etc, etc. Reminded one of the
PTI’s 5m homes pledge in 2018.
There can be no doubt the establishment has
constantly stymied democracy in the country but
with such sketchy plans (or none at all), surely the
political parties also hand over the initiative
elsewhere. For example, no party has said a word
about how it will resolve the burning Baloch rights
issues or the physical threat being posed to our
soldiers and civilians alike by the TTP and
separatists in Balochistan.
With the exception of the out-of-favour party, for
now, all others appear focused on staying in the
good books of those who are managing the ‘reset
to 2016’ process. Their worry isn’t whether an
exchange of missiles with Iran may derail the
elections. Their only concern is to stay on the right
side of those they think matter.
The people, the teeming millions, who should be at
the heart of any democracy, seem marginal to the
whole process. All is well, of course, as long as they
show up at the jalsas and on Feb 8 to vote for those
who seem to be making tall promises in their
speeches but appear short on details of how they
will deliver.
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
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‫ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﮐﺴﯽ اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﮐﮯ ﺗﻤﺎم ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﭘﺮ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﺳﺎزی ﮐﮯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺪاﺧﻠﺖ ﮐﺎ اﻟﺰام ﻋﺎﺋﺪ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ اور ﺑﺎﻵﺧﺮ اس ﺗﺮﺗﯿﺐ ﮐﻮ ﻧﻘﺼﺎن ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ اس ﻧﮯ ﻋﻤﻞ درآﻣﺪ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺪد ﮐﯽ۔ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﭽﮫ ﺳﻨﺠﯿﺪہ‬،‫ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫روح ﮐﯽ ﺗﻼش ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﮐﺲ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻨﺸﻮر ﻧﮯ آپ ﭘﺮ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬،‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻗﺮﯾﺐ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯽ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﺮے‬.‫ اﮔﺮ آپ ﮐﻮ ﺧﻮش ﻗﺴﻤﺘﯽ ﺳﮯ دﯾﮑﮭﺎ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﭘﯿﺪا ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ؟ ﯾﻌﻨﯽ‬
‫ﭘﺎس ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ اﺳﻼم آﺑﺎد اور ﻻﮨﻮر ﮐﮯ ﺗﺨﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ اﮨﻢ دﻋﻮﯾﺪار ﮐﺎ‬
‫ ﺟﻨﻮری ﮐﻮ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﺎم ﭘﺮ آﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ اﻣﮑﺎن‬27 ‫ﮐﮩﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اس ﮐﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮر‬
‫ دن ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﻋﻮام‬13 ‫ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن( ﭘﻮﻟﻨﮓ ﮐﮯ دن ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺾ‬،‫ﮨﮯ۔ ﮨﺎں‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ وﻋﺪے ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮے ﮔﯽ۔‬
‫ ﻧﮑﺎﺗﯽ ﭘﺮوﮔﺮام ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﯿﺎ‬10 ‫ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﻧﮯ‬،‫اس ﻣﺎہ ﮐﮯ ﺷﺮوع ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﺟﺴﮯ ﺑﮩﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﺧﻮاﮨﺸﺎت ﮐﯽ ﻓﮩﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﮩﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
،‫ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻻﮔﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ وہ ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح ﺗﻨﺨﻮاﮨﻮں ﮐﻮ 'ڈﺑﻞ' ﮐﺮے ﮔﯽ‬
‫ ﺗﮏ ﺑﺠﻠﯽ ﮐﮯ ﯾﻮﻧﭧ ﻣﻔﺖ دے ﮔﯽ۔‬300 ،‫ﺗﯿﺲ ﻻﮐﮫ ﮔﮭﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﯽ‬
‫ ﻻﮐﮫ ﮔﮭﺮوں‬50 ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ‬2018 ‫ﻏﺮﯾﺐ وﻏﯿﺮہ وﻏﯿﺮہ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﮐﺎ وﻋﺪہ ﯾﺎد دﻻﯾﺎ۔‬
‫اس ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺷﮏ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﻧﮯ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ روﮐﺎ ﮨﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ ﺧﺎﮐﮯ دار ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﻮں ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﯾﻘﯿﻨًﺎ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﮩﯿﮟ اور‬،(‫ﺳﺎﺗﮫ )ﯾﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﻧﮯ اس ﺑﺎرے‬،‫ﭘﮩﻞ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻣﺜﺎل ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﮩﺎ ﮐﮧ وہ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﮯ ﺳﻠﮕﺘﮯ‬
