Tuesday
23 January
Dawn Opinion With Urdu Translation 23 January 2024
Blinding rage
Shahzad Sharjeel
The writer is a poet. His latest publication is a
collection of satire essays titled Rindana.
BLINDING pretenders to the throne has been an age
-old favourite in our part of the world. In addition to
making the aspirant an example for other external
adventurists and curbing in-house ambition, the
injury also added to the challenge of running
chaotic kingdoms that frequently experienced
uprisings the monarch usually had to quell, leading
the forces at the empire’s disposal personally in the
battlefield.
Lest anyone assume that the despicable practice
was limited to kings and their sons or brothers, in
the 16th century, Mallu Adil Shah of Bijapur was
blinded on his Maratha grandmother’s orders to
promote another brother in the line of succession.
In an age when physical prowess was at least as
much, if not more, important than the intellectual
capacity to mount a credible challenge, blinding an
opponent must have appeared as sufficient a
minimisation of future risk as possible, short of
outright extermination. Maybe, in their sick minds,
they occupied a status one rung higher than those
of murderers.
In the Bhagalpur district of Bihar in 1980, police
officials, with the knowledge of at least one
minister and active indifference of officers as
senior as DIG and IG, went about blinding as many
as 87 suspects in custody over a nine-month
period. They claimed this was the only way to stem
the tide of criminal activities in the area. The
readers shall be spared the gruesome details of
how these protectors of life and honour went about
their gory business. It took some brilliant and
courageous investigative reporting to expose the
case. Inquiries were initiated, and 15 police
officials, including the superintendent of Bhagalpur
Central Prison, were suspended.
Tiny state officials and common criminals can turn
diabolical.
The superintendent, who had forwarded the victims’
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‫ا ﻧﺪ ﮬ ﺎ ﻏ ﺼ ﮧ‬
‫ﺷﮩﺰاد ﺷﺮﺟﯿﻞ‬
‫ادﯾﺐ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﮨﮯ۔ ان ﮐﯽ ﺗﺎزہ ﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﺷﺎﻋﺖ رﻧﺪاﻧﮧ ﮐﮯ ﻋﻨﻮان ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﻃﻨﺰﯾﮧ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﯿﻦ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮧ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﮐﺎ اﻧﺪﮬﺎ دﮐﮭﺎوا دﻧﯿﺎ ﮐﮯ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﺣﺼﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﻗﺪﯾﻢ‬
‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪﯾﺪہ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺧﻮاﮨﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﮐﻮ دﯾﮕﺮ ﺑﯿﺮوﻧﯽ ﻣﮩﻢ ﺟﻮﺋﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ اس‬،‫اﯾﮏ ﻣﺜﺎل ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ اور اﻧﺪرون ﻣﻠﮏ ﻋﺰاﺋﻢ ﮐﻮ روﮐﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼوہ‬
‫ﭼﻮٹ ﻧﮯ اﻓﺮاﺗﻔﺮی واﻟﯽ ﺑﺎدﺷﺎﮨﺘﻮں ﮐﻮ ﭼﻼﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ ﺑﺎدﺷﺎہ ﮐﻮ ﻋﺎم‬،‫اﺿﺎﻓﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺴﮯ اﮐﺜﺮ ﺑﻐﺎوﺗﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭘﮍﺗﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ذاﺗﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اس ﭘﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻮ ﭘﺎﻧﺎ ﭘﮍﺗﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﻣﯿﮟ اﻓﻮاج ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﻣﯿﺪان ﺟﻨﮓ‬
‫اﯾﺴﺎ ﻧﮧ ﮨﻮ ﮐﮧ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﯾﮧ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﮯ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﺣﻘﯿﺮ رواج ﺻﺮف ﺑﺎدﺷﺎﮨﻮں‬
،‫وﯾﮟ ﺻﺪی ﻣﯿﮟ‬16 ،‫اور ان ﮐﮯ ﺑﯿﭩﻮں ﯾﺎ ﺑﮭﺎﺋﯿﻮں ﺗﮏ ﮨﯽ ﻣﺤﺪود ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ﺑﯿﺠﺎﭘﻮر ﮐﮯ ﻣﺎﻟﻮ ﻋﺎدل ﺷﺎہ ﮐﻮ اﭘﻨﯽ ﻣﺮاﭨﮭﺎ دادی ﮐﮯ ﺣﮑﻢ ﭘﺮ اﻧﺪﮬﺎ‬
‫ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ وہ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﯿﻨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺻﻒ ﻣﯿﮟ دوﺳﺮے ﺑﮭﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ دﯾﮟ۔‬
،‫اﯾﮏ اﯾﺴﮯ دور ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺐ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﯿﺖ ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ اﺗﻨﯽ ﮨﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ‬
‫ اﯾﮏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﻓﮑﺮی‬،‫اﮔﺮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ‬
‫ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﮐﻮ اﻧﺪﮬﺎ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ اﮨﻢ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮے ﮐﻮ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﺣﺪ ﺗﮏ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺣﺪ ﺗﮏ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮨﻮا ﮨﻮ‬
‫ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺑﯿﻤﺎر‬،‫ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺗﺒﺎﮨﯽ ﺳﮯ ﮐﻢ ﮨﮯ۔ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﮔﺎ‬
‫ وہ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻮں ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ درﺟﮯ اوﻧﭽﮯ درﺟﮯ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﺗﮭﮯ۔‬،‫ذﮨﻨﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ اﯾﮏ وزﯾﺮ ﮐﯽ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮩﺎر ﮐﮯ ﺑﮭﺎﮔﻠﭙﻮر ﺿﻠﻊ ﻣﯿﮟ‬1980
‫ﺟﺎﻧﮑﺎری اور ڈی آﺋﯽ ﺟﯽ اور آﺋﯽ ﺟﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﯿﻨﺌﺮ اﻓﺴﺮان‬
‫ ﭘﻮﻟﯿﺲ اﮨﻠﮑﺎروں ﻧﮯ ﻧﻮ ﻣﺎہ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺪت‬،‫ﮐﯽ ﻓﻌﺎل ﺑﮯ ﺣﺴﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬
‫ ﻣﺸﺘﺒﮧ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﻮ ﺣﺮاﺳﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻟﮯ ﮐﺮ اﻧﺪﮬﺎ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ۔ اﻧﮩﻮں‬87 ‫ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ی ﮐﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻋﻼﻗﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﮧ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﯿﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻟﮩﺮ ﮐﻮ روﮐﻨﮯ‬ ٰ ‫ﻧﮯ دﻋﻮ‬
‫ﮐﺎ ﯾﮧ واﺣﺪ ﻃﺮﯾﻘﮧ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻗﺎرﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﻮ اس ﺑﮭﯿﺎﻧﮏ ﺗﻔﺼﯿﻼت ﺳﮯ ﺑﭽﺎﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﺟﺎن اور ﻋﺰت ﮐﮯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح اﭘﻨﮯ ﺧﻮﻧﯽ‬
‫ﮐﺎروﺑﺎر ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺼﺮوف رﮨﮯ۔ اس ﮐﯿﺲ ﮐﻮ ﺑﮯ ﻧﻘﺎب ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﭽﮫ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻧﺪار اور ﺟﺮات ﻣﻨﺪاﻧﮧ ﺗﺤﻘﯿﻘﺎﺗﯽ رﭘﻮرﭨﻨﮓ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬
‫ اور ﺑﮭﺎﮔﻠﭙﻮر ﺳﯿﻨﭩﺮل ﺟﯿﻞ ﮐﮯ‬،‫اﻧﮑﻮاﺋﺮی ﺷﺮوع ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ‬
‫ ﭘﻮﻟﯿﺲ اﮨﻠﮑﺎروں ﮐﻮ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬15 ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻧﭩﻨﮉﻧﭧ ﺳﻤﯿﺖ‬
‫ﭼﮭﻮﭨﮯ رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ اﮨﻠﮑﺎر اور ﻋﺎم ﻣﺠﺮم ﺷﯿﻄﺎﻧﯽ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ رﯾﻠﯿﻒ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﯾﻦ ﮐﯽ درﺧﻮاﺳﺘﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﮯ‬،‫ﺳﭙﺮﻧﭩﻨﮉﻧﭧ‬
 Tuesday
23 January
petitions for relief to the chief judicial magistrate,
along with his forwarding letter, was accused of
failing to record and report the undertrials’
condition upon receiving their custody at the jail.
The paity bhais (people wearing the same belt/
badge) closed ranks and claimed that enraged
mobs manhandled all the victims and that they
were brought to the police stations already blinded.
The Indian supreme court heard the matter for
three years. It used ‘grandiloquent’ language to
express its anguish, as Arun Shourie, former editor
of the Indian Express, puts it in his book The
Commissioner For Lost Causes. However, the court
did little by way of punishing the policemen whose
suspensions were, one by one, revoked, and some
were even promoted to more important positions.
Those victims who survived the ordeal got
Rs30,000 deposited in their bank accounts as
compensation to live off its interest, a grand
amount of Rs750 a month at its highest point
before it was discontinued altogether in 2019.
Recently, the caretaker chief minister of Punjab
approved action against 18 Directorate of Drug
Control officials in the Avastin eye injection case.
More than 60 people have lost their vision
completely or partially because of the
administration, without consent, of apparently
contaminated supplies of the drug. The inspectors
were responsible for ensuring safety standards.
Some people would consider it unfair to equate the
Bhagalpur atrocity with Punjab officialdom’s failure.
Consider that expired stents were put in people’s
hearts not too long ago. Technicians and, in one
case, a security guard were found to be performing
surgeries. According to media reports, a doctor and
a motor mechanic were running a kidney transplant
racket. Inquiries and ‘action’ will be initiated;
however, ‘gown brothers,’ too, have each other’s
back. Even if the culprits are apprehended, tried,
and punished, how do you bring back the dead or
compensate for a limb or an organ?
The days of absolute monarchs and tyrants may
have been over, and the modern state guarantees
rights and protections to its citizens. However, in
the absence of constant vigilance, accountability,
and timely justice, tiny state officials and common
criminals can turn diabolical.