‫ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﻮ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﺣﻞ ﮐﺮے ﮔﯽ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﭨﯽ ﭨﯽ ﭘﯽ‬
‫اور ﻋﻠﯿﺤﺪﮔﯽ ﭘﺴﻨﺪوں ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﻓﻮﺟﯿﻮں اور ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں‬
‫ﮐﻮ درﭘﯿﺶ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺧﻄﺮہ ﮐﻮ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﺣﻞ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ۔‬
‫ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﺳﺒﮭﯽ ان‬،‫ اﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬،‫آؤٹ آف ﻓﯿﻮر ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﻮ ﭼﮭﻮڑ ﮐﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﯽ اﭼﮭﯽ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ رﮨﻨﮯ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﻮز دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ‬
‫ ﮐﻮ دوﺑﺎرہ ﺗﺮﺗﯿﺐ دﯾﻨﮯ' ﮐﮯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻮ ﺳﻨﺒﮭﺎل رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ان‬2016'
‫ﮐﯽ ﻓﮑﺮ ﯾﮧ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ آﯾﺎ اﯾﺮان ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻣﯿﺰاﺋﻠﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺗﺒﺎدﻟﮧ‬
‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﻮ ﭘﭩﮍی ﺳﮯ اﺗﺎر ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ان ﮐﯽ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺻﺮف ان ﻟﻮﮔﻮں‬
‫ﮐﮯ داﺋﯿﮟ ﻃﺮف رﮨﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ وہ اﮨﻢ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺟﻨﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬،‫ ﻻﮐﮭﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﻋﻮام‬
‫ اس ﺳﺎرے ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﮯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺳﺐ ﭨﮭﯿﮏ‬،‫ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﻓﺮوری ﮐﻮ ان ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﻮ‬8 ‫ ﺟﺐ ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ وہ ﺟﻠﺴﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ اور‬،‫ﮨﮯ‬
‫ووٹ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻧﻈﺮ آﺋﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ ﺟﻮ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺮوں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮍے ﺑﮍے‬
‫وﻋﺪے ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس ﮐﯽ ﺗﻔﺼﯿﻼت ﺳﮯ ﮐﻢ دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ‬
‫دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ وہ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﭘﻮرا ﮐﺮﯾﮟ ﮔﮯ۔‬
 Sunday
21 January
Published in Dawn, January 21st, 2024
Justice and politics
Muhammad Amir Rana
The writer is a security analyst.
AFTER a lengthy trial in an anti-terrorism court,
followed by the rejection of appeals from superior
courts, the killers of Sarfraz Shah, who was shot by
paramilitary forces in 2011, finally appealed to the
president of Pakistan for a pardon under Article 45
of the Constitution. When the President’s House
denied their appeal in 2018, it was a significant step
towards restoring the confidence of ordinary
citizens in the existing justice system. In a similar
incident in 2020, the arrest of a Frontier Corps
soldier for the killing of a university student in
Turbat, Balochistan, proved to be a significant
confidence-building measure between the local
populace and the security forces. However, such
examples remain rare in Pakistan’s legal and
judicial landscape.
Last year, on Jan 23, a dark day unfolded when Rao
Anwar, a police officer accused of killing over 400
people in fake encounters, was acquitted in the high
-profile Naqibullah murder case. This case had
significantly impacted the political landscape of
Pakhtun-dominated regions, and the army chief at
that time had personally assured justice for the
victim’s family. Adding to the irony, the Sitara-i-
Shujaat was awarded to a police officer from
Punjab who was implicated in the Sahiwal tragedy.
This tragedy occurred in January 2019, when the
Counter Terrorism Department mistakenly killed a
family travelling to a wedding ceremony, suspecting
them of being terrorists. The court eventually
acquitted all the accused officials.
A lot has been written on these four cases from the
legal and human rights perspective, but academic
curiosity has no limits. These cases expose the
power dynamics of how power corrupts officials in
law-enforcement agencies (LEAs), how low-ranking
and high-ranking officials alike misuse their
authority, and how the system protects them.