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‫ﻓﺎرورڈﻧﮓ ﻟﯿﭩﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﭼﯿﻒ ﺟﻮڈﯾﺸﻞ ﻣﺠﺴﭩﺮﯾﭧ ﮐﻮ ﺑﮭﯿﺠﯽ‬
‫ ﭘﺮ اﻟﺰام ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ وہ ﺟﯿﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ زﯾﺮ ﺣﺮاﺳﺖ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﯽ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻮ‬،‫ﺗﮭﯿﮟ‬
‫رﯾﮑﺎرڈ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ اور رﭘﻮرٹ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﺎﮐﺎم رﮨﺎ۔ ﭘﯿﭩﯽ ﺑﮭﺎﺋﯿﻮں )اﯾﮏ‬
‫ی ﮐﯿﺎ‬
ٰ ‫ﺑﯿﺞ ﭘﮩﻨﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﻟﻮگ( ﻧﮯ ﺻﻔﯿﮟ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﺮ دﯾﮟ اور دﻋﻮ‬/‫ﮨﯽ ﺑﯿﻠﭧ‬
‫ﮐﮧ ﻣﺸﺘﻌﻞ ﮨﺠﻮم ﻧﮯ ﺗﻤﺎم ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﯾﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﺪﺗﻤﯿﺰی ﮐﯽ اور اﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﮨﯽ اﻧﺪﮬﺎ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺗﮭﺎﻧﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﻻﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬
‫ﺑﮭﺎرﺗﯽ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﻧﮯ ﺗﯿﻦ ﺳﺎل ﺗﮏ اس ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺳﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﯽ۔‬
‫اس ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ ﻏﻢ ﮐﻮ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ 'ﻋﺎﻟﯽ ﺷﺎن' زﺑﺎن ﮐﺎ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ اﻧﮉﯾﻦ اﯾﮑﺴﭙﺮﯾﺲ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ اﯾﮉﯾﭩﺮ ارون ﺷﻮری ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﮐﯿﺎ‬
،‫اﺳﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ ﮐﺘﺎب دی ﮐﻤﺸﻨﺮ ﻓﺎر ﻟﻮﺳﭧ ﮐﺎز ﻣﯿﮟ ﻟﮑﮭﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﻧﮯ ان ﭘﻮﻟﯿﺲ اﮨﻠﮑﺎروں ﮐﻮ ﺳﺰا دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺣﻮاﻟﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮐﭽﮫ‬
‫ اور‬،‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﻦ ﮐﯽ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﯿﺎں اﯾﮏ اﯾﮏ ﮐﺮ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻨﺴﻮخ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ اﮨﻢ ﻋﮩﺪوں ﭘﺮ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ دی ﮔﺌﯽ۔ وہ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﯾﻦ ﺟﻮ‬
30,000 ‫اس آزﻣﺎﺋﺶ ﺳﮯ ﺑﭻ ﮔﺌﮯ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺳﻮد ﺳﮯ ﺑﭽﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
2019 ‫ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ‬،‫روﭘﮯ ان ﮐﮯ ﺑﯿﻨﮏ اﮐﺎؤﻧﭩﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﺮاﺋﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ‬
‫ روﭘﮯ ﻣﺎﮨﺎﻧﮧ ﮐﯽ ﺑﮍی‬750 ‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ‬
‫رﻗﻢ ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬
‫ﯽ ﻧﮯ آواﺳﭩﯿﻦ آﺋﯽ‬
ٰ ‫ﺣﺎل ﮨﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﻨﺠﺎب ﮐﮯ ﻧﮕﺮان وزﯾﺮاﻋﻠ‬
18 ‫اﻧﺠﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﯿﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ڈاﺋﺮﯾﮑﭩﻮرﯾﭧ آف ڈرگ ﮐﻨﭩﺮول ﮐﮯ‬
‫اﮨﻠﮑﺎروں ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﮐﺎررواﺋﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻣﻨﻈﻮری دی۔ اﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯿﮧ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﺑﻈﺎﮨﺮ آﻟﻮدہ ادوﯾﺎت ﮐﯽ ﺳﭙﻼﺋﯽ ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ‬،‫رﺿﺎﻣﻨﺪی ﮐﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ‬
‫ ﺳﮯ زاﺋﺪ اﻓﺮاد اﭘﻨﯽ ﺑﯿﻨﺎﺋﯽ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﯾﺎ ﺟﺰوی ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﮐﮭﻮ ﭼﮑﮯ‬60
‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﻧﺴﭙﮑﭩﺮز ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﯽ ﻣﻌﯿﺎرات ﮐﻮ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ذﻣﮧ دار ﺗﮭﮯ۔‬
‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﻟﻮگ ﺑﮭﺎﮔﻠﭙﻮر ﮐﮯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﮐﻮ ﭘﻨﺠﺎب ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﮐﺎری ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﯽ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺒﯿﮧ دﯾﻨﺎ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﮧ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ۔ ﻏﻮر ﮐﯿﺠﯿﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﻌﯿﺎد ﺧﺘﻢ‬
‫ﮨﻮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اﺳﭩﯿﻨﭩﺲ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﮯ دﻟﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ زﯾﺎدہ ﻋﺮﺻﮧ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮔﺰرے‬
‫ اﯾﮏ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ ﮔﺎرڈ ﮐﻮ‬،‫ اﯾﮏ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﺗﮑﻨﯿﮑﯽ ﻣﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ اور‬
‫ﺳﺮﺟﺮی ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﭘﺎﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ رﭘﻮرﭨﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ اﯾﮏ ڈاﮐﭩﺮ‬
‫اور اﯾﮏ ﻣﻮﭨﺮ ﻣﮑﯿﻨﮏ ﮐﮉﻧﯽ ﭨﺮاﻧﺴﭙﻼﻧﭧ رﯾﮑﯿﭧ ﭼﻼ رﮨﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ۔‬
'‫ 'ﮔﺎؤن ﺑﺮادرز‬،‫اﻧﮑﻮاﺋﺮی اور 'ﮐﺎررواﺋﯽ' ﺷﺮوع ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﯽ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
،‫ﺑﮭﯽ اﯾﮏ دوﺳﺮے ﮐﯽ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻮں ﮐﻮ ﭘﮑﮍ ﻟﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ ﺗﺐ ﺑﮭﯽ آپ ﻣﺮدہ ﮐﻮ واﭘﺲ‬،‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮧ ﭼﻼﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ اور ﺳﺰا دی ﺟﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﻻﺋﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ ﯾﺎ ﮐﺴﯽ ﻋﻀﻮ ﯾﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻼﻓﯽ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﺮﯾﮟ ﮔﮯ؟‬
،‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ اﻟﻌﻨﺎن ﺑﺎدﺷﺎﮨﻮں اور ﻇﺎﻟﻤﻮں ﮐﮯ دن ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮ ﭼﮑﮯ ﮨﻮں ﮔﮯ‬
‫اور ﺟﺪﯾﺪ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺣﻘﻮق اور ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﮐﯽ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ اور ﺑﺮوﻗﺖ اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﯽ‬،‫ اﺣﺘﺴﺎب‬،‫ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﭼﻮﮐﺴﯽ‬،‫دﯾﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ ﭼﮭﻮﭨﮯ رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯽ اﮨﻠﮑﺎر اور ﻋﺎم ﻣﺠﺮم ﺷﯿﻄﺎﻧﯽ‬،‫ﻋﺪم ﻣﻮﺟﻮدﮔﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺷﮑﻞ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
 Tuesday
23 January
One is reminded of Iqbal’s poem Ghulam Qadir
Rohilla, in which he laments the brutality of the
invader who gouged out Mughal emperor Shah
Alam II’s eyes upon overthrowing him. The Rohilla
at least had an old grouse to hide behind, as his
erstwhile retainer had purportedly gotten him
castrated in childhood to serve inside the royal
harem. What harm did Punjab’s hapless citizens
bring the health officials to deprive them of their
sight?
The situation is aptly summarised by Iqbal Azeem:
(I don’t rue my lack of sight; the visionaries can also
not see)
The writer is a poet. His latest publication is a
collection of satire essays titled Rindana.
shahzadsharjeel1@gmail.com
Published in Dawn, January 23rd, 2024
Winners and losers
Dr Niaz Murtaza
The writer is a political economist with a PhD
degree from the University of California, Berkeley.
WHO will the winners and losers be in the 2024
polls? Some jokingly say that even though the polls
themselves are not certain, the winner is. But if a
(favourable) winner is certain, why would anyone try
to delay them, especially as the US may link a
critical new IMF loan to polls? So, barring a national
calamity, polls on Feb 8 look certain, still months
late unconstitutionally. And yet there is doubt.