Sarfraz Shah’s case is a rare example of justice
done. Perhaps the reason was that the culprits had
little defence. Sarfaraz, a 22-year-old man who went
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‫ا ﻧ ﺼﺎ ف ا ور ﺳ ﯿﺎ ﺳ ﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ راﻧﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ ﺗﺠﺰﯾﮧ ﮐﺎر ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﻧﺴﺪاد دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی ﮐﯽ ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺳﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺳﺮﻓﺮاز ﺷﺎہ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﯽ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﻮں ﺳﮯ اﭘﯿﻠﯿﮟ ﻣﺴﺘﺮد ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ٰ ‫ اﻋﻠ‬،‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﯿﻢ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ دﺳﺘﻮں ﻧﮯ ﮔﻮﻟﯽ ﻣﺎر دی‬2011 ‫ ﺟﻨﮩﯿﮟ‬،‫ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻮں ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﯽ ﮐﯽ‬45 ‫ ﺑﺎﻵﺧﺮ ﺻﺪر ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﺳﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬،‫ﺗﮭﯽ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺐ اﯾﻮان ﺻﺪر ﻧﮯ ان ﮐﯽ اﭘﯿﻞ‬2018 .‫اﭘﯿﻞ ﮐﯽ۔ آﺋﯿﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺮد ﮐﺮ دی ﺗﻮ ﯾﮧ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدہ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻧﺼﺎف ﻣﯿﮟ ﻋﺎم ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں ﮐﺎ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اﺳﯽ‬2020 ‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﺑﺤﺎل ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف اﯾﮏ اﮨﻢ ﻗﺪم ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼﻗﮯ ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ واﻗﻌﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮرﺳﭩﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﮐﮯ اﻟﺰام ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﺮﻧﭩﯿﺌﺮ ﮐﻮر ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ ﻋﻮام اور ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ ﻓﻮرﺳﺰ ﮐﮯ‬،‫اﯾﮏ ﺳﭙﺎﮨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎری‬
‫درﻣﯿﺎن اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﺳﺎزی ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ اﮨﻢ اﻗﺪام ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ اور ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﺴﯽ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﯿﮟ ﮐﻢ ﮨﯽ ﻣﻠﺘﯽ‬
‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺟﻨﻮری ﮐﻮ اﯾﮏ ﺳﯿﺎہ دن ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ آﯾﺎ ﺟﺐ ﻧﻘﯿﺐ ﷲ‬23 ‫ﮔﺰﺷﺘﮧ ﺳﺎل‬
‫ ﺳﮯ زاﺋﺪ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﻮ ﺟﻌﻠﯽ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﻗﺘﻞ‬400 ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﮐﯿﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﭘﻮﻟﯿﺲ اﻓﺴﺮ راؤ اﻧﻮار ﮐﻮ ﺑﺮی ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔ اس ﮐﯿﺲ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﭘﺨﺘﻮن اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺘﯽ ﻋﻼﻗﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﮯ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﯾﺎں اﺛﺮ ڈاﻻ‬
‫ﺗﮭﺎ اور اس وﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ آرﻣﯽ ﭼﯿﻒ ﻧﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮہ ﺧﺎﻧﺪان ﮐﻮ ذاﺗﯽ ﻃﻮر‬
‫ﭘﺮ اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﯽ ﯾﻘﯿﻦ دﮨﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﺮاﺋﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻇﺮﯾﻔﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ اﺿﺎﻓﮧ‬
‫ ﺳﺘﺎرہ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎب ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ ﭘﻮﻟﯿﺲ اﻓﺴﺮ ﮐﻮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬،‫ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬2019 ‫ﺟﻮ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﮧ ﺳﺎﮨﯿﻮال ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻠﻮث ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﮧ ﺟﻨﻮری‬
‫ ﺟﺐ ﮐﺎؤﻧﭩﺮ ﭨﯿﺮرازم ڈﯾﭙﺎرﭨﻤﻨﭧ ﻧﮯ ﻏﻠﻄﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺷﺎدی ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﭘﯿﺶ آﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺐ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اﯾﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﺪان ﮐﻮ دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮد ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺷﺒﮧ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﻗﺘﻞ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ۔ ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﻧﮯ ﺑﺎﻵﺧﺮ ﺗﻤﺎم ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺎن ﮐﻮ ﺑﺮی ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ۔‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ اور اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﮯ ﻧﻘﻄﮧ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﮯ ان ﭼﺎروں ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎت ﭘﺮ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺣﺪ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺑﮩﺖ ﮐﭽﮫ ﻟﮑﮭﺎ ﺟﺎ ﭼﮑﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ ﮐﯿﺴﺰ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﯽ ﺣﺮﮐﯿﺎت ﮐﻮ ﺑﮯ ﻧﻘﺎب ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﮐﺲ‬
‫( ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﮑﺎم ﮐﻮ‬LEAs) ‫ﻃﺮح ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اداروں‬
‫ﯽ ﻋﮩﺪے دار‬ ٰ ‫ ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح ﻧﭽﻠﮯ درﺟﮯ ﮐﮯ اور اﻋﻠ‬،‫ﺑﺪﻋﻨﻮان ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ اور ﻧﻈﺎم ان‬،‫اﯾﮏ ﺟﯿﺴﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ اﺧﺘﯿﺎرات ﮐﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺳﺮﻓﺮاز ﺷﺎہ ﮐﺎ ﮐﯿﺲ اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﯽ اﯾﮏ ﻧﺎدر ﻣﺜﺎل ﮨﮯ۔ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ اس ﮐﯽ‬
‫وﺟﮧ ﯾﮧ ﺗﮭﯽ ﮐﮧ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻮں ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس دﻓﺎع ﮐﻢ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﮐﺮاﭼﯽ ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ‬
 Sunday
21 January
out for a walk in a public park in Karachi, was killed
by Rangers, and a camera captured the entire
scene. This began an era of social media activism
and vigilant citizenry. Civil society played a vital role
in bringing justice to the victim’s family.
Rights movements can evolve into political forces
when justice is denied or delayed.
The killing of university student Hayat Baloch in
Turbat, amidst volatile security and rising political
grievances in Makran, sparked the birth of the Haq
Do Tehreek in Gwadar. Security forces took a
different approach in this case, arresting a Frontier
Corps soldier. A wise move, this arrest proved a
major confidence-building measure and prompted a
dialogue between security leaders and
communities, particularly youth. This led to
administrative changes, including relaxed security
checks and expanded border markets along the Iran
border. However, the initiative faltered as local
grievances resurfaced, fuelled by the provincial
counterterrorism department’s excessive resort to
extrajudicial practices. This further accentuates the
ongoing sit-in camp for missing persons in
Islamabad, led by courageous Baloch women.
The lower ranks are often scapegoats in police
brutality cases, and are sacrificed by LEAs to
appease public anger while maintaining their
impunity. This pattern persists despite high-profile
incidents such as the killings of Sarfraz Shah and
Hayat Baloch, demonstrating the lack of
accountability within law enforcement.
Across Pakistan, reports of LEAs indiscriminately
killing innocent civilians surface regularly — from
Karachi to Islamabad and from Gwadar to Quetta.
This entrenched culture of violence is enabled by
the flawed political, social and justice systems,
which continue to support figures like Rao Anwar
and the late Chaudhry Aslam, notorious for their
extrajudicial practices.
Ironically, LEAs justify such unlawful actions and
demand both immunity and rewards. Even when
caught, legal loopholes and judicial leniency, as
seen in the Sahiwal tragedy, often shield them from
consequences. The anti-terrorism narrative
conveniently allows LEAs to sweep these incidents
under the rug, with no real accountability within the
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‫ ﺳﺎﻟﮧ ﺳﺮﻓﺮاز ﮐﻮ‬22 ‫ﭘﺒﻠﮏ ﭘﺎرک ﻣﯿﮟ ﭼﮩﻞ ﻗﺪﻣﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻧﮑﻠﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﯿﻤﺮے ﻧﮯ ﯾﮧ ﺳﺎرا ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻗﯿﺪ‬،‫رﯾﻨﺠﺮز ﻧﮯ ﮔﻮﻟﯽ ﻣﺎر ﮐﺮ ﮨﻼک ﮐﺮدﯾﺎ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻟﯿﺎ۔ اس ﺳﮯ ﺳﻮﺷﻞ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ اﯾﮑﭩﯿﻮزم اور ﭼﻮﮐﺲ ﺷﮩﺮی ﮐﺎ دور‬
‫ﺷﺮوع ﮨﻮا۔ ﺳﻮل ﺳﻮﺳﺎﺋﭩﯽ ﻧﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮہ ﺧﺎﻧﺪان ﮐﻮ اﻧﺼﺎف دﻻﻧﮯ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ اﮨﻢ ﮐﺮدار ادا ﮐﯿﺎ۔‬
‫ﺟﺐ اﻧﺼﺎف ﺳﮯ اﻧﮑﺎر ﯾﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮ ﮨﻮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ ﺗﻮ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﯽ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮑﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻗﻮﺗﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﻣﮑﺮان‬،‫ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮرﺳﭩﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﯿﺎت ﺑﻠﻮچ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺘﻞ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ اور ﺑﮍﮬﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ رﻧﺠﺸﻮں‬