There is often uncertainty even in the US despite
credible opinion and actual polls. In our context, a
recent poll shows the PTI and PML-N close in
Punjab. But are our opinion polls reliable? The 2013
and 2018 ones were reasonably so. Such polls take
national or provincial samples and not constituency
ones. So, they predict the vote ratios of parties
overall but not their number of seats. The average
of four polls (Gallup, Pulse, IPOR and SDPI)
completed within two months of the 2018 polls had
the PTI, PML-N and the PPP getting 28.3 per cent,
27.5pc and 16.5pc votes respectively. They actually
got 31.8pc, 24.4pc and 13pc. So, they erred from
the actual ratios by less than 4pc, which is common
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‫ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫اﯾﮏ ﮐﻮ اﻗﺒﺎل ﮐﯽ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻏﻼم ﻗﺎدر روﮨﯿﻠﮧ ﯾﺎد آرﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺣﻤﻠﮧ آور ﮐﯽ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﯾﺖ ﭘﺮ اﻓﺴﻮس ﮐﺎ اﻇﮩﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﻣﻐﻞ ﺑﺎدﺷﺎہ ﺷﺎہ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺛﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﯽ آﻧﮑﮭﯿﮟ ﻧﮑﺎل ﮐﺮ ان ﮐﺎ ﺗﺨﺘﮧ اﻟﭧ دﯾﺎ‬
،‫ﺗﮭﺎ۔ روﮨﯿﻼ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ ﭼﮭﭙﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﭘﺮاﻧﺎ ﻏﺼﮧ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ اس ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﮯ اﺳﮯ ﺑﭽﭙﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﯽ ﺷﺎﮨﯽ ﺣﺮم‬
‫ﮐﮯ اﻧﺪر ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻧﮑﺎل دﯾﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﭘﻨﺠﺎب ﮐﮯ ﺑﮯ ﺑﺲ‬
‫ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﮯ اﮨﻠﮑﺎروں ﮐﻮ ﺑﯿﻨﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺮوم ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ﮐﯿﺎ ﻧﻘﺼﺎن ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎﯾﺎ؟‬
:‫اس ﺻﻮرت ﺣﺎل ﮐﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﮧ اﻗﺒﺎل ﻋﻈﯿﻢ ﻧﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫)ﻣﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺑﺼﺎرت ﮐﯽ ﮐﻤﯽ ﭘﺮ اﻓﺴﻮس ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ؛ ﺑﺼﺎرت واﻟﮯ‬
(‫ﺑﮭﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ‬
‫ﺟ ﯿ ﺘﻨ ﮯ و ا ﻟﮯ ا و ر ﮨ ﺎر ﻧ ﮯ و ا ﻟ ﮯ‬
ٰ ‫ڈاﮐﭩﺮ ﻧﯿﺎز ﻣﺮﺗﻀ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ اﯾﮏ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﺎﮨﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﯿﺎت ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻨﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮرﺳﭩﯽ آف‬
‫ ﺑﺮﮐﻠﮯ ﺳﮯ ﭘﯽ اﯾﭻ ڈی ﮐﯽ ڈﮔﺮی ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬،‫ﮐﯿﻠﯿﻔﻮرﻧﯿﺎ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﯿﺘﻨﮯ واﻻ اور ﮨﺎرﻧﮯ واﻻ ﮐﻮن ﮨﻮﮔﺎ؟‬2024
‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﻟﻮگ ﻣﺬاق ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﮩﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ راﺋﮯ ﺷﻤﺎری ﺧﻮد ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ‬
،‫ ﺟﯿﺘﻨﮯ واﻻ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﮔﺮ اﯾﮏ )ﺳﺎزﮔﺎر( ﺟﯿﺖ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر‬،‫ﺗﻮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﯿﻮں ﮐﺮے ﮔﺎ‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ آﺋﯽ اﯾﻢ اﯾﻒ ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ اﮨﻢ ﻗﺮض ﮐﻮ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬
‫ ﻓﺮوری ﮐﻮ‬8 ،‫ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ آﻓﺖ ﮐﻮ ﭼﮭﻮڑ ﮐﺮ‬،‫ﺳﮯ ﺟﻮڑ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ؟ ﻟٰﮩﺬا‬
‫ﮨﻮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻏﯿﺮ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎہ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اور ﭘﮭﺮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺷﮏ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ راﺋﮯ اور ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ راﺋﮯ ﺷﻤﺎری ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ اﯾﮏ‬،‫اﮐﺜﺮ ﻏﯿﺮ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﺻﻮرﺗﺤﺎل ﭘﺎﺋﯽ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﺗﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﺳﺮوے ﭘﻨﺠﺎب ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ اور ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ ن ﮐﻮ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ‬
2013 ‫دﮐﮭﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﻤﺎرے راﺋﮯ ﺷﻤﺎری ﻗﺎﺑﻞ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮨﯿﮟ؟‬
‫ ﻣﻌﻘﻮل ﺣﺪ ﺗﮏ اﯾﺴﮯ ﮨﯽ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ اﯾﺴﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﯾﺎ‬2018 ‫اور‬
‫ وہ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﮯ ﻟﯿﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﻧﮧ ﮐﮧ ﺣﻠﻘﮯ ﮐﮯ۔ ﻟﮩﺬا‬
‫ﭘﺎرﭨﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ووﭨﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﮐﯽ ﭘﯿﺶ ﮔﻮﺋﯽ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ان‬
‫ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ دو ﻣﺎہ ﮐﮯ‬2018 ‫ﮐﯽ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﻧﮩﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ آﺋﯽ ﭘﯽ او آر اور اﯾﺲ‬،‫ ﭘﻠﺲ‬،‫اﻧﺪر ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ﭼﺎر ﭘﻮﻟﺰ )ﮔﯿﻠﭗ‬
‫ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ ن اور ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ‬،‫ڈی ﭘﯽ آﺋﯽ( ﮐﯽ اوﺳﻂ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ‬
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ووٹ‬16.5 ‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ اور‬27.5 ،‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ‬28.3 ‫ﭘﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﺗﯿﺐ‬
،‫ ﻣﻠﮯ۔ ﻟﮩﺬا‬13pc ‫ اور‬31.8pc، 24.4pc ‫ﻣﻠﮯ۔ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ اﺻﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ‬،‫ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﻢ ﻏﻠﻄﯽ ﮐﯽ‬4pc ‫اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ اﺻﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ دو ﭘﻮﻟﺰ )ﮔﯿﻠﭗ اور آﺋﯽ آر‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬2013 ‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻋﺎم ﮨﮯ۔‬
 ‫‪Tuesday‬‬
‫‪23 January‬‬
‫‪even in the US. In 2013, the average of two polls‬‬
‫‪(Gallup and IRI) showed the PML-N, PPP and the‬‬
‫‪PTI getting 36pc, 15.5pc and 16pc of the votes,‬‬
‫‪even closer to the 33pc, 15pc and 17pc actual‬‬
‫‪ratios. So, the polls of such firms can’t be rejected‬‬
‫‪outright as biased or unscientific, despite the many‬‬
‫‪constraints in carrying out accurate surveys in‬‬
‫‪Pakistan.‬‬
‫‪03058604746‬‬
‫آﺋﯽ( ﮐﯽ اوﺳﻂ ﻧﮯ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن(‪ ،‬ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ اور ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ‬
‫‪ 36‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ‪ 15.5 ،‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ اور ‪ 16‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ووٹ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﮯ‪ ،‬ﯾﮩﺎں ﺗﮏ‬
‫ﮐﮧ ‪ 33‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ‪ 15 ،‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ اور ‪ 17‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ‬
‫ﺑﮭﯽ۔ ﻟٰﮩﺬا‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ درﺳﺖ ﺳﺮوے ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﯽ‬
‫رﮐﺎوﭨﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد‪ ،‬اﯾﺴﯽ ﻓﺮﻣﻮں ﮐﮯ ﭘﻮل ﮐﻮ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪاراﻧﮧ ﯾﺎ ﻏﯿﺮ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺋﻨﺴﯽ ﻗﺮار دے ﮐﺮ ﯾﮑﺴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺮد ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ۔‬

‫?‪But how did the vote ratios translate into seats‬‬ ‫ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ووٹ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﯿﭩﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮨﻮا؟ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ‬
‫‪The party with the highest actual vote ratio got 10-‬‬ ‫زﯾﺎدہ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ ووﭨﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ واﻟﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﮯ ‪ 15-10‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ‬
‫‪15pc more seats: the PTI 43pc seats in 2018 and‬‬ ‫زﯾﺎدہ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﯿﮟ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﮟ‪ 2018 :‬ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ ‪ 43‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ‬
‫‪PML-N 46pc in 2013 but the PPP got only 2pc more‬‬ ‫اور ‪ 2013‬ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن( ﻧﮯ ‪ 46‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﯿﮟ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﮟ‬
‫‪in 2008.‬‬ ‫ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﮐﻮ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﯿﮟ ﺻﺮف ‪ 2‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ زﯾﺎدہ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻣﻠﯿﮟ۔‬
‫‪What can we expect in 2024? Gallup has withheld‬‬
‫‪national results this time. But its recent poll shows‬‬ ‫ﮨﻢ ‪ 2024‬ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ اﻣﯿﺪ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ؟ ﮔﯿﻠﭗ ﻧﮯ اس ﺑﺎر ﻗﻮﻣﯽ‬
‫‪the PTI at 34pc and PML-N at 32pc in all-crucial‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ روک رﮐﮭﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس ﮐﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﺳﺮوے ﺗﻤﺎم اﮨﻢ ﭘﻨﺠﺎب‬
‫‪Punjab, ie, close as in 2018 nationally. Given the‬‬ ‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ ‪ 34‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ اور ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ ن ﮐﻮ ‪ 32‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﭘﺮ‬
‫‪2013 and 2018 trends, the PTI may win 40-45pc of‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‪ ،‬ﯾﻌﻨﯽ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺮ ‪ 2018‬ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮح ﻗﺮﯾﺐ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫‪seats there. The PTI got 45pc support in KP (the‬‬ ‫‪ 2013‬اور ‪ 2018‬ﮐﮯ رﺟﺤﺎﻧﺎت ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ وﮨﺎں ‪40‬‬
‫‪PML-N and JUI-F together got 24pc) and 19pc in‬‬ ‫ﺳﮯ ‪ 45‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﺳﯿﭩﯿﮟ ﺟﯿﺖ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﭘﻮل ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ‬
‫‪Sindh (PPP got 42pc) in this poll. It would suggest a‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮ ﮐﮯ ﭘﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ‪ 45‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ )ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ ن اور ﺟﮯ ﯾﻮ‬
‫‪PTI set-up nationally and in Punjab and KP, a PPP‬‬ ‫آﺋﯽ‪-‬ف ﮐﻮ ‪ 24‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ﻣﻞ ﮐﺮ( اور ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﯿﮟ ‪ 19‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ )ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ‬
‫‪one in Sindh, with Balochistan unclear.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮ ‪ 42‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ(۔ ﯾﮧ ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ ﮐﺮے ﮔﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺮ اور ﭘﻨﺠﺎب‬
‫اور ﮐﮯ ﭘﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﺎ ﺳﯿﭧ اپ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪھ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﭘﯽ ﮐﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﻏﯿﺮ واﺿﺢ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫‪A weak and inept PML-N set-up may emerge after‬‬
‫‪the polls.‬‬ ‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ ن ﮐﺎ ﮐﻤﺰور اور ﻧﺎاﮨﻞ ﺳﯿﭧ اپ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ‬
‫آ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫‪There are two big caveats though. Polling over the‬‬
‫‪months in 2018 had shown the PTI’s vote ratio‬‬ ‫اﮔﺮﭼﮧ دو ﺑﮍے اﻧﺘﺒﺎﮨﺎت ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ‪ 2018‬ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺌﯽ ﻣﮩﯿﻨﻮں ﭘﺮ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ و‬
‫اﻟﯽ ﭘﻮﻟﻨﮓ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ووﭨﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﺎ ﮨﻮا دﮐﮭﺎﯾﺎ‬
‫‪increasing but PML-N’s falling. Gallup polls over the‬‬
‫ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن( ﮐﯽ ﮔﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ﭘﻨﺠﺎب ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺌﯽ‬
‫‪months in Punjab now show the reverse. This‬‬
‫ﻣﮩﯿﻨﻮں ﭘﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﮔﯿﻠﭗ ﭘﻮﻟﺰ اب اﻟﭩﺎ دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دے رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اس‬
‫‪momentum may mean a PML-N win. But both‬‬
‫رﻓﺘﺎر ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ ن ﮐﯽ ﺟﯿﺖ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ دوﻧﻮں‬
‫‪trends are odd. In 2017-18, the PML-N had given‬‬
‫رﺟﺤﺎﻧﺎت ﻋﺠﯿﺐ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ‪ 18-2017‬ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن( ﻧﮯ ‪ 6‬ﻓﯿﺼﺪ‬
‫‪6pc growth, low inflation, CPEC and a cut in‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻢ ﻣﮩﻨﮕﺎﺋﯽ‪ ،‬ﺳﯽ ﭘﯿﮏ اور دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی اور ﺑﺠﻠﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺑﻨﺪش‬
‫‪terrorism and power outages. In 2022-23, it gave‬‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻤﯽ دی ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ‪ 23-2022‬ﻣﯿﮟ‪ ،‬اس ﻧﮯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﮐﮯ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬
‫‪near-zero growth and record inflation. So, neither‬‬
‫دی اور ﻣﮩﻨﮕﺎﺋﯽ رﯾﮑﺎرڈ ﮐﯽ۔ ﻟﮩﺬا‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ رﺟﺤﺎن ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ‬
‫‪trend reflects party outcomes. But the commonality‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﮐﯽ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺎت ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ‪ 2018‬ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫‪is that in 2018, the PML-N faced the‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ ن ﮐﻮ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﮯ ﻏﻀﺐ ﮐﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭘﮍا ﺟﺲ ﮐﺎ‬
‫‪establishment’s wrath which now PTI faces even‬‬ ‫اب ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﻧﮯ اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ اﺷﺎروں ﭘﺮ‬
‫‪more. This may have played a key role in changing‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ رﮐﮭﻨﮯ واﻟﮯ ووﭨﺮ ﺑﻼﮐﺲ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﮐﻮ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻠﯿﺪی‬
‫‪the choices of voter blocs watching for such‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮدار ادا ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﻮ ﮔﺎ۔‬
‫‪signals.‬‬
‫ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍا اﻧﺘﺒﺎہ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ‪،‬‬
‫‪The bigger caveat is there is no PTI in the polls,‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﻧﺸﺎن ﮐﯿﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﺳﮯ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﮨﭩﺎ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬
‫‪unfairly removed by the party symbol case verdict.‬‬ ‫ﮨﮯ۔ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ آف ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﻮ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬
‫‪No law allows the Election Commission of Pakistan‬‬ ‫ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﺮد ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اﺟﺎزت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ دﯾﺘﺎ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس ﻧﮯ ﭘﯽ‬
‫‪to reject party poll results. But it did so twice with‬‬ ‫ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ دو ﺑﺎر اﯾﺴﺎ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﻗﻮاﻧﯿﻦ ای ﺳﯽ ﭘﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ‬
‫‪the PTI. Laws allow the ECP to handle national polls‬‬ ‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺗﻨﺎزﻋﺎت ﮐﻮ ﺟﺠﻮں ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﭼﻼﺋﮯ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ‬

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 Tuesday
23 January
disputes via tribunals run by judges, as it isn’t a
judicial body. Arguably, the ECP nixed the PTI’s
party polls without law and capacity. PTI horses
must run as independents though it’s unclear if any
law says so.
Party symbols don’t represent their registration but
are given in elections due to illiteracy. The ECP says
PTI is still registered with it. So, its winners must be
treated as its assembly representatives, subject to
party loyalty laws, even if the PTI’s symbol doesn’t
appear on ballots.
Forcing them to run as independents may confuse
voters, and more critically, make PTI winners open
to poaching by others waiting with their nets. It all
appears designed. It follows the imprisonment of
the PTI’s top leaders, forced desertion and rally
bans. More novel ploys may emerge to undercut the
party until and after polls. All this may make 2024
polls more rigged than the 2018 and 1990s ones
and on a par with those held in 1985 and 2002 by
unconstitutional regimes. Similar rigging can
apparently happen even under constitutional rule.
This may usher in an inept and weak PML-N regime
reliant on small parties, more so than the PTI in
2018. Even if the PTI wins by magic, we will still
have an inept set-up with uneasy ties with all key
internal and external forces. The only (tiny) hope is
if the winner is allowed to appoint a competent
cabinet, letting the Sharifs or Imran Khan run the
parties, as Congress did after Rajiv Gandhi’s death
to usher in India’s progress under Manmohan
Singh. Otherwise, even if the winners are not
certain, the losers are the masses.
The writer is a political economist with a PhD
degree from the University of California, Berkeley.
murtazaniaz@yahoo.com
X: @NiazMurtaza2
Published in Dawn, January 23rd, 2024
An affront to Gandhi’s Ram
Jawed Naqvi
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.
IT was a day to celebrate and cheer for the ruling
party. It was a day to reflect and worry for India’s
future. It was a day for the BJP to show what many
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Translation, Dawn Newspaper, Magazine WhatsApp 03058604746
03058604746
‫ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ ﯾﮧ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ‬،‫ﭨﺮﺑﯿﻮﻧﻠﺰ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﻧﻤﭩﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اﺟﺎزت دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ای ﺳﯽ ﭘﯽ ﻧﮯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اور ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ‬،‫ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ ادارہ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﻼﺷﺒﮧ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﻮ ﮐﺎﻟﻌﺪم ﻗﺮار دﯾﺎ۔ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ‬
‫آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﮔﮭﻮڑوں ﮐﻮ آزاداﻧﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ دوڑﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﺣﺎﻻﻧﮑﮧ ﯾﮧ واﺿﺢ‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن اﯾﺴﺎ ﮐﮩﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻧﺸﺎن ان ﮐﯽ رﺟﺴﭩﺮﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﯽ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮاﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ دﯾﮯ ﺟﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ای ﺳﯽ ﭘﯽ‬
،‫ﮐﺎ ﮐﮩﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ اب ﺑﮭﯽ اس ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ رﺟﺴﭩﺮڈ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟٰﮩﺬا‬
‫اس ﮐﮯ ﺟﯿﺘﻨﮯ واﻟﻮں ﮐﻮ اس ﮐﮯ اﺳﻤﺒﻠﯽ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻨﺪوں ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ ﭼﺎﮨﮯ ﭘﯽ‬،‫ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ وﻓﺎداری ﮐﮯ ﻗﻮاﻧﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬،‫ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ‬
‫ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺸﺎن ﺑﯿﻠﭧ ﭘﺮ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﻧﮧ ﮨﻮ۔‬
‫اﻧﮩﯿﮟ آزاد اﻣﯿﺪوار ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﻟﮍﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮر ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ووﭨﺮوں‬
‫ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ‬،‫ اور زﯾﺎدہ ﺗﻨﻘﯿﺪی ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﮐﻮ اﻟﺠﮭﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ڈال ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﯿﻦ ﮐﻮ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺟﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ دوﺳﺮوں ﮐﮯ ﺷﮑﺎر‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﮭﻼ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺳﺐ ڈﯾﺰاﺋﻦ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﻮا دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دﯾﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﺟﺒﺮی اﻧﺨﻼء اور رﯾﻠﯿﻮں‬،‫ﯽ رﮨﻨﻤﺎؤں ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﺪ‬ ٰ ‫ﯾﮧ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ اﻋﻠ‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮨﮯ۔ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﺗﮏ اور اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﻮ ﮐﻢ‬
2024 ‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﻧﺌﯽ ﭼﺎﻟﯿﮟ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ آ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺳﺐ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬1990 ‫ اور‬2018 ‫ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﻮ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻏﯿﺮ‬2002 ‫ اور‬1985 ‫زﯾﺎدہ دﮬﺎﻧﺪﻟﯽ زدہ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ اور‬
‫آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺑﺮاﺑﺮ ﮨﻮ‬
‫ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﯾﺴﯽ ﮨﯽ دﮬﺎﻧﺪﻟﯽ ﺑﻈﺎﮨﺮ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﻮ‬
‫ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭼﮭﻮﭨﯽ ﭘﺎرﭨﯿﻮں ﭘﺮ‬2018 ‫ﯾﮧ‬
‫اﻧﺤﺼﺎر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ اﯾﮏ ﻧﺎاﮨﻞ اور ﮐﻤﺰور ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن( ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﺎ آﻏﺎز ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اﮔﺮ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﺟﺎدو ﺳﮯ ﺟﯿﺖ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ ﺗﺐ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﻤﺎرے اﻧﺪر ﺗﻤﺎم اﮨﻢ اﻧﺪروﻧﯽ اور ﻏﯿﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ‬،‫ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺻﺮف‬.‫ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ اﯾﮏ ﻧﺎﮐﺎرہ ﺳﯿﭧ اپ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ۔ ﺑﯿﺮوﻧﯽ ﻗﻮﺗﯿﮟ‬
‫)ﭼﮭﻮﭨﯽ( اﻣﯿﺪ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﮔﺮ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﮐﻮ اﯾﮏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﮧ ﻣﻘﺮر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬
،‫ ﺷﺮﯾﻔﻮں ﯾﺎ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﻮ ﭘﺎرﭨﯿﺎں ﭼﻼﻧﮯ دﯾﮟ‬،‫ﮐﯽ اﺟﺎزت دی ﺟﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ ﮐﺎﻧﮕﺮﯾﺲ ﻧﮯ راﺟﯿﻮ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﮬﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻣﻮت ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﻤﻮﮨﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻨﮕﮫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺷﺮوع ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ورﻧﮧ ﺟﯿﺘﻨﮯ واﻟﮯ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﻧﮧ ﮨﻮں ﺗﻮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﺎرﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﻋﻮام ﮨﯽ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ‬
‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﮔﺎ ﻧﺪ ﮬ ﯽ ﮐ ﮯ ر ا م ﮐ ﯽ ﺗ ﻮ ﮨﯿ ﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺎوﯾﺪ ﻧﻘﻮی‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ دﮨﻠﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ڈان ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎﻣﮧ ﻧﮕﺎر ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ ﺣﮑﻤﺮان ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻧﮯ اور ﺧﻮش ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ دن ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻮﭼﻨﮯ اور ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ‬
‫دن ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﯾﮧ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ دن ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻣﺌﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﻮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﻋﺎم اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻟﻮگ اس ﮐﺎ ﭨﺮﻣﭗ‬
 Tuesday
23 January
say is its trump card in the run-up to the general
elections due in May. According to this view, the
grand but all too rushed inauguration of the Ram
temple in Ayodhya was aimed at securing votes,
like the way the killing of security personnel in
Pulwama did in 2019, or as the politically induced
communal carnage in Muzaffarnagar was used in
2014. It was a day for the opposition to calibrate its
response, quietly, a day when Rahul Gandhi battled
obstacles in the BJP-ruled Assam in his east-to-
west march for unity and justice. It was a day when
Mamata Banerjee offered puja at a Durga temple in
Kolkata to call for a needed campaign for
communal unity. It was the day when several key
opposition leaders politely turned down the
invitation to visit Ayodhya.