‫ ﮔﻮادر ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﻖ دو ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ ﮐﻮ ﺟﻨﻢ دﯾﺎ۔ اس ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﮯ‬،‫ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن‬
‫ ﻓﺮﻧﭩﯿﺌﺮ ﮐﻮر ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ ﻓﻮرﺳﺰ ﻧﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻧﺪاز اﭘﻨﺎﯾﺎ‬
‫ اس ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎری ﻧﮯ‬،‫اﯾﮏ ﺳﭙﺎﮨﯽ ﮐﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ۔ اﯾﮏ داﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪاﻧﮧ اﻗﺪام‬
‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﺳﺎزی ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ ﺑﮍا اﻗﺪام ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﯿﺎ اور ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ ﻟﯿﮉروں اور‬
‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻧﻮﺟﻮاﻧﻮں ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ‬،‫ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﭩﯿﺰ‬
‫ ﺑﺸﻤﻮل‬،‫اﻓﺰاﺋﯽ ﮐﯽ۔ اس ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ اﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯿﺎں ﮨﻮﺋﯿﮟ‬
‫آرام دہ ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ ﭼﯿﮏ اور اﯾﺮان ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬
‫ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﯽ ﺷﮑﺎﯾﺎت ﮐﮯ دوﺑﺎرہ ﺟﻨﻢ ﻟﯿﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺑﺎزاروں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻮﺳﯿﻊ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﮧ اﻧﺴﺪاِد دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﯾﮧ ﭘﮩﻞ ﻧﺎﮐﺎم ﮨﻮ ﮔﺌﯽ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺎوراﺋﮯ ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﯾﻘﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺿﺮورت ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﺳﮩﺎرا‬
‫ﻟﯿﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ۔ اس ﺳﮯ اﺳﻼم آﺑﺎد ﻣﯿﮟ ﻻﭘﺘﮧ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﺑﮩﺎدر‬،‫ﺟﺎری دﮬﺮﻧﺎ ﮐﯿﻤﭗ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﯾﺖ ﻣﻠﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﺮ رﮨﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﭘﻮﻟﯿﺲ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﯾﺖ ﮐﮯ واﻗﻌﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﭽﻠﮯ درﺟﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮگ اﮐﺜﺮ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮار رﮐﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
ٰ ‫ اور اﭘﻨﯽ اﺳﺘﺜﻨ‬،‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﮑﺮے ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﯽ دی‬LEAs ‫ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﻏﺼﮯ ﮐﻮ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺳﺮﻓﺮاز ﺷﺎہ اور ﺣﯿﺎت ﺑﻠﻮچ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﮨﺎﺋﯽ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻧﺎﻓﺬ‬،‫ﭘﺮوﻓﺎﺋﻞ واﻗﻌﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد ﯾﮧ روش ﺑﺮﻗﺮار ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اداروں ﮐﮯ اﻧﺪر اﺣﺘﺴﺎب ﮐﯽ ﮐﻤﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﮐﺮاﭼﯽ ﺳﮯ اﺳﻼم آﺑﺎد ﺗﮏ اور ﮔﻮادر ﺳﮯ‬،‫ﭘﻮرے ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ اﯾﻞ ای اے ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﮯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮم ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں ﮐﻮ اﻧﺪﮬﺎ‬- ‫ﮐﻮﺋﭩﮧ ﺗﮏ‬
‫دﮬﻨﺪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اﻃﻼﻋﺎت ﺑﺎﻗﺎﻋﺪﮔﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ آﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺗﺸﺪد‬
‫ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ اور اﻧﺼﺎف‬،‫ﮐﮯ اس ﮔﮭﮍے ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮐﻠﭽﺮ ﮐﻮ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ راؤ اﻧﻮار اور ﻣﺮﺣﻮم ﭼﻮﮨﺪری اﺳﻠﻢ‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻧﮯ ﻓﻌﺎل ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ اﭘﻨﮯ ﻣﺎوراﺋﮯ‬،‫ﺟﯿﺴﯽ ﺷﺨﺼﯿﺎت ﮐﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ رﮨﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﻃﺮز ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺑﺪﻧﺎم ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت ﮐﺎ‬LEAs ‫ﺳﺘﻢ ﻇﺮﯾﻔﯽ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ‬
‫ﯽ اور اﻧﻌﺎم دوﻧﻮں ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ‬
ٰ ‫ﺟﻮاز ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ اور اﺳﺘﺜﻨ‬
‫ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ‬،‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﭘﮑﮍے ﺟﺎﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ ﺧﺎﻣﯿﺎں اور ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ ﻧﺮﻣﯽ‬
‫ اﮐﺜﺮ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺳﮯ ﺑﭽﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬،‫ﮐﮧ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﮧ ﺳﺎﮨﯿﻮال ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫اﻧﺴﺪاد دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی ﮐﺎ ﺑﯿﺎﻧﯿﮧ آﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ اﯾﻞ ای اے ﮐﻮ ان واﻗﻌﺎت‬