It stands to reason that the most critical foil to the
BJP’s religious-nationalist card in the coming
elections is INDIA itself, the alliance that powerful
regional satraps knit together with the resolve to
defeat Prime Minister Modi with a decisive
headcount. The opposition is not unaware that
National Socialists had 37 per cent votes when
Hitler came to power, almost exactly the count that
the BJP got in 2019. But one doesn’t have to be
irrational about these things. There’s a difference
between the Nazis of Germany and the current
strength of Hindutva forces in India. Hitler didn’t
hold elections after coming to power. That
possibility doesn’t exist in India for the near future.
It’s a defining difference, and it’s one the opposition
plans to seize with everything it has. It must
shepherd the remaining 63pc voters into a fighting
unit.
There’s nothing to indicate that the premature and
apparently desperate inauguration of the Ram
temple would stand in the way of an opposition bid
to win the 2024 polls. If the BJP hopes to exploit a
daylong spectacle in Ayodhya to canvass support in
the name of the new temple to Ram, that shouldn’t
worry the opposition at all, provided peace prevails.
Do note that the last two Lok Sabha polls were
fought with the BJP foregrounding divisive violence,
domestic in 2014, and cross-border in 2019. The
opposition needs a plan to counter any scope for
communal friction, which many see as a possibility
if the temple ploy falters. This is one of two main
challenges the INDIA alliance needs to have a plan
to thwart.
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‫ اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ رام ﻣﻨﺪر ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﮐﺎرڈ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﻧﻘﻄﮧ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬
،‫ﻋﻈﯿﻢ اﻟﺸﺎن ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ اﻓﺘﺘﺎح ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ووٹ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﻠﻮاﻣﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ اﮨﻠﮑﺎروں ﮐﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ ﮨﻮا ﺗﮭﺎ‬2019 ‫ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ‬
‫ ﯾﺎ ﺟﺲ ﻃﺮح ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ اﻓﺰاﺋﯽ ﻓﺮﻗﮧ‬،
‫۔ ﯾﮧ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﮯ‬2014 ‫واراﻧﮧ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎم ﻣﯿﮟ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
،‫ﻟﯿﮯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ اﭘﻨﮯ ردﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﯽ ﭘﯿﻤﺎﺋﺶ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ دن ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫اﯾﮏ دن ﺟﺐ راﮨﻮل ﮔﺎﻧﺪﮬﯽ ﻧﮯ اﺗﺤﺎد اور اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮق ﺳﮯ ﻣﻐﺮب ﮐﮯ ﻣﺎرچ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ زﯾﺮ اﻗﺘﺪار آﺳﺎم‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ رﮐﺎوﭨﻮں ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﯾﮧ وہ دن ﺗﮭﺎ ﺟﺐ ﻣﻤﺘﺎ ﺑﻨﺮﺟﯽ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﮐﻮﻟﮑﺘﮧ ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ درﮔﺎ ﻣﻨﺪر ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﻮﺟﺎ ﮐﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ ﺗﺎﮐﮧ ﻓﺮﻗﮧ واراﻧﮧ‬
‫اﺗﺤﺎد ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺿﺮوری ﻣﮩﻢ ﺷﺮوع ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ وہ دن ﺗﮭﺎ ﺟﺐ‬
‫اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﮯ ﮐﺌﯽ اﮨﻢ رﮨﻨﻤﺎؤں ﻧﮯ اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ ﮐﮯ دورے ﮐﯽ دﻋﻮت ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﺷﺎﺋﺴﺘﮕﯽ ﺳﮯ ﭨﮭﮑﺮا دﯾﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫اس ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ آﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻗﻮم ﭘﺮﺳﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﮐﺎرڈ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ اﮨﻢ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﯽ ﺧﻮد ﺑﮭﺎرت‬-‫ﻣﺬﮨﺒﯽ‬
‫ وہ اﺗﺤﺎد ﺟﺴﮯ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻮر ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﯿﭩﺮاپ ﻧﮯ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻮدی‬،‫ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﮐﻦ ﺳﺮوں ﮐﯽ ﮔﻨﺘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻋﺰم ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻣﻞ ﮐﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﮬﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ اس ﺑﺎت ﺳﮯ ﺑﮯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ‬
37 ‫ﮨﭩﻠﺮ ﮐﮯ اﻗﺘﺪار ﻣﯿﮟ آﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ وﻗﺖ ﻧﯿﺸﻨﻞ ﺳﻮﺷﻠﺴﭩﻮں ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ‬2019 ‫ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ‬،‫ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ووٹ ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫واﻟﮯ ووﭨﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﮨﮯ۔ ﺟﺮﻣﻨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎزﯾﻮں اور ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﻨﺪوﺗﻮا ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدہ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﺮق ﮨﮯ۔ ﮨﭩﻠﺮ ﻧﮯ اﻗﺘﺪار‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ آﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮواﺋﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
،‫ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﮧ اﻣﮑﺎن ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ اﯾﮏ واﺿﺢ ﻓﺮق ﮨﮯ‬
‫اور ﯾﮧ اﯾﮏ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اس ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﮨﺮ ﭼﯿﺰ‬
‫ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ ووﭨﺮوں ﮐﻮ اﯾﮏ ﻟﮍاﮐﺎ ﯾﻮﻧﭧ‬63 ‫ﮐﻮ ﺿﺒﻂ ﮐﺮ ﻟﮯ۔ اﺳﮯ ﺑﻘﯿﮧ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎ دﯾﻨﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ۔‬
‫اس ﺑﺎت ﮐﯽ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮨﯽ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﭽﮫ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ رام ﻣﻨﺪر‬
‫ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬2024 ‫ﮐﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ از وﻗﺖ اور ﺑﻈﺎﮨﺮ ﻣﺎﯾﻮس ﮐﻦ اﻓﺘﺘﺎح‬
‫ﺟﯿﺘﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﯿﮟ رﮐﺎوٹ ﺑﻨﮯ ﮔﺎ۔ اﮔﺮ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ‬
‫ﭘﯽ اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ رام ﮐﮯ ﻧﺌﮯ ﻣﻨﺪر ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎم ﭘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺗﻮ اس‬،‫ﻟﯿﮯ دن ﺑﮭﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ اﭨﮭﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اﻣﯿﺪ رﮐﮭﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺑﺸﺮﻃﯿﮑﮧ‬،‫ﺳﮯ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﮭﯽ ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎن ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ‬
‫اﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮨﻮ۔ دﮬﯿﺎن دﯾﮟ ﮐﮧ ﮔﺰﺷﺘﮧ دو ﻟﻮک ﺳﺒﮭﺎ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ‬
2014 ،‫ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﮧ اﻧﮕﯿﺰ ﺗﺸﺪد ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﮍے ﮔﺌﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﭘﺎر۔ ﺣﺰب اﺧﺘﻼف ﮐﻮ ﻓﺮﻗﮧ‬2019 ‫ اور‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﮔﮭﺮﯾﻠﻮ‬
‫واراﻧﮧ ﺗﺼﺎدم ﮐﯽ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﺋﺶ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ ﺟﺴﮯ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻟﻮگ اﯾﮏ اﻣﮑﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر‬،‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮧ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﭘﺮ دﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ اﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺪر ﮐﯽ ﭼﺎل ﻧﺎﮐﺎم ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ ان دو اﮨﻢ‬
‫ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻦ ﮐﻮ ﻧﺎﮐﺎم ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫اﺗﺤﺎد ﮐﻮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮧ ﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ۔‬
 Tuesday
23 January
The other is a questionable presidential tradition.
Since the opposition is gearing to fight the election
as an alliance and not as a single unit, there is a real
chance of a technical glitch. Should the BJP
emerge as the single largest party but without a
clear majority, the president, would be technically
correct to invite Mr Modi to form the government.
And we know only too well how wrecking
opposition parties has been honed into a craft by
Mr Modi. Money would not be a problem looking at
the list of the moneybags at the Ayodhya event.
There is a tradition, shown by Rajiv Gandhi, for
example, who preferred to sit in the opposition in
1989, despite heading the largest party albeit
without a majority. And there is the example of Atal
Bihari Vajpayee in 1996. Asked first, he jumped at
the opportunity to be prime minister for all of 13
days. Those are the truly daunting challenges the
opposition faces, not the Ayodhya event.
If the BJP hopes to exploit a daylong spectacle in
Ayodhya to canvass support, that shouldn’t worry
the opposition at all, provided peace prevails.
We don’t know, of course, how the date of Jan 22
was arrived at for the temple inauguration by Mr
Modi, but it surely meant different things to
different people. According to a TV interview by one
of four Shankaracharyas that head the Hindu fold of
Sanatan Dharma, a particular astrologer from
Varanasi was pressed to find an auspicious day in
January even though the temple was not complete
and is not likely to be for quite a few more months.
The idol ceremony requires the temple to be
complete, the Shankaracharyas have pointed out.
To what avail?
There was a gamut of things happening on Jan 22
in the wider world. An EU delegation was heading to
the Middle East. Ron DeSantis quit the US
presidential race as Republican hopeful to throw his
weight behind Donald Trump. For the Palestinians,
particularly those in Gaza, it was another day of
trauma, ironically at the hands of those who were
themselves victims of unconscionable brutality, but
in Europe. It was a dreary day also in the uprooted
lives of the victims of an unending war between
Russia and Ukraine. It was also a day when all 11
convicted rapists of a Muslim woman in the Gujarat
pogroms were back in prison. They surrendered
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‫دوﺳﺮی ﻗﺎﺑﻞ اﻋﺘﺮاض ﺻﺪارﺗﯽ رواﯾﺖ ﮨﮯ۔ ﭼﻮﻧﮑﮧ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ‬
‫اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ اﯾﮏ اﮐﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺑﻠﮑﮧ اﺗﺤﺎد ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻟﮍﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ اس ﻟﯿﮯ ﺗﮑﻨﯿﮑﯽ ﺧﺮاﺑﯽ ﮐﺎ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ اﻣﮑﺎن ﮨﮯ۔ اﮔﺮ‬،‫ﺗﯿﺎری ﮐﺮ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ واﺣﺪ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍی ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﺑﻦ ﮐﺮ اﺑﮭﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ واﺿﺢ‬
‫ ﻣﺴﭩﺮ ﻣﻮدی ﮐﻮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ دﻋﻮت‬،‫اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﺻﺪر‬
‫دﯾﻨﺎ ﺗﮑﻨﯿﮑﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ درﺳﺖ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ۔ اور ﮨﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ‬
‫ﻣﺴﭩﺮ ﻣﻮدی ﻧﮯ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﭘﺎرﭨﯿﻮں ﮐﻮ ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح ﺗﺒﺎہ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﮨﻨﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺐ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﯿﺴﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺗﮭﯿﻠﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻓﮩﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﻮ‬
‫دﯾﮑﮭﻨﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﮧ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ۔ اﯾﮏ رواﯾﺖ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺴﮯ راﺟﯿﻮ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬1989 ‫ ﺟﻨﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ‬،‫ ﻣﺜﺎل ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﮔﺎﻧﺪﮬﯽ ﻧﮯ دﮐﮭﺎﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍی ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﺑﺮاﮨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اﭨﻞ ﺑﮩﺎری‬1996 ‫اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯿﭩﮭﻨﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺗﺮﺟﯿﺢ دی۔ اور‬
‫ دن‬13 ‫واﺟﭙﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺜﺎل ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﮨﮯ۔ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﭘﻮﭼﮭﻨﮯ ﭘﺮ وہ ﭘﻮرے‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ رﮨﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻮد ﭘﮍے۔ ﯾﮧ وہ واﻗﻌﯽ‬
‫ اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ واﻗﻌﮧ‬،‫ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻦ ﮐﺎ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﮐﻮ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﮔﺮ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ دن ﺑﮭﺮ‬
‫ ﺗﻮ اس ﺳﮯ اﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ اﭨﮭﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اﻣﯿﺪ رﮐﮭﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺑﺸﺮﻃﯿﮑﮧ اﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﮨﻮ۔‬،‫ﮐﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﮭﯽ ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎن ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻨﻮری ﮐﯽ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﻣﺴﭩﺮ ﻣﻮدی ﮐﮯ‬22 ‫ﯾﻘﯿﻨًﺎ ﮨﻢ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﮯ ﮐﮧ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬،‫ذرﯾﻌﮧ ﻣﻨﺪر ﮐﮯ اﻓﺘﺘﺎح ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﭘﮩﻨﭽﯽ‬
‫ﯾﻘﯿﻨًﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻦ دﮬﺮم ﮐﮯ ﮨﻨﺪو ﮔﮍھ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﺳﺮﺑﺮاہ ﭼﺎر ﺷﻨﮑﺮاﭼﺎرﯾﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ ﭨﯽ وی اﻧﭩﺮوﯾﻮ‬
‫ واراﻧﺴﯽ ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ ﺧﺎص ﻧﺠﻮﻣﯽ ﭘﺮ ﺟﻨﻮری ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬
‫ ﺣﺎﻻﻧﮑﮧ ﻣﻨﺪر ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬،‫اﭼﮭﺎ دن ﺗﻼش ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ دﺑﺎؤ ڈاﻻ ﮔﯿﺎ‬
‫ﮨﻮا ﺗﮭﺎ اور اس ﮐﺎ اﻣﮑﺎن ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﭼﻨﺪ دﻧﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮨﻮ۔‬
‫ ﺷﻨﮑﺮاﭼﺎرﯾﻮں ﻧﮯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﻮرﺗﯽ ﮐﯽ‬.‫ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﻣﮩﯿﻨﮯ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺐ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﻨﺪر ﮐﺎ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﺿﺮوری ﮨﮯ۔ ﮐﯿﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ؟‬
‫ ﺟﻨﻮری ﮐﻮ وﺳﯿﻊ ﺗﺮ دﻧﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮩﺖ ﮐﭽﮫ ﮨﻮ رﮨﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﯾﻮرﭘﯽ‬22
‫ﯽ ﺟﺎ رﮨﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ رون ڈی ﺳﯿﻨﭩﺲ‬ ٰ ‫ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻦ ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ وﻓﺪ ﻣﺸﺮق وﺳﻄ‬
‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﯽ ﺻﺪارﺗﯽ دوڑ ﺳﮯ دﺳﺘﺒﺮدار ﮨﻮ ﮔﺌﮯ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ رﯾﭙﺒﻠﮑﻦ اﻣﯿﺪوار‬
‫ڈوﻧﻠﮉ ﭨﺮﻣﭗ ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﭽﮭﮯ اﭘﻨﺎ وزن ڈاﻟﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﭘﺮاﻣﯿﺪ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﯾﮧ‬،‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻏﺰہ ﻣﯿﮟ رﮨﻨﮯ واﻟﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬،‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻇﺮﯾﻔﯽ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ان ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺻﺪﻣﮯ ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ اور دن ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﻮرپ‬،‫ﮨﺎﺗﮭﻮں ﺟﻮ ﺧﻮد ﺗﻮ ﺑﮯ ﺟﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ و ﺑﺮﺑﺮﯾﺖ ﮐﺎ ﺷﮑﺎر ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ۔ ﯾﮧ روس اور ﯾﻮﮐﺮﯾﻦ ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن ﻧﮧ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﯾﻦ ﮐﯽ اﮐﮭﺎڑ ﭘﭽﮭﺎڑ ﮐﯽ زﻧﺪﮔﯿﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ اﯾﮏ ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک دن‬
‫ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﯾﮧ وہ دن ﺑﮭﯽ ﺗﮭﺎ ﺟﺐ ﮔﺠﺮات ﮐﮯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎم ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬
‫ ﻣﺠﺮم واﭘﺲ ﺟﯿﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ‬11 ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻮن ﮐﯽ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ دری ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﺗﻤﺎم‬
‫ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮧ ان ﮐﯽ ﻗﺒﻞ از وﻗﺖ رﮨﺎﺋﯽ‬
،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺗﻮﺳﯿﻊ ﮐﮯ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﮐﮯ اﻧﮑﺎر ﮐﯽ ﺗﻌﻤﯿﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﺌﮯ‬
 Tuesday
23 January
together at 11.45 pm on Sunday, reports say, to
comply with the supreme court’s refusal to extend
their premature release by the BJP establishment.
The apex court shot down the reprieve albeit on
technical grounds. It must have been a sombre day
for Bilkis Bano who, though she saw her tormentors
jailed again by the kindly judges, must have sensed
an entire culture of sectarianism and hate uncorked
in Gujarat in 2002 now seeking divine blessings in
Ayodhya.
Religion is a peculiar thing. Mahatma Gandhi was
an ardent devotee of Ram, and his killer’s name was
Nathuram, literally Lord Ram. It’s not unusual for
this to happen. Zealots of any faith pounce on their
own quite readily. But Gandhiji’s Ram, as depicted in
his favourite bhajan, was a defender of the weak
and the fallen. Ishwar and Allah were harmoniously
enshrined in his telling of Ram, something negated
by the divisive construct of a new cult Mr Modi may
have unveiled in Ayodhya.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.
jawednaqvi@gmail.com
Published in Dawn, January 23rd, 2024
Ode to an opportunity missed
Parvez Hassan | Asad Ahmad Ghani
‘SATURDAY Night Massacre’ is a well-understood
phrase in US political and judicial history. It refers to
a Saturday when, at the height of the Watergate
crisis, the then president Richard Nixon sacked
independent special prosecutor Archibald Cox
perceived as hostile to Nixon. This was followed by
the acceptance of the resignations of the attorney
general and the deputy attorney general of the US.
We had the same unsavoury flavour late night
Saturday, Jan 13, 2024, when the Qazi Faez Isa-led
Supreme Court of Pakistan issued an order that
deprived the PTI of its election symbol of the bat.
Nixon’s actions were clearly existential in an
attempt to forestall his removal. Qazi Faez Isa had
also been subjected to a gruelling existential fight
against the now-established mala fides of the
former prime minister Imran Khan and
Pre si dent Arif Alvi in their inspired reference to
the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) for the removal
of Qazi Faez Isa as a judge of the Supreme Court.