‫ ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ اور‬،‫ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻮﯾﻠﯿﻦ‬،‫ﮐﻮ ﮐﭽﻠﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ اﺟﺎزت دﯾﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ ﺟﻮاﺑﺪﮨﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﺗﯽ۔ ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ‬
 Sunday
21 January
civilian, security and judicial systems. An audit of
recent ‘police encounters’ would likely expose a
staggering number of injustices, a fact the system
is unwilling to confront.
If the state institutions had been vigilant enough,
they would have recognised the advantage of
engaging with the families of missing persons from
Balochistan who are protesting in Islamabad. A
dialogue with them would have been more effective,
but the institutions fear that the issue of the
missing persons is complicated and could damage
their reputation. Apparently, not only the state
institutions but also political parties are convinced
that publicly sympathising with these families will
come at a cost, and they are deliberately trying to
distance themselves from the protesters. The
mainstream parties, betting on the establishment’s
support in the upcoming election, and even Baloch
nationalist parties, are reluctant to extend their full
support to the victims’ families.
State institutions’ reluctance to engage with Baloch
families and their counterproductive tactic of
establishing ‘victims of terrorism’ camps nearby are
backfiring. Though the Baloch missing persons’
movement initially focused solely on the rule of law,
state institutions, political parties, and their media
allies have framed it as a potential PTM-like threat
in Balochistan. This narrative threatens not only the
status quo, but also Baloch nationalist parties who
have not adapted to the changing aspirations of
Baloch society.
The Haq Do Tehreek’s political foothold in Gwadar
demonstrates that rights movements can evolve
into political forces when justice is denied or
delayed. This transformation is not a choice but a
necessity; they recognise that power responds to
power, and political participation becomes the path
to achieving their goals.
The rights movements challenging the status quo
and demanding transparency in actions of state
institutions have often faced a harsh response.
Instead of engaging in dialogue and addressing
concerns, state institutions have opted for coercive
measures, pushing the movements towards more
confrontational tactics. A charged protest
atmosphere can create the perfect environment for
law enforcement to abuse their power. The judiciary
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‫'ﭘﻮﻟﯿﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻮں' ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ آڈٹ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺣﯿﺮت اﻧﮕﯿﺰ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ اس ﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ ﮐﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ‬،‫ﻧﺎاﻧﺼﺎﻓﯿﻮں ﮐﻮ ﺑﮯ ﻧﻘﺎب ﮐﺮے ﮔﺎ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺗﯿﺎر ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫اﮔﺮ رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ ادارے ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﭼﻮﮐﺲ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﺗﻮ اﺳﻼم آﺑﺎد ﻣﯿﮟ اﺣﺘﺠﺎج‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻻﭘﺘﮧ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﮯ اﮨﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﮧ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﺎت‬
‫ﭼﯿﺖ ﮐﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﮯ۔ ان ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﺎت ﭼﯿﺖ زﯾﺎدہ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﮨﻮﺗﯽ‬
‫ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اداروں ﮐﻮ ﺧﺪﺷﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻻﭘﺘﮧ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﮧ ﭘﯿﭽﯿﺪہ ﮨﮯ اور‬
‫ان ﮐﯽ ﺳﺎﮐﮫ ﮐﻮ ﻧﻘﺼﺎن ﭘﮩﻨﭻ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﻈﺎﮨﺮ ﻧﮧ ﺻﺮف رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ‬
‫ادارے ﺑﻠﮑﮧ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ اس ﺑﺎت ﭘﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ان‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﮨﻤﺪردی ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﻤﺖ ﭼﮑﺎﻧﯽ ﭘﮍے ﮔﯽ اور‬
‫وہ ﺟﺎن ﺑﻮﺟﮫ ﮐﺮ ﻣﻈﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ ﺳﮯ ﺧﻮد ﮐﻮ دور ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺮ‬
‫ آﺋﻨﺪہ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻣﺮﮐﺰی دﮬﺎرے ﮐﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ‬
‫ اور ﯾﮩﺎں ﺗﮏ ﮐﮧ‬،‫اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺮﻃﯿﮟ ﻟﮕﺎ رﮨﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﯾﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻣﺪد‬،‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻗﻮم ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮔﺮﯾﺰاں ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ اداروں ﮐﯽ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ رواﺑﻂ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﭽﮑﭽﺎﮨﭧ اور ان ﮐﮯ ﻧﺰدﯾﮏ ’دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی ﮐﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﯾﻦ‘ ﮐﯿﻤﭗ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ان ﮐﮯ اﻟﭩﺎ ﮨﺘﮭﮑﻨﮉے ﺟﻮاب دے رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ ﺑﻠﻮچ‬
‫ﻻﭘﺘﮧ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﯽ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ ﺷﺮوع ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﺮف اور ﺻﺮف ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں‬،‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ اداروں‬،‫ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﻮز ﺗﮭﯽ‬
‫اور ان ﮐﮯ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ اﺗﺤﺎدﯾﻮں ﻧﮯ اﺳﮯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ اﯾﻢ‬
‫ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﺧﻄﺮہ ﻗﺮار دﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﺑﯿﺎﻧﯿﮯ ﺳﮯ ﻧﮧ ﺻﺮف اﺳﭩﯿﭩﺲ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﺑﻠﮑﮧ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻗﻮم ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں ﮐﻮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺧﻄﺮہ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻨﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺳﻤﺎج ﮐﯽ ﺑﺪﻟﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ اﻣﻨﮕﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ڈﮬﺎﻻ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮔﻮادر ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﻖ دو ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ ﮐﺎ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻗﺪم اس ﺑﺎت ﮐﻮ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ‬
‫ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺟﺐ اﻧﺼﺎف ﺳﮯ اﻧﮑﺎر ﯾﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮ ﮨﻮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ ﺗﻮ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮑﯿﮟ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻗﻮﺗﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯽ‬
‫ﮐﻮﺋﯽ اﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺑﻠﮑﮧ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ۔ وہ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ‬
‫ اور ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ان ﮐﮯ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ‬،‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﺎ ﺟﻮاب دﯾﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﺣﺼﻮل ﮐﺎ راﺳﺘﮧ ﺑﻦ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺟﻤﻮد ﮐﻮ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ اور رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ اداروں ﮐﮯ اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﯿﺖ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﯽ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮑﻮں ﮐﻮ اﮐﺜﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ‬
‫ردﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭘﮍا ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﺎت ﭼﯿﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺸﻐﻮل ﮨﻮﻧﮯ اور‬
‫ رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ اداروں ﻧﮯ ﺟﺒﺮ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺧﺪﺷﺎت ﮐﻮ دور ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮑﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺗﺼﺎدم ﮐﮯ ﮨﺘﮭﮑﻨﮉوں‬،‫اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت ﮐﺎ اﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف دﮬﮑﯿﻞ دﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﭼﺎرج ﺷﺪہ اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﯽ ﻣﺎﺣﻮل ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻧﺎﻓﺬ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﻮ اس‬LEAs ‫ﺑﮩﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﺎﺣﻮل ﭘﯿﺪا ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺻﺮف ﻋﺪﻟﯿﮧ ﮨﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ ﺗﺼﺎدم ﮐﮯ ﺣﺎﻻت ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯿﺪا ﮨﻮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اﺑﮩﺎم ﮐﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ اﭨﮭﺎﻧﮯ‬
 Sunday 03058604746
21 January
alone can prevent LEAs from exploiting the ‫ﺳﮯ روک ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
ambiguity inherent in such confrontational
situations.

The writer is a security analyst.

Published in Dawn, January 21st, 2024

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