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‫ ﺑﺠﮯ اﯾﮏ‬11.45 ‫ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ اﺗﻮار ﮐﯽ رات‬،‫رﭘﻮرﭨﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬
‫ﯽ ﻧﮯ ﺗﮑﻨﯿﮑﯽ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدوں ﭘﺮ اس‬ ٰ ‫ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﮨﺘﮭﯿﺎر ڈال دﯾﮯ۔ ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﻋﻈﻤ‬
‫ﮐﯽ واﭘﺴﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻣﻨﺴﻮخ ﮐﺮدﯾﺎ۔ ﺑﻠﻘﯿﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﯾﮧ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ اذﯾﺖ دﯾﻨﮯ واﻟﻮں ﮐﻮ ﻣﮩﺮﺑﺎن‬،‫اﻓﺴﻮﺳﻨﺎک دن رﮨﺎ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬،‫ﺟﺠﻮں ﮐﮯ ﮨﺎﺗﮭﻮں دوﺑﺎرہ ﺟﯿﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ ڈاﻟﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ دﯾﮑﮭﺎ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮔﺠﺮات ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﺮﻗﮧ وارﯾﺖ اور ﻧﻔﺮت ﮐﮯ ﭘﻮرے ﮐﻠﭽﺮ ﮐﻮ‬2002
‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮس ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ ﺟﻮ اب اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ اﻟﮩﯽ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺗﻼش ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻣﺬﮨﺐ اﯾﮏ اﻧﻮﮐﮭﯽ ﭼﯿﺰ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻣﮩﺎﺗﻤﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﮬﯽ رام ﮐﮯ ﭘﺮﺟﻮش‬
‫ ﻟﻔﻈﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫ اور ان ﮐﮯ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺎم ﻧﺎﺗﮭﻮرام ﺗﮭﺎ‬،‫ﻋﻘﯿﺪت ﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫ﺑﮭﮕﻮان رام۔ اﯾﺴﺎ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﺑﺎت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ﻋﻘﯿﺪے ﮐﮯ ﭘﺮﺟﻮش ﻟﻮگ ﺧﻮد ﮨﯽ آﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺟﮭﭙﭩﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
‫ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ ان ﮐﮯ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﯾﺪہ ﺑﮭﺠﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ دﮐﮭﺎﯾﺎ‬،‫ﮔﺎﻧﺪﮬﯽ ﺟﯽ ﮐﮯ رام‬
‫ ﮐﻤﺰوروں اور ﮔﺮے ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اﯾﺸﻮر اور‬،‫ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ‬،‫ﷲ ﮨﻢ آﮨﻨﮕﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ان ﮐﮯ رام ﮐﮯ ﮐﮩﻨﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﻧﻔﯽ اﯾﮏ ﻧﺌﮯ ﻓﺮﻗﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﮧ اﻧﮕﯿﺰ ﺗﻌﻤﯿﺮ ﺳﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺴﭩﺮ ﻣﻮدی ﻧﮯ اﯾﻮدﮬﯿﺎ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﻘﺎب ﮐﺸﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ا ﯾ ﮏ ﻣ ﻮ ﻗ ﻊ ﺿ ﺎ ﺋ ﻊ ﮨ ﻮ ﻧ ﮯ ﮐ ﯽ دﻋ ﺎ‬
‫ﭘﺮوﯾﺰ ﺣﺴﻦ | اﺳﺪ اﺣﻤﺪ ﻏﻨﯽ‬
‫’ﺳﯿﭩﻮرڈے ﻧﺎﺋﭧ ﻣﯿﺴﮑﺮ‘ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اور ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫اﯾﮏ اﭼﮭﯽ ﻃﺮح ﺳﮯ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻻ ﺟﻤﻠﮧ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﮐﺎ ﺣﻮاﻟﮧ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ اس وﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺻﺪر‬،‫ واﭨﺮ ﮔﯿﭧ ﺑﺤﺮان ﮐﮯ ﻋﺮوج ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﮨﻔﺘﮧ ﮐﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺐ‬
‫رﭼﺮڈ ﻧﮑﺴﻦ ﻧﮯ ﻧﮑﺴﻦ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﮯ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ آزاد ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯽ‬
‫ﭘﺮاﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮﭨﺮ آرﭼﯿﺒﺎﻟﮉ ﮐﺎﮐﺲ ﮐﻮ ﺑﺮﻃﺮف ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﮐﮯ اﭨﺎرﻧﯽ ﺟﻨﺮل اور ڈﭘﭩﯽ اﭨﺎرﻧﯽ ﺟﻨﺮل ﮐﮯ اﺳﺘﻌﻔﮯ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر‬
‫ ﺑﺮوز ﮨﻔﺘﮧ ﮐﯽ رات ﮐﻮ وﮨﯽ‬2024 ‫ ﺟﻨﻮری‬13 ‫ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ۔ ﮨﻢ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﺑﺮاﮨﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ‬ ٰ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻮار ذاﺋﻘﮧ ﭘﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺐ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﻋﯿﺴ‬
‫ﮐﻮرٹ آف ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻧﮯ اﯾﮏ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺟﺎری ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺲ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ‬
‫آﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺑﻠﮯ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻧﺸﺎن ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺮوم ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔‬
‫ﻧﮑﺴﻦ ﮐﮯ اﻗﺪاﻣﺎت ان ﮐﯽ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻓﯽ ﮐﻮ روﮐﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ وزﯾﺮ‬ ٰ ‫واﺿﺢ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﻋﯿﺴ‬
‫اﻋﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن اور ﺻﺪر ﻋﺎرف ﻋﻠﻮی ﮐﯽ اب ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺷﺪہ ﺑﺪﺗﻤﯿﺰی‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﺑﮭﯽ اﯾﮏ ﺳﺨﺖ وﺟﻮدی ﻟﮍاﺋﯽ ﮐﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮧ ﺑﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻓﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﺟﻮڈﯾﺸﻞ‬ ٰ ‫ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﻋﯿﺴ‬
‫( ﮐﻮ ان ﮐﮯ اﻟﮩﺎﻣﯽ ﺣﻮاﻟﮧ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ‬SJC) ‫ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ‬
.‫ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ ﺟﺞ‬
 Tuesday
23 January
With such painful and recent memories including
the public humiliation of Mrs Sarina Isa, it seemed
an honourable option for Chief Justice Isa to recuse
himself in a case involving, basically, the survival of
Imran Khan. Transparency, good governance and
conflict of interest considerations are best left to
the individual decisions of a judge but where
tensions, acrimony, and feuds have long played out
in full public view, there is an additional
responsibility to make an allowance for public
perceptions, however misguided they may be.
The right to a ‘fair trial’ guaranteed under Article 10-
A of the Constitution requires hearing/ adjudication
by an impartial and unbiased judge and if there is a
reasonable perception/ likelihood of bias against a
judge, he should recuse himself. The superior
courts of Pakistan and other national jurisdictions
have held that even if a judge is impartial, if right-
minded persons would think that, in the
circumstances, there is a likelihood of bias on the
part of the judge, then he should recuse himself.
This facilitates confidence in the court as a
prerequisite for the dispensation of justice, and is
pivotal for creating public trust in the judiciary.
Good governance, transparency and avoiding a
conflict of interest required recusal.
This pattern of justice was also deducible from the
ruthless and dedicated hounding of the PTI by the
Election Commission of Pakistan. The ECP was the
regular target of candidate Imran Khan during the
long campaign leading to the 2018 general
elections. How brutally Imran Khan attacked the
members of the ECP can be retrieved from recent
memory. His no-holds barred language to
persistently accuse the then chief election
commissioner (CEC) left us all wondering about
how this vulgarity would affect the future of political
conversation in Pakistan.
The Qazi Faez Isa court could not find any basis of
the allegation of PTI against the mala fides of the
CEC and ECP. Maybe, video records of Imran
Khan’s election jalsas could have refreshed recent
memory although it is unlikely that allegations so
abusive and as recent as just a few years ago
would have faded from any human memory,
particularly of the razor-sharp minds of the
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‫ﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﺗﺬﻟﯿﻞ ﺳﻤﯿﺖ اﯾﺴﯽ ﺗﮑﻠﯿﻒ دہ اور‬ ٰ ‫ﻣﺴﺰ ﺳﺮﯾﻨﺎ ﻋﯿﺴ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﯾﮧ اﯾﮏ ﺑﺎﻋﺰت‬ٰ ‫ ﭼﯿﻒ ﺟﺴﭩﺲ ﻋﯿﺴ‬،‫ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﯾﺎدوں ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬
‫آﭘﺸﻦ ﻟﮕﺘﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ وہ اﯾﮏ اﯾﺴﮯ ﮐﯿﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺧﻮد ﮐﻮ اﻟﮓ ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﮟ ﺟﺲ‬
‫ ﮔﮉ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﯿﺖ‬
‫ﮔﻮرﻧﻨﺲ اور ﻣﻔﺎدات ﮐﮯ ﺗﺼﺎدم ﮐﻮ ﺟﺞ ﮐﮯ اﻧﻔﺮادی ﻓﯿﺼﻠﻮں ﭘﺮ‬
‫ ﺟﮭﮕﮍے اور ﺟﮭﮕﮍے‬،‫ﭼﮭﻮڑ دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﺟﮩﺎں ﮐﺸﯿﺪﮔﯽ‬
‫ وﮨﺎں‬،‫ﻃﻮﯾﻞ ﻋﺮﺻﮯ ﺳﮯ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﻧﻘﻄﮧ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭼﻞ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬،‫ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﺗﺎﺛﺮات ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ اﺿﺎﻓﯽ ذﻣﮧ داری ﻋﺎﺋﺪ ﮨﻮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
.‫وہ ﮔﻤﺮاہ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﯾﺎﻓﺘﮧ 'ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﮧ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮯ' ﮐﮯ‬A-10 ‫آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻖ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻏﯿﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪار اور ﻏﯿﺮﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪار ﺟﺞ ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ‬
‫ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﻮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ اور اﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺟﺞ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف‬/‫ﺳﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬
‫ ﺗﻮ اﺳﮯ ﺧﻮد ﮐﻮ اﻟﮓ ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﻨﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ۔‬،‫اﻣﮑﺎن ﮨﮯ‬/‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻌﻘﻮل ﺗﺎﺛﺮ‬
‫ﯽ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﻮں اور دﯾﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ داﺋﺮہ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﮐﺎ ﯾﮧ‬ ٰ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ اﻋﻠ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺟﺞ ﻏﯿﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪار ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد اﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﯿﺢ ﺳﻮچ‬
‫رﮐﮭﻨﮯ واﻟﮯ ﻟﻮگ ﯾﮧ ﺳﻮﭼﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﺣﺎﻻت ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺞ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ‬
. ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﮐﺎ اﻣﮑﺎن ﮨﮯ ﺗﻮ اﺳﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ آپ ﺳﮯ دﺳﺘﺒﺮدار ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﯽ ﻓﺮاﮨﻤﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﺷﺮط ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ اور ﻋﺪﻟﯿﮧ ﭘﺮ ﻋﻮام ﮐﺎ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﭘﯿﺪا ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ‬،‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮐﻮ آﺳﺎن ﺑﻨﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻟﯿﮯ اﮨﻢ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﯿﺖ اور ﻣﻔﺎدات ﮐﮯ ﺗﺼﺎدم ﺳﮯ ﮔﺮﯾﺰ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬،‫ﮔﮉ ﮔﻮرﻧﻨﺲ‬
‫ﺗﮑﺮار ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﺎ ﯾﮧ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﮧ اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ آف ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﭘﯽ‬
‫ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﮯ رﺣﻢ اور ﺳﺮﺷﺎر ﺷﮑﺎر ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮧ ﺧﯿﺰ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﻋﺎم اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﯽ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ ﻣﮩﻢ ﮐﮯ دوران‬2018 ‫اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ‬
‫اﻣﯿﺪوار ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﺎﻋﺪہ ﮨﺪف ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﻧﮯ ای ﺳﯽ‬
‫ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ ارﮐﺎن ﭘﺮ ﮐﺲ وﺣﺸﯿﺎﻧﮧ ﺣﻤﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ اس ﮐﺎ اﻧﺪازہ ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ‬
‫ﯾﺎدداﺷﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻟﮕﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اس وﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ ﭼﯿﻒ اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﻤﺸﻨﺮ‬
‫( ﭘﺮ ﻟﮕﺎﺗﺎر اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت ﻟﮕﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ان ﮐﯽ زﺑﺎن ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی ﻧﮯ ﮨﻢ‬CEC)
‫ﺳﺐ ﮐﻮ ﯾﮧ ﺳﻮچ ﮐﺮ ﭼﮭﻮڑ دﯾﺎ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﯽ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﭘﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ اﺛﺮ ڈاﻟﮯ ﮔﯽ۔‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻋﺪاﻟﺖ ﮐﻮ ﺳﯽ ای ﺳﯽ اور ای ﺳﯽ ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ‬ ٰ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﻋﯿﺴ‬
‫ﺧﻼف ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﻨﯿﺎد ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻣﻞ ﺳﮑﯽ۔ ﮨﻮ‬
‫ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﺟﻠﺴﻮں ﮐﮯ وﯾﮉﯾﻮ رﯾﮑﺎرڈز ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﯾﺎدداﺷﺖ ﮐﻮ ﺗﺎزہ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮨﻮ ﺣﺎﻻﻧﮑﮧ اس ﺑﺎت ﮐﺎ اﻣﮑﺎن ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت اﺗﻨﮯ ﺑﺪﺳﻠﻮﮐﯽ اور ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ ﺟﺘﻨﮯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎل ﭘﮩﻠﮯ ﮐﺴﯽ‬
‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ‬،‫اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﯾﺎدداﺷﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻣﭧ ﮔﺌﮯ ﮨﻮں ﮔﮯ‬
.‫ﮐﮯ اﺳﺘﺮا ﺗﯿﺰ دﻣﺎغ ﮐﮯ۔ ﺑﯿﻨﭻ‬
 Tuesday
23 January
Supreme Court bench.
We could also join the national chorus of
disappointment in the requirement of justice as not
only being done but seen to be done. We could add
the compelling overarching importance of the
fundamental right of association (and political
representation) provided in Article 17 of the
Constitution, and reinforced by a robust
jurisprudence of the Supreme Court and the other
superior courts, all poised against disenfranchising
the people of Pakistan. Reference could also be
made to the well-known doctrine of indoor
management in corporate governance.
These should have overwhelmed the technicalities
pointed out by the Supreme Court and that had not
been followed by the PTI. We all know how the
Indian supreme court rose to the challenges of
Indira Gandhi’s majoritarian rule in India by erecting
the Basic Structure doctrine to meet her growing
authoritarianism. It could have been our blessing,
as a nation, if our Supreme Court had reacted to the
present challenges with vision and innovative legal
craftsmanship, instead of taking the pedestrian
route of felling the bat as an election symbol of PTI
on technical nuts and bolts when a more creative
architecture of judicial reasoning was the need and
hope of the nation.
The enormity of the national challenge before the
Supreme Court, instead, dwarfed the Supreme
Court bench. The ECP, bruised by the campaign
vilification of Imran Khan — and who can forget his
recent threat to try all the members of the
Commission for treason under Article 6 on re-
election as prime minister — did not, institutionally,
forget the irreparable harm done to its standing as
a national institution. It could not overcome the
felicitous fact that the present CEC was an
appointee of the Imran Khan government. And, Qazi
Faez Isa, did not apparently, and at least in public
perception, forget his hurt of the reference against
him to the SJC. Time-honoured values of good
governance, transparency and avoiding a conflict of
interest required recusal, for the national good. And,
Imran Khan has, reportedly, in his reaction to the
order, relied on a Quranic verse against hatred in
dispensing justice.
India has had the tall-statured leadership of chief
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‫ﮨﻢ اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﮯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺎﯾﻮﺳﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﮐﻮرس ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻧﮧ ﺻﺮف ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺑﻠﮑﮧ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﮨﻮا دﯾﮑﮭﺎ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﺮدہ اﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی‬17 ‫ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﮨﻢ آﺋﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻖ )اور ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻨﺪﮔﯽ( ﮐﯽ زﺑﺮدﺳﺖ اﮨﻤﯿﺖ ﮐﻮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮ‬
‫ﯽ ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻣﻀﺒﻮط‬ ٰ ‫ اور ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ اور دﯾﮕﺮ اﻋﻠ‬،‫ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻋﻮام ﮐﻮ‬،‫ﻓﻘﮩﯽ اﺻﻮﻟﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺗﻘﻮﯾﺖ ﭘﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮐﺎرﭘﻮرﯾﭧ‬. ‫ﻖ راﺋﮯ دﮨﯽ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺮوم ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﺗﯿﺎر ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬ ِ ‫ﺣ‬
‫ﮔﻮرﻧﻨﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ اﻧﮉور ﻣﯿﻨﺠﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻌﺮوف ﻧﻈﺮﯾﮯ ﮐﺎ ﺣﻮاﻟﮧ ﺑﮭﯽ دﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ان ﮐﻮ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ ﺗﮑﻨﯿﮑﯽ ﺑﺎﺗﻮں‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ آﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﺌﮯ ﺗﮭﺎ اور ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﻧﮯ اس ﭘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ﮨﻢ ﺳﺐ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ اﻧﺪرا ﮔﺎﻧﺪﮬﯽ ﮐﯽ اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺘﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﮐﮯ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﻮں‬
‫ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﮧ اس ﮐﯽ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ آﻣﺮﯾﺖ ﮐﻮ ﭘﻮرا ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻧﻈﺮﯾﮯ ﮐﻮ ﮐﮭﮍا ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ۔ ﺑﺤﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﻗﻮم ﯾﮧ‬
‫ﮨﻤﺎری ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ اﮔﺮ ﮨﻤﺎری ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدہ‬
‫ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﺰ ﭘﺮ وژن اور اﺧﺘﺮاﻋﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ دﺳﺘﮑﺎری ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ رد ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻧﺸﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺑﻠﮯ ﮐﻮ‬،‫ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ‬
‫ﺗﮑﻨﯿﮑﯽ ﻧﭧ اور ﺑﻮﻟﭧ ﭘﺮ ﮔﺮاﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ راﺳﺘﮧ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ﻋﺪاﻟﺘﯽ اﺳﺘﺪﻻل ﮐﺎ زﯾﺎدہ ﺗﺨﻠﯿﻘﯽ ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮧ ﻗﻮم ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت اور‬
‫اﻣﯿﺪ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ ﮐﯽ وﺳﻌﺖ ﻧﮯ اس ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن‬،‫ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﺑﻨﭻ ﮐﻮ ﺑﻮﻧﺎ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ۔ ای ﺳﯽ ﭘﯽ‬
‫ اور ﮐﻮن ﺑﮭﻮل‬- ‫ﮐﯽ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻣﮩﻢ ﮐﯽ ﺑﺪﻋﻨﻮاﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ دﮐﮭﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ‬
‫ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺗﻤﺎم ﻣﻤﺒﺮان ﮐﻮ ﺑﻄﻮر وزﯾﺮ اﻋﻈﻢ دوﺑﺎرہ‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻏﺪاری ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮧ ﭼﻼﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ان‬6 ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ آرﭨﯿﮑﻞ‬
‫ ادارہ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اس ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻼﻓﯽ ﻧﻘﺼﺎن‬- ‫ﮐﯽ ﺣﺎﻟﯿﮧ دﮬﻤﮑﯽ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﻮﻻ۔ اﯾﮏ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ادارے ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اس ﮐﮯ ﻣﻘﺎم ﭘﺮ۔ ﯾﮧ‬
‫اس ﺧﻮش آﺋﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ ﭘﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﭘﺎ ﺳﮑﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدہ ﺳﯽ ای‬
،‫ﯽ‬
ٰ ‫ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﻋﯿﺴ‬،‫ﺳﯽ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻘﺮر ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اور‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺧﻼف‬SJC ،‫ اور ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ادراک ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺑﻈﺎﮨﺮ‬
‫ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﯿﺖ اور‬،‫رﯾﻔﺮﻧﺲ ﮐﯽ اﭘﻨﯽ ﭼﻮٹ ﮐﻮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﻮﻟﮯ۔ ﮔﮉ ﮔﻮرﻧﻨﺲ‬
‫ﻣﻔﺎدات ﮐﮯ ﺗﺼﺎدم ﺳﮯ ﮔﺮﯾﺰ ﮐﯽ وﻗﺖ ﮐﯽ ﻗﺪر ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ اﻗﺪار‬
‫ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن‬،‫ﮐﻮ ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺑﮭﻼﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ دﮨﺮاﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ۔ اور‬
‫ اﻧﺼﺎف ﮐﯽ ﻓﺮاﮨﻤﯽ‬،‫ ﺣﮑﻢ ﭘﺮ اﭘﻨﮯ ردﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ ﻣﺒﯿﻨﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﻧﮯ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﻔﺮت ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﻗﺮآﻧﯽ آﯾﺖ ﭘﺮ اﻧﺤﺼﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس اس ﮐﯽ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﮐﮯ ﭼﯿﻒ ﺟﺴﭩﺲ اور‬
 Tuesday
23 January
justices and justices of its supreme court, which
have inspired that nation and its people when they,
in their finest hour, well met the constitutional
challenges in India. It was India’s good fortune that
chief justices Subha Rao and P.N. Bhagwati, and
justice Krishna Iyer of the Indian supreme court,
ingeniously steered their country, even through
troubled times, to its rightful democratic destiny.
And, it was clearly the time for Pakistan’s A.R.
Cornelius, Hamood-ur-Rahman and Ajmal Mian. The
country misses their leadership today. The history
of democracy in Pakistan may perhaps have been
differently — and better — written by them on the
fateful Saturday night this month.
03058604746
‫ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ اس ﻗﻮم اور اس ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺟﺠﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻗﺪ آور ﻗﯿﺎدت رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﻮ اس وﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺐ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺑﮩﺘﺮﯾﻦ وﻗﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺠﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﯽ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﯾﮧ‬،
‫ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺧﻮش ﻗﺴﻤﺘﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ ﮐﮧ ﭼﯿﻒ ﺟﺴﭩﺲ ﺳﺒﮭﺎ راؤ اور‬
‫ اور ﺑﮭﺎرﺗﯽ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﮐﮯ ﺟﺴﭩﺲ ﮐﺮﺷﻨﺎ اﺋﯿﺮ‬،‫ﭘﯽ اﯾﻦ۔ ﺑﮭﮕﻮﺗﯽ‬
‫ﻧﮯ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ وﻗﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮭﯽ اﭘﻨﮯ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﻮ اس ﮐﯽ ﺻﺤﯿﺢ ﺟﻤﮩﻮری‬
‫ ﮐﺎ وﻗﺖ‬A.R ‫ ﯾﮧ واﺿﺢ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻣﻨﺰل ﺗﮏ ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎﯾﺎ۔ اور‬
‫ ﺣﻤﻮد اﻟﺮﺣٰﻤﻦ اور اﺟﻤﻞ ﻣﯿﺎں۔ آج ﻣﻠﮏ ان ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﮐﻮرﻧﯿﻠﯿﺲ‬
‫ﻗﯿﺎدت ﺳﮯ ﻣﺤﺮوم ﮨﮯ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ‬
‫اس ﺳﮯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اور ﺑﮩﺘﺮ رﮨﯽ ﮨﻮ ﮔﯽ ﺟﻮ اس ﻣﮩﯿﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﮨﻔﺘﮧ ﮐﯽ‬
‫رات ﮐﻮ ان ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ ﻟﮑﮭﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬

Parvez Hassan is a senior advocate of the Supreme

‫ﭘﺮوﯾﺰ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ آف ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﺳﯿﻨﺌﺮ وﮐﯿﻞ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
Court of Pakistan.

Asad Ahmad Ghani is an advocate of the high court.

Published in Dawn, January 23rd, 2024

